Committee on Foreign Affairs Ordinary meeting
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Speaker 7
We would also like some clear reference to human rights violations, notably against the Uyghurs in China, if possible. But we believe that this draft provides a strong and balanced approach for our future work in the amendments phase, and we look forward to developing such cooperation. We thank you very much.
David McAllister
Thank you, Sebastiao. And now for the SND, I give the floor to Hannah Yalul, who is sitting up front next to me.
Speaker 5
Thank you very much, Mr. President. I will switch to Spanish.
Today, I'm representing the shadow rapporteur, Sandra. She can't be here today, so I'm going to read out the speech on the shadow rapporteur's report. I'd like to thank the rapporteur for the extensive work that has been carried out here. We are finding out that, at times when global power alliances are being reshaped, choosing our alliances is fundamental. This is why Asian states are so crucial for us, for the European Union.
Now, I think we need to think about suitable partners. We can't oversimplify things and divide the world into the goodies and the baddies. International relations are complex, and that's why we need to maintain relations with all kinds of actors who play a role in providing a stable framework globally. Let's not forget that a large share of maritime shipping transits through these regions of the world. Any kind of negative impact would have a huge effect, and that's why the European Union has a direct interest in maintaining freedom and free shipping routes that are open.
We cannot have any kind of unilateral or coercive measures. From our group, we support the strategic role of this region, and we will be tabling some amendments to state the need for strengthening trade ties, as well as the role of security and defense. Now, we will be talking about future sectors: digitalization, cybersecurity, to mention just a few. Thank you very much.
David McAllister
Thank you, Hannah. For the Patriots, nobody is present. Renu, who would like to take the floor? For the Greens, the Left, ESN has not appointed a shutter operator. Would anyone else in the room like to take the floor?
Then, please show your hands. But it's not the case. Then, is the representative of the EAS, Miss Anna Isabel Sanchez Ruiz, present? The floor is yours, madam.
Speaker 8
Thank you. Thank you, sir. Thank you, honorable members. Well, we welcome the draft report and the recommendations, which share its assessment that Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific are pivotal for global prosperity and security, as well as for the use of security, economic resilience, and geopolitical influence. The European Union is committed to deepening the strategic partnerships with Japan and the Republic of Korea.
Speaker 9
Cooperation is advancing in all the areas mentioned in the draft report, as well as others such as energy, climate, and the environment. For instance, under the EU-Japan Green Alliance, the EU-Korea working group focuses on energy, environment, climate, and also on competitiveness. For example, under the EU-Japan Competitiveness Alliance. As concerns Taiwan, the EU pursues friendly relations and close cooperation with Taiwan in a wide range of areas, such as trade and investment, digital and industrial issues, employment, human rights, connectivity, and combating disinformation, in full consistency with the EU's One China policy. Peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait are of strategic importance for regional and global security and prosperity.
Speaker 10
The EU has a direct interest in preserving the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. The EU opposes any unilateral actions that change the status quo, as well as any use of force or coercion. The EU continues to call for restraint and dialogue to resolve cross-trade tensions. Concerning Taiwan's meaningful international participation, the EU supports it being allowed through practical solutions wherever this is consistent with the rules or practice of the organization, the US One China policy, as well as the US policy objectives. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Miss Sanchez Ruiz. And now, I give the floor back to Adam Bilan to sum up.
Speaker 3
Thank you. I would like to thank everyone for your remarks, and my sincere thanks go to my team and advisers who helped in drafting the report, and the effort secretariat for their support. Colleagues, I look forward to your substantive contributions and to productive cooperation during our shadow meetings. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Adam. The deadline for amendments, dear colleagues, is set for April 14 at 12:00 noon. The vote in AFET will probably take place in June. We now move on to item 19. This is an association with the delegation for relations with India.
This is an exchange of views with the European External Action Service on the results of the EU-India Summit, which took place on January 27. The summit held in Delhi set very high ambitions for our partnership, with new commitments in security and defense, partnership in our economic and trading relationship through the adoption of the historic trade agreement, as well as a new joint EU-India comprehensive strategic agenda. India and the European Union are coming closer at the moment, and the rules-based international order is under unprecedented strain from wars, coercion, and growing geopolitical fragmentation. As major democracies, India and Europe have a shared responsibility to uphold international law, the United Nations Charter, and effective multilateral cooperation capable of responding to all the challenges of the 21st century. Through strength from political, security, and defense cooperation, as well as through historic trade agreements, the UN and India position themselves as key partners in shaping, hopefully, a more stable, more secure, and more rules-based international order.
But time starts to deliver on those very ambitious commitments. I'm now pleased to welcome Mr. Charles Whiteley. Are you there? There you are. Hello.
Head of division for South Asia at the European External Action Service to brief us on the results of the summit, the implications for the European Union as a global player, foreign policy ambitions, and the way forward on undertaking commitments. So, Mister Whiteley, I'll give you the floor for 10 minutes, and then we will have time for an exchange of views. Please.
Speaker 11
Thank you so much, Mr. Chair. Good morning to everybody, and thank you for the opportunity to brief you. I was fortunate enough to attend the summit. It was quite a signal from the Indian side about the importance that they are now attaching to the relations with the EU. And, of course, it was a signal from our side that both presidents and the high representative attended.
And it was accompanied, as you know, by the two presidents joining the Republic Day celebrations and the contingent of the EU military staff taking part in the parade. So I have to say the visuals were very impressive and sent a very strong signal of the desire to deepen our relations. And, as you said, this all takes place in a very heady geopolitical moment, with lots of unpredictability in terms of the global outlook. And I think one key signal from this summit was the desire for predictability and stability in the EU-India relationship. And certainly, the outcome of the summit very much points in that direction.
I mean, there were several outcomes. And, of course, as all members know, the headline deliverables were the free trade agreement, or the "mother of all trade deals," as both sides referred to it. And that really came together after, as you know, basically 19 years of negotiations, but very intense negotiations towards the run-up to the summit. It was also, as you mentioned, the occasion to adopt the Security and Defense Partnership, which really paves the way for much more intensified engagement on security and defense across a wide range of security concerns, from classic ones to hybrid, cyber, and so on. Also, a lot more operational contacts.
So as you know, there's been quite a lot of intensifying of operational contacts in military terms between the EU and India, joint exercises, and indeed the joint live exercise or live response to pirates off the Somali coast. So this new partnership will intensify that, and there will be the first ever meeting of the security and defense dialogue, as upgraded, early next month in Delhi, which our managing director Benedicta will be attending from the EU side. So, that will be the occasion to say where we're heading in more detail with the Security and Defense Partnership. And also on the Security and Defense front, the decision to launch negotiations on the security of information agreement is a very necessary precursor to building confidence and trust between the military authorities, but also across the board, because the sharing of information and classified information, of course, applies in contexts other than security and defense. But the one deliverable that I had the pleasure of negotiating was the joint strategic agenda, which, as you'll have seen, is a very substantial document.
It has over 200, well, 100 commitments and other undertakings across the five pillars. I think we were pleased, as I may have mentioned in Parliament before, that the Indians very much accepted our template for this, which was set out in our communication of September. So, the template is prosperity, technology and innovation, connectivity, security and defense, and then what we term enablers. So, that includes migration, mobility, and other ways to bring our peoples together. And that negotiation came together right at the very end, in good time, thankfully, for the summit.
But we now, as you said, Mr. Chair, have to focus on implementing that. And this will be where we have to mobilize the vast bureaucracies on both sides, and that is not the easiest task. But I think there are staging posts now coming up that will concentrate minds to make sure that we keep the momentum up. One such staging post is the Trade and Technology Council. So, as you know, this has met twice at the ministerial level and will meet again, we're expecting, in the middle of the year, bringing together many of the strands of the joint strategic agenda and the different undertakings on new technologies, on the environment, on energy, and the technology links to the green transition.
But one key undertaking, I think, for the TTC is to do more on economic security. Economic security was very much a thread throughout the joint strategic agenda and indeed through the high-level discussions that happened between the two presidents and Prime Minister Modi in Delhi. So, the TTC will have to be made fit for purpose. And I think there are ideas now being put on paper on both the EU side and the Indian side for how we raise the game in that respect. And you may have seen members at the AI summit that took place in India.
India is really now seeking to forge ahead and project the image of a technologically advancing country, which is the case. And the AI summit in February attracted 118 countries, 20 heads of state or government who were there, and resulted in a joint declaration that the EU and member states subscribed to, which sets a kind of roadmap to where we want to go in terms of both developing AI and the governance of AI. So, that will certainly feed into the discussions in the Trade and Technology Council. Another staging post will be the strategic dialogue, and this is more from the EEAS side of the house. The next strategic dialogue between the High Representative and Minister Jaishankar.
So, that is also slated for the middle of the year. And I have to say they had a very wide-ranging discussion in their bilateral in Delhi. One thing that was noticeable was that even if there isn't a change in substance from the Indian side on the Ukraine question, because, of course, this is something the High Representative raises whenever she meets her Indian counterpart, there was certainly a change in tone. And in the past, we've seen India taking a very robust position on Ukraine and indeed on the import of Russian energy. And what we saw on this occasion was a little more nuanced and seeking to understand our position in more depth.
And you may have noticed in the joint statement and in the joint strategic agenda, we have succeeded in getting pretty robust language on Ukraine. So we have references to sovereignty, integrity, territorial integrity, and the need to address concerns. But also, and this was a hard facet of the negotiation, we have a reference to the shadow fleet in the joint statement. So we will seek to do more with India on maritime security, but also in terms of the threats posed by the shadow fleet at different levels, be they environmental or security related. So now we will begin the work of implementing the strategic agenda.
It will be a long-term process, up to five years, a little akin to the roadmap that we had with India from 2020 to 2025. We will identify quick wins, and this will also happen when we meet the Indians in the first half of this year because we need to show that we can deliver quickly on some of the undertakings. And some have indeed already been delivered in the last month. I would point in particular to the launch, on the margins of the AI Summit, of the Legal Gateway Office, which was a big part of the agreement on migration and mobility that we arrived at in Delhi, partly as an adjunct, of course, to the FDA. And that will facilitate travel and work by researchers and key workers from India to the European Union, beginning with the IT sector.
So it will begin as a small acorn, but we expect it to grow because the demand is there, of course, from both sides. There's a huge, I think, 10,000,000 new workers arriving on the Indian market every year. But of course, on the EU side, we have gaps to fill in strategic industries. So, this will now be taken forward and is already a living reality with India. We also have to address potential inhibitors and spoilers.
This was very much part of the thinking when we negotiated the joint statement and the joint strategic agenda. A key issue is technology leakage. And I believe we have also talked about this when discussing India in parliament before. This is something of concern to both sides. It's part and parcel of economic security.
And we've agreed on language that speaks about protecting sensitive technology. As we develop our engagement with India on highly sensitive technologies, we need to make sure they do not fall into the wrong hands. And here, we will also need the expertise of member states. Another point I think is important to make is that we have to translate our bilateral commitments across these five pillars and key policy areas into doing more with India in terms of multilateral engagement. Here, the track record is not outstanding.
Often, there are different starting positions in India and key international processes. But there's definitely scope to bring our positions closer together, thinking in particular of energy and climate change. And you'll have seen that the strategic agenda is very much permeated by energy, climate change, green transition, and technology concerns in that field. So, looking ahead to the next COP and perhaps to India hosting COP 33 in due course, I think we have the potential to try to bring our positions closer together, and, of course, it is a very difficult and fraught negotiating setting, given not least the position of the U. S.
So, we'll be looking to translate these bilateral commitments into multilateral cooperation, similarly on maritime matters. So these featured very largely in the discussions: maritime security, but also shipping, as I mentioned. And here we have the challenge in the International Maritime Organization of trying to press ahead with the net zero shipping commitments, where we do align with India. Similarly, on cyber, given the discussions we've had on AI and India's rapidly developing position, I think we need to do more together in the UN global mechanism on cyber, reflecting the fact that we are doing more together domestically. And also, I would add counterterrorism.
Can we do more with India in the global counterterrorism strategy review? So a final point, perhaps, would be diversification and how we handle it, and it's going back to the original point in your introduction, Mr. Chair, about the geopolitical outlook. This reliability and predictability that we're fostering in our relations should also be reflected in trilateral work with third countries. And we look at India's role as a leader of the Global South and where India is now chairing the BRICS. They will be invited to various G7 and other formats this year, where there will be opportunities to try to bring our positions more closely together.
But can we do more with India in third countries? And that's certainly the plan. As you may recall, we have an agreement on trilateral cooperation that we signed in June. And this is now being kick-started at the summit. So, actual projects are on the ground in African countries with India in areas such as digitalization and the fulfillment of the SDGs.
And I think this sends a very good signal because India and the EU, of course, bring different things to the table as development actors. India, a relatively new development actor perhaps, has decades of experience, but India also has its global South profile. And perhaps here, we can also talk about the whole process. If it's not too grandiose to talk about derisking with respect to China and others, where China, of course, is active in these countries, and where perhaps with India, we can make a substantial difference in terms of the calculations of our partner countries about where the best offer lies. So that's certainly something to watch, and we expect it will develop more. And finally, on maritime security in a trilateral sense, we want to do more with India in the Indian Ocean, of course, and the Indo-Pacific writ large with our India Indo-Pacific strategy.
And here we have the SOR Plus program, where we can mobilize funding to support the cultivation of expertise in third countries, together with India. So, India will bring other things to the table there. So, we start from a very similar base in terms of principles: free and open Pacific, open navigation, and, of course, not without problems. But here, we can knit together our positions more effectively, perhaps, and work with others too. So, perhaps also with a trilateral angle with other like-minded partners, for example, in terms of naval exercises.
So I don't know how long I've gone on, Mr. Chair, but hopefully not too long and not too short. I'll stop there. Thank you.
David McAllister
Right. Thank you very much, Mr. Whiteley. Angelika Niebler chairs the delegation for relations with India. She can't be with us this morning, and she has asked me to read out her statement, which I will now do. I would firstly like to express my regret for not being able to join today the exchange of views and the association between the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the delegation for relations with India.
The EU-India Summit in Delhi was indeed a historic one for the relations between the two sides. It is the symbol of a significant leap forward, concluding trade negotiations, reinforcing ties on security and defense, and setting the agenda for the strategic partnership for the next years. These are important outcomes that have been achieved. The conclusion of the EU-India free trade agreement, in particular, sends an important message to the world that rule-based trade, openness, and cooperation can be a way forward for prosperity and stability. It is also proof that, in complicated geopolitical times, Europe stands ready to invest in its strategic partnership with India, and so does India.
Over the years, the most encountered characterization of EU-India relations has been that it has not yet reached its full potential, but much more is possible. I believe that the outcomes of the summit, from the joint comprehensive strategic agenda to the security and defense partnership and the free trade agreement, provide us with the instruments to bring the EU-India strategic partnership to its full potential. We can build trust and, based on that, discuss all sensitive but essential topics for us, such as the Russian illegal aggression against Ukraine. Here in the European Parliament, we look forward to working in that direction. In the next few months, we will closely scrutinize the concluded FDA.
We will also put to good use our parliamentary diplomacy and reach out to, and engage with, our counterparts in the Indian parliament. Our strategic partnership needs to be about trade, economy, security, and defense, but it also needs to be about building trust and ties between people. In this respect, the European Parliament's delegation for relations with India will pay a visit to New Delhi and Bengaluru in March with the aim of holding the sixteenth interparliamentary meeting, as well as discussing with all relevant stakeholders. That was the statement I read out on behalf of Angelica Nibla. And now I give the floor to Willy Sundal, the replacement for our Afat standing repertoire.
Speaker 12
Thank you very much, and allow me to address you on behalf of my colleague, Vladimir Privilege, on our standing repertoire tour in India, who couldn't be here today. We are living through a moment of unprecedented deal instability. In such times, the European Union must be seen for what it is: a reliable, predictable, principled partner. India is central to that effort, and our engagement with India is now clearly at the top of the EU's agenda. The intensity of high-level visits in both directions proves it.
This is strategic positioning, which is very much needed for both the EU and India. India holds enormous potential for European industry and trade. As we diversify our supply chains and de-risk our dependence on China, we need credible alternatives. The EU-India free trade agreement should become a flagship example of that threat strategy in action: diversification, resilience, and partnership between democracies. Yes.
The agreement is not as ambitious as many of us would have liked. In particular, binding commitments on labor rights and meaningful civil society involvement remain limited. But it is a first step, and first steps matter in geopolitics. At the same time, the EP must remain clear. There are serious human rights concerns in India: the situation of minorities, the protection of women, and the treatment of non-Hindu religious communities.
We cannot turn a blind eye and must speak clearly and honestly to our Indian counterparts on these elements too. My firm belief is that engagement does not mean compromising on fundamentals. India must be strong among Europe's key partners for the 21st century. But if we want this partnership to be truly strategic, it must be built on trust, mutual respect, clear European red lines, and fundamental human rights. Finally, the upcoming visit to India is an important opportunity to show that our partnership is not just strategic on paper, but operational in reality.
Europe should go to India united, confident, and clear about its interests and its values. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you very much, Billy, for reading this statement out. I now give the floor to Vishadra Pattas for the EPP. Who would like to take the floor?
David McAllister
Well, it says here that we are supposed to give the floor first to them, but we can give it to the group representatives. I don't care.
Speaker 14
Well, thank you very much. First of all, I can fully subscribe to what the chair of the India delegation said or was read out, and also more or less what Billy Servdahl, on behalf of our delegation chair and all of us, said. I think there will be a broad consensus evolving here in the parliament on having this. It is part of our way to securing a rules-based order. Any free trade agreement that we agree on and implement strengthens a rules-based order and not other ways of interacting. And so far, I very much support this deal.
And I am also confident it will find a majority in the parliament, not least because agriculture is not part of the whole thing. I am happy and grateful for what was told, that there was relatively strong wording also on Ukraine. As a Ukraine rapporteur, I would like to ask: was any reference made or was any mention also made whether India actually does what President Trump claims? He lowered the tariffs for India because they allegedly do not buy Russian oil. Is that true? Was there anybody in our delegation during the summit asking whether or not India has actually stopped purchasing Russian oil?
Thank you.
Speaker 13
Thank you, Chair. I'm going to speak on behalf of Nacho Sanchez Amor.
Thank you very much. I'd like to focus on the trade agreement between the European Union and India. It was a key date for both sides, facing different but similar challenges at this complex time in geopolitical terms. We welcome, on behalf of the group, this association with India, which is clearly a key partner for us. However, of course, we will be looking at the details of the text itself.
The Council and Commission must put sustainable development and human rights at the heart of the text, not as an annex or in the agreement and new relations. When it comes to security, connectivity must not mask those key priorities for the European Union. The free trade agreement will generate prosperity on both sides. That is true. But it must not come at the expense of a robust chapter on sustainable trade and sustainable development. The text must reflect the Paris Agreement.
The binding clauses on fundamental principles of the ILO, empowering women, and gender equality are very good news indeed. But the socialists will be checking very closely how much of the sustainable trade commitments are truly binding. Now, even though we are feeling the geopolitical pressure, we cannot sacrifice European values and principles in this regard. So, just some questions now for the European Commission. Has it been possible to include a clause on human rights and sustainable development as key parts of the body of the agreement, with clear consequences for what would happen in the case of a violation of labor law?
And secondly, when it comes to the €500,000,000 that was allocated to India in the Indiki program, are those funds going to decarbonization, and have they been worked into the agreement as a whole, or are they still kept separate? Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you. I would like to take the floor for the Patriots. No one, ECR, Renew.
David McAllister
You're right. You're right. So on the left, ESN, then we come to other members who would like to take the floor, and first we have Miss Sofko.
Željana Zovko
Alright. Thank you. So, I would like to underline the connectivity dimension of the EU-India summit, in particular, the India-Middle East-Europe economic corridor. Croatia is ready to play a concrete role in this corridor. India's vision foresees the European endpoint in the ports of the Northern Adriatic: Rijeka, Koper, and Trieste.
Croatia has made substantial investments in expanding and modernizing the port of Rijeka. The presence of Maersk already confirms its operational readiness and capacity to scale up. There's also interest from other major global logistics actors. The Northern Adriatic represents one of the shortest and most efficient maritime routes into Central Europe. Stretching this axis would enhance supply chain resilience, diversification, and Europe's strategic connectivity within the Pacific.
In the context of Croatia's presidency of the 36 initiatives and its engagement with Med9, this corridor has clear added value for the EU as a whole. I believe that the European Union should actively support the development of the Northern Adriatic pillar of IME, including through the Global Gateway and coordinating infrastructure investment. But this should be strategically backed by the EU level. Also, yesterday, we adopted the Ocean Diplomacy Initiative report. I think that what we have discussed in the Pacific and in India, cooperation in the maritime sphere, and the fight against illegal fishing.
Speaker 24
It should also take points from the report that was adopted yesterday into account in your further negotiations. Thank you.
Speaker 21
Yes. Thank you. The EU-India Climate Change and Energy Roadmap 2025. Under this, it is already clear that the EU and India will work to increase cooperation and coordination in international organizations, especially to invest in climate change mitigation and adaptation infrastructure, notably also in the energy sector. The EAB has also supported long-term investment in India for over 25 years now.
Speaker 23
So, next to the free trade agreement, it has also been agreed on the new strategic agenda, including especially clean energy, climate resilience, and cooperation. From my perspective, if this is implemented seriously, this deal can advance decarbonization by focusing on new investment and market incentives rather than regulatory pressure. For example, through clean manufacturing standards for green materials and investment pipelines that attract private capital. So, this strategic agenda, in the end, should tackle the need to deepen cooperation on climate adaptation and resilience for preventing and reducing climate risk, and improving disaster preparedness and response capabilities. So in this context, I want to impose the questions. How do you see this connection?
Speaker 20
And is there any way that this free trade agreement will play a role in this cooperation? And how, in detail, do you picture this interconnection between the free trade agreement and the strategic agenda? Thank you.
Speaker 22
Thank you, Chair. I would like to propose that this commission, in particular, and the European Union in general, stop patronizing everybody around, especially India. They're flying to the Moon, to Mars. They have aircraft carriers. They are the largest community, the largest nation on this earth, and it's really ridiculous to patronize them, especially by asking why they are buying cheaper oil from Russia.
I would like everybody to remember that Russian oil became cheaper after the imposition of US and EU sanctions. And that is a clear example of how the European Union takes part in creating problems, and then you are sitting here coming up with brilliant ideas on how to resolve problems already created partially by yourself. And also asking about climate change and India fighting this presumed change is ridiculous. They are opening new mines. They are drilling and digging whatever they can, and they seem to be implementing the best climate policy one can think of, which is good climate for business.
So really, don't make the European Union and European nations look more and more ridiculous. Talk and think more, ladies and gentlemen, about making good business with superpowers like India. Thank you very much.
David McAllister
Would anyone else like to take the floor? But it is not the case. Mister Whiteley, your concluding remarks.
Speaker 11
Thank you so much, Mr. Chair. I'll try to avoid saying anything too patronizing in my answer to the first point about the oil. Certainly, it's something that we discussed with India in the broader context of the relations in terms of Ukraine and Russia. When I was looking at the latest figures, purchases have certainly gone down. The figures I saw for 2025 were 1,710,000 barrels per day.
That's down to 1.16. So, the trend is certainly downwards. And the American, shall we call it, robust approach has certainly had an impact: tariffs and so on. What's uncertain now is what happens to the BTA, the bilateral trade agreement between the U.S. S.
And India. You may have noticed it was reported that the next talks on that, announced on February 9, have been postponed simply because, after the Supreme Court ruling, nobody knows where the tariff issue is heading. That's one of the reasons. So we will wait to see what impact that might have on India's purchasing habits vis-à-vis Russia, but certainly, the trend has been very much downwards. And, of course, one of our goals is to present alternatives to support the cultivation of alternatives.
And that's a long-term agenda, but it's one well. That's why we want to talk about energy diversification with India. It's why there's such an emphasis on renewable energy and issues like green hydrogen in the joint strategic agenda, because we need to build this positive agenda together. India has very good technology. Bringing the two together can certainly lead to a recipe for positive success on the energy front and also a reduction of reliance on Russia. But that's a work in progress. Of course, our sanctions envoy also engages very regularly with India.
On the points from Madame Gomez Lopez, just on the various parts of the FDA, but also the strategic agenda. Clearly, I mean, I can't speak for DG Trade. They are the experts on this. But what we do see in the FDA is that human rights and democratic principles were successfully included as essential elements. In the Paris Agreement, India agreed to a legally binding commitment in the TSD chapter.
And so, all of that provides a strong basis for engagement on these issues with India in the context of the positive agenda that we have. In terms of the €500,000,000, that's of course under discussion, and that's to support decarbonization, which is where the principal focus will undoubtedly lie. But the formulation of how that program will look is still underway, but it will happen quite quickly, I am told. On the links with the strategic agenda and also the FTA, I mean, there are many elements, as you've seen, on the green transition agenda in the strategic agenda. I think one of the challenges will be to make this a coherent whole and to make sure that what we're doing on the technology front reinforces what we want to do on the energy and clean transition front.
And that is happening. There will be a wind summit. There will be a green technology task force. There will be, in the context of our new EU-India business engagement, a strong focus on green technology. So, this will happen naturally.
And, of course, one of the things we'd like to see, and one of the things the presidents and the prime minister said should move ahead as quickly as possible, is an investment protection agreement. So, the FDA is a very important step, but an investment protection agreement is something from the EU side we'd very much like to see. And that will help open opportunities for EU businesses and vice versa, including on the green and clean technology front. So, I would also say that I think that would cover the main points I would wish to just revert to. So, thank you, Mr. Scheer.
David McAllister
Right. Thank you. Any further questions or comments? That is not the case. Then, Mr. Whiteley, thank you for your availability to come to the European Parliament this morning, and we can move forward to item number 21.
We're about 30 minutes ahead of our schedule this morning. But I think if everyone is on board, we can simply continue. Okay? Item number 21. We now move to a discussion on the draft report on the 2025 Commission report on Albania, presented by the rapporteur Andreas Shieder.
While Albania has opened all negotiating clusters and is currently awaiting the interim benchmark assessment report, there is no time for complacency. Albania needs to continue working even harder, as the country enters a more demanding phase of the accession negotiations. The enlargement process is strictly merit-based. Each candidate country is assessed individually on its progress in meeting the Copenhagen criteria. Adopting legislation alone is not sufficient.
Real change for citizens can only be seen if the adopted reforms are effectively implemented. We appreciate that all political forces in Albania see EU membership as the most important strategic priority, but we are worried about the political polarization in the country. We encourage political stability and dialogue. It would be important that the ruling majority create space for engagement with the opposition, and that the opposition becomes more cooperative. Violent protests are not an acceptable means in a democratic society.
Our committee traveled to Montenegro and Albania just last week, and we were able to assess the progress on the ground. Some members who participated are welcome to use this opportunity also for their reflections on this visit to Albania. I would now like to give the floor to our rapporteur to present his draft report. Dierande Ashida, the floor is yours for 5 minutes.
Speaker 25
Thank you, Chairman. Thank you, David. And thank you also for this introduction, which describes what we tried to include in the draft report. So, Albania, together with Montenegro, is usually called one of the front runners of the EU accession. And this is, of course, because of this remarkable pace in negotiations.
All chapters were opened within 30 to 13 months, which also reflects the strong political commitment to EU membership. It's the number one goal of everyone in the political sphere, but also in this civilization itself. There is a clear strategic alignment; full alignment with the EU's common foreign and security policy is a significant asset of the country, and they have to target 2027 to conclude all the negotiations. And this, of course, remains an ambitious but feasible target. As you mentioned, the elections and political climate are not the best.
There is a competitive electoral framework in place. There are ongoing concerns: misuse of administrative resources, allegations of vote buying, pressures on voters, but also this persistent political polarization, which is undermining institutional trust and parliamentary oversight. And especially in the last weeks and months, it became radicalized again to try to make politics via the street and not via the parliament chambers. Greater transparency and civil society involvement are needed in the country. On the rule of law and corruption, we realized the welcome progress that the jurisdictional reform and the vetting process are making, and Albania is the country that made the deepest cuts, but concerns remain over efficiency and lengthy procedures.
Corruption remains one of the biggest issues in the country. A stronger track record of high-level investigations and convictions is required. Then, media freedom and fundamental rights, where we stress the need for stronger media pluralism and transparency of ownership, as well as stronger protection of journalists, must be ensured. Especially, safeguarding minorities, vulnerable groups, and LGBTIQ persons is also essential in this perspective. The socioeconomic reforms are one of the major focuses of this year's report. The participation in the EU growth plan for the Western Balkans is welcomed, but the structural weaknesses in the country persist, including a strong informal sector, low productivity of growth, and a difficult business environment, while Albania has made huge progress in tourism and other sectors.
I think we also have to look deeper behind the other sectors. And, of course, environmental and climate policy also needs to improve. Then, when we speak about socio-economic reforms, I think it's also important to bring the results of the growing economy to the everyday life of the people in terms of income, high employment, and, therefore, also better social security and public institutions. Finally, the overall conclusion. The extraordinary technical speed and exactness of the country's negotiations are really remarkable.
But the priority now, with the upcoming progress, must also shift from opening chapters to closing chapters, not only to close chapters but also to implement sustainable reforms, which are also driving the change required by the reforms. So the path until 2027 is not only a goal. I think it's a realistic and achievable goal. But, like always, it's also not guaranteed. So this also means that now, in the second phase of the negotiations, these additional points must come forward.
Finally, I have also visited the country several times in preparation for the report. I want to thank also the people from the staff, who helped us, like Holger and others, in doing this, and I'm looking forward to good cooperation with our dear fellow shadow rapporteurs from the different groups.
David McAllister
Andreas, thank you for presenting your draft report. Now, I give the floor to Vishaders, and the first speaker is Andre Kovacev. Thank you.
Speaker 27
Thank you very much, Mister Chair. Thank you, Andreas, for presenting your report. I also welcome Albania's recent progress in opening all negotiation clusters and chapters in just over a year, becoming, as you mentioned, a frontrunner in enlargement together with Montenegro. This is a clear signal of the country's European ambitions. I welcome Albania's objectives to complete negotiations by 2027 and achieve membership in the European Union thereafter.
Speaker 28
But ambitions must be matched by tangible reforms, particularly in the rule of law, the fight against corruption and organized crime, and the protection of fundamental rights. The fight against corruption must deliver consistent and visible results. Institutions such as SPAC must operate independently and efficiently, free from political pressure. Albania has made efforts with the EU-backed justice reform and the vetting process, but this momentum must continue. Investigations, including those involving senior officials such as the deputy prime minister, must proceed without any interference.
Speaker 27
The role of law, the rule of law, cannot be selective. Handling the request to lift parliamentary immunity without delay is the responsibility of the parliament. I'm concerned about the suggested amendments to the criminal procedure to protect ministers and senior officials from suspension while they are under criminal investigation. Legislation must comply with the international democratic standards. Laws must never be tailored to political needs.
They must serve the public interest and ensure equality before the law. Comprehensive electoral reform is equally essential, in line with the recommendations of the OECD, ODR, and the Venice Commission. The OECD ODR final report after May highlighted persistent shortcomings, a lack of a level playing field between political parties, widespread misuse of public resources and institutional power by the ruling party, allegations of vote buying and pressure on voters, including public employees, as well as cases of intimidation. Such practices undermine public trust and weaken democratic standards and institutions. Finally, I would like to underline that EU accession is an inclusive process that requires broad consensus and the active participation of all political parties, civil society, and citizens.
I therefore call for an end to political polarization and a return to constructive, inclusive dialogue within the Parliament of Albania. We support Albania's European future, but enlargement is a merit-based process. It is built on results, on credibility, and on an unwavering commitment to European values. I would like to wish Albania success on its EU integration path and process, which benefits not only the country and its citizens but also the European Union. I look forward to working with the rapporteur and the charter rapporteur to achieve our objective and produce a useful report for the European Parliament in 2026. Thank you very much.
David McAllister
Thank you, dear André. For the PFE Group, the shadow is Susana Chikardi. Is she present? That is not the case. The ECR, Mr. Gambino, is not present.
Would somebody else like to take the floor? That is not the case. Renew. The shadow is Ilan Kuchuk. Not present.
Tindica streaks for the Greens. Thomas Weitz in replacement.
Speaker 29
Thank you, Chair, and apologies for Tinneke Streak, my colleague, not being present today. And, please allow me to speak on her behalf. So first of all, I shall transfer a thank you to the rapporteur also for the good cooperation, for the very inclusive negotiations, and for the very good draft. Yes. Many things have already been said by colleagues.
Rule of law, as in actually all the Balkan states, is a key ingredient of the merit-based process. And not just that, the key ingredient is also for investment climate, and the key ingredient for a state that is moving towards the standards of the European Union. When it comes to the judiciary, especially the independence of the judiciary, it is of key importance. And as colleagues have already mentioned, legislation is one thing, and there are reforms going on. But implementation is what we see lacking on the ground, unfortunately, even though we see the investments and motivation of the government and institutions to better the situation.
Speaker 30
We still have a problem with capacity. Also, there is, you know, an educational program on its way. I mean, we have seen a process of cleaning up the juridical space of potential corruption cases, which led to understaffing, which leads to a massive backlog of court cases. So there still needs to be more effort from us in the European Union. There are potential possibilities for support.
Speaker 29
The fact that SPARC, the anti-corruption unit, is able to arrest high-level politicians and former high-level representatives shows that they have room to maneuver. This is a very good sign in practice, beyond legislation. And, exactly, it is true what other speakers said: the law must be applied to every citizen in the same way. And it's a very good sign also that Spark has the independence and the backing to go against perceived or potential corruption cases, also at a high level. We also have to acknowledge 100% alignment with the CFSP, so with our foreign and security policy, which is, I think, extremely important in these times today.
Speaker 30
And I think we should mention it once again because this is a very important support of our common European standpoints. Yes, we still need to see more inclusion when it comes to civil society, but also academia, in terms of feedback on legislation and on the scrutiny processes. There will be some amendments on our side. Also, regarding chapter 27, environment, there will be amendments because this country has amazing and fantastic natural resources and natural heritage, which also have huge economic potential if dealt with sensitivity and from a medium- and long-term perspective. So, what we unfortunately see in some areas is that long-term interest is sacrificed for short-term economic benefits.
Speaker 29
Also, there will be a few amendments from our side. But in general, again, a big thank you to the rapporteur and to the good negotiations that were held, and we will be constructively trying to improve the text with a few amendments from our side. Thank you very much.
David McAllister
Thank you. Ilaria Salis, for the left, is not present. Stanislav Stojanov for the ESN, please.
Speaker 31
In recent years, Albania has made significant progress, especially when it comes to the national minorities. And those policies are a good example in that region. It should encourage other candidate countries to take the same approach. But there are a few other points. There aren't enough measures being taken to tackle organized crime and corruption, and we don't know exactly how the EU taxpayers' money is being used.
There are infrastructure projects, and there is investment. In the West Balkans, these are very important resources. We welcome what is being done in connection with Transport Corridor No. 8. And I would like to ask the commission to look at the work that is being done for the minorities. It's important for Albania, and it's important for the Western Balkans.
We welcome what the Albanian representative said during the mission earlier this month, and they said that the accession needs to be earned. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you. That was the round of shots. And I give the floor to the chair of our delegation for relations with Albania, our colleague Marco Takinio. Thank you, Chair. Paleroni Italiano.
I'm going.
Speaker 32
To speak in Italian. Thank you. Well, I agree with many of the points that have been made, and I would like to thank the rapporteur for what they have done. I'd like to thank the chair for the introduction and the comments on the mission that took place recently, in which I also took part as part of my responsibilities in the delegation. Well, there's still polarization, and that is something very concerning.
Speaker 34
It's a country where there is leadership looking to support the succession process; then, you need to think about public opinion as well. We need to remember as well that it's the only country in the Western Balkans where they are in favor of Europe. And this is something that we do need to look at carefully. Then there are a few key points I want to mention. And I'll start with the last point that was raised: the minorities.
Speaker 32
That's one of the most positive things we are seeing in Albania's accession process. And it really is an example when you look at the progress that has been made to deal with the different types of prosecution. And then, it's also important to look at what's happening when it comes to electoral reform, given the declining political climate. There is cooperation with the opposition, and they are improving what they are doing, even given the difficulties. And then we need to think about territorial autonomy as well, because this simplification of the way in which it is governed is a key point.
Speaker 33
And then there's another important point: the justice system. And this is a country where almost 60% of the people in prison have yet to be taken to trial. And this really does need to undergo huge changes. It looks like there are magistrates, and they need to address the history of corruption, but there's another major point here. And this concerns the use of provisional detention and custody that are being used for people who have committed serious crimes.
Speaker 32
And then you also have people who have held important positions, such as mayor, for example. So, there are a lot of things there. There are many points that are very sensitive. We need to look at supporting the process. Then, we also need to think about Prime Minister Rama and restarting the accession process.
And then you need to look at completing the process. And then, there were also the meetings that we had. And I think that this is something that would benefit us all. Thank you. And I'd like to thank the operator as well for the work they have done.
David McAllister
Thank you. Now I would like to give the floor to other members wishing to speak. First is Michael Gala.
Speaker 14
Thank you very much. I also had the pleasure to participate in this trip last week. And, while.
Speaker 14
Thank colleague Schneider and also my EPP shadow for what they said, and I can almost completely agree with what was said. I think this visit to the Albanian part gave a good insight. I mean, the Prime Minister at the dinner where he invited us was in excellent shape and form, and it was very entertaining. But that shouldn't, so to say, distract us from looking at things as they are. And, with regard to the chapters that have been opened and closed, as it was rightly said—I put it in the English way—the proof of the pudding is in the eating.
Meaning, what is really implemented on the ground counts. And my impression is that this goes beyond the context we had with the governing ruling party and the opposition. Apart from that, for me, the insights that we got from the civil society organizations were really the important thing, and that revealed that there are many existing structures that cannot simply enter the EU and continue as they have been doing. There are corrupt structures. There is organized crime ongoing, and it reaches the highest circles.
And I think that is the point where the Baluco case is, so obviously, we see that although the constitutional court said that Spark can act as they did, the ruling party refused to lift the immunity. I think that shows what their attitude is when it comes to revelations in this regard, and I think that must affect our attitude. We must insist that the rule of law applies to everyone and that the existing structures are crushed prior to any accession. I don't want these structures to be inside the EU. Thank you.
Thank you. Nexus colleague, Bill Ehres.
Thank you.
Speaker 35
I would also like to thank the rapporteur and shadow rapporteurs for this work. The text we're looking at today disregards structural problems of the Albanian state and ignores things that were mentioned in the previous report. First of all, we have the problem of the non-return of property to certain citizens. They have a process in place until 2030. Citizens who have been deprived of possessions for over 60 years.
But for a year and a half, we have seen no progress; quite the opposite. Second, we're talking about shortcomings of the rule of law, but the text doesn't fully reflect the tragic state of affairs in this field. There is an institutional crisis underway currently between the executive and the judiciary. Because of significant corruption, two-thirds of the country do not have water and electricity supply 24 hours a day. How can we discuss this when there is no infrastructure in place? We have also seen irregularities in the management of EU funds.
Olaf has noted this. I was born in Albania. I'm part of the Greek minority, and I have spent my life between two countries. Naturally, I want to see progress, and I want to see Albania as part of the EU. However, I have to be clear.
If this report tries to touch up the situation rather than present things as they are, it won't contribute to the necessary reforms. So, I would support amendments taken by other colleagues. If we want to support accession, we have to be honest, and all the conditions in place must be respected. The report should reflect that very clearly. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, colleague Beliris. Who else would like to take the floor? But it's not the case when I now give the floor to the representatives of the EAS and the Commission. And the first speaker is Miss Sigrid Bretl, Head of Unit for Albania and North Macedonia at DG NEAR.
Speaker 36
Thank you very much, Chair, and thank you for giving us the opportunity to discuss this year's committee report, which is balanced in our view and raises some key points. Given the short two-minute limit, I will stick to the main headlines. So, first of all, we consider that the report correctly underscores the importance of delivering on electoral reform and on the issue of political polarization, which is limiting parliamentary oversight. Let me once again underline the importance of this house, that this house plays in passing on these messages also to political parties. On the rule of law, we welcome the clear messages on the need for further strengthening of the judiciary, which we have been working on intensively with the Albanian counterparts, not least in the context of the negotiations and even more so in the last year and a half.
Speaker 37
The same goes for the fight against corruption, including high-level corruption, which is of paramount importance for Albania's progress towards EU membership. Regarding media freedom, our delegation in Tirana has been very active in mobilizing stakeholders and the Albanian government to work on comprehensive media reform. In the meantime, Albania has already increased the transparency of media ownership, which is a welcome step. On public administration reform, the report calls for strategic planning and coordination. This cannot be understated, especially in the context of the ongoing negotiations, which require intense coordination between different departments in the Albanian administration and government.
Speaker 36
On the environment, to conclude, let me underline that we share the concerns raised by the report, which are also reflected in the closing benchmarks for the relevant negotiating chapter, Chapter 27. So, once again, thank you for raising all these points, and we look forward to receiving the final version. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Miss Bretl, for your short statement. And now, Mr. Clive Rombolt from the EAS.
Speaker 38
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, European Parliament colleagues, for presenting and commenting on the draft report. It comes at a timely moment after the visit to the country, which my commission colleague mentioned is extremely valuable in terms of engaging with the parliamentarians in the context of a polarized political situation. The report is balanced and highlights the crucial moment Albania faces, as it needs to build on last year's impressive progress towards EU integration through deep, irreversible reforms, with a view to closing negotiations by 2027. Consolidating the 2016 justice reform and upholding the rule of law will be key in the context of EU accession for Albania.
Enhancing judicial independence, accountability, and efficiency is equally crucial. Additionally, Albania must establish a strong track record in combating corruption and organized crime, while reinforcing media freedom, pluralism, and minority and property rights. It is crucial for the government and opposition to cooperate effectively on EU reforms, including the implementation of electoral reform that should address key recommendations from the ODEA and the Venice Commission. We commend Albania's active role in regional cooperation and its participation in regional initiatives that foster good neighborly relations. This is essential for EU integration.
In conclusion, I'd like to highlight Albania's steadfast 100% alignment with the EU CFSP and its increasing contribution to EU CSDP missions and operations, reaffirming its position as a reliable partner to the European Union in security and defense. We're building on our security and defense partnership signed last year and plan to hold a second security and defense dialogue with Albania in Brussels on April 16 to enhance collaboration and coordination on CSDP, including strategic geopolitical issues. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you. If there's nobody else who would like to take the floor, I can give the floor back to Andreas Chida for his concluding remarks.
Speaker 25
Yeah. Thank you, chairman. And I think that this cast discussion has also shown that Albania is a country which already undertook dramatic and deep reforms. But also, many other Western Balkan countries still need to continue, and the European enlargement process is a process to support the path in the right direction. And I think it is also the moment in the country where we have to strengthen and underline especially what is important for us, which was also worked out in the debate now, like continuous and maybe even more effort fighting corruption by all means, in politics, economy, and generally in this society, but also continuing to reform the country to the benefit of the people, meaning that their life standard and their perspectives get higher.
The European Union is a major tool. Therefore, we're also happy that 93% of the population of the country has a pro-European opinion. And I think this is the strongest asset, which can also be used for the points we raised in the discussion, because the pro-European wish of the country is also exactly the wish to have it reformed in the way we discussed just now.
David McAllister
Thank you, Andreas, colleagues. The deadline for amendments to Andreas Chida's report is set for March 12 at 12:00. We hope to vote on the report in our committee on May 5. Thank you for all your contributions. And without any further ado, I suggest that we move on to the final report we are dealing with today. This is the discussion on the draft report on the 2025 Commission report on North Macedonia, presented by our rapporteur Thomas Weitz.
A few introductory remarks from my side. North Macedonia has been a candidate country since 2005 and successfully completed the so-called screening process in December 2023. Unfortunately, the process did not advance since the constitutional changes, which have been made conditional by the council, have not yet been implemented. North Macedonia is, however, advancing in other areas, such as the implementation of the reform and growth facility for the Western Balkans or the integration into the Single Euro Payments Area (SEPA). Substantial work still lies ahead on North Macedonia's path to EU membership, but with political dedication, the current deadlock could be overcome.
I would now like to give the floor to our rapporteur to present his draft report. Dear Thomas, the floor is yours.
Speaker 29
Thank you, David. Thank you, Chair, and thanks to all the colleagues who are here today in the Foreign Policy Committee to discuss this report, at least the first proposal. Let me start with some positive notes. We have been clearly pointing out the progress that has happened on Corridors 8 and 10. It's a very important strategic link from the East to the West, from the South to the North, which is key not just for the country itself, but for the security of all our European Union countries.
Speaker 30
There's clear progress there. Also, the CFSP alignment needs to be mentioned once again. Also, the quite substantial support the country has been giving and is still giving to Ukraine helps Ukrainian soldiers and citizens defend themselves against the illegal aggression and invasion of Russian troops. Thank you, Chair, also for mentioning SEPA. The inclusion of the country into the SEPA region is a major success that is also felt by citizens because many citizens, as in many Balkan countries, are working abroad, at least part-time.
And this is a step forward that is felt by citizens in their daily life and saves a lot of money for the Macedonian population. Still good are the assessments when it comes to media freedom, but also when it comes to the role of civil society. So, it's still good compared to other countries in the region, but we see a slightly shrinking space both for independent media and for civil society. Also, it comes to media freedom, or let's say, to transparency in terms of media ownership, but also foreign influence and fake news. So, there's a lot of work to do, but we see institutions stepping up their efforts in this direction.
When it comes to rule of law reforms, there is still a lot to be done. Unfortunately, the progress that we've seen in the last year was not so substantial; it might also be related to another election year. It is very positive to mention that there will be no elections in the upcoming year. At least, this has been announced by the government. Also, the year has been called the year of reforms, not just in terms of closing chapters or starting to negotiate chapters, but moving towards potentially fulfilling criteria to be able to close chapters at a certain point, especially regarding rule of law reforms.
Beyond that request and need, the necessary reforms are required for the reform agenda. The country has to massively step up its efforts to meet the goals by June. It's about actually €47,000,000 budget support that is at stake and will go to other countries in the region if the needed reforms are not done by June. So, this is also mentioned. A constitutional amendment: it is very clear that the rights of minorities for cultural expression and self-determination are part of our European acquis and, therefore, part of the negotiating framework in the Council conclusions.
So, there is a need to fulfill this requirement to add additional minority communities that are present in the country to the constitution. And this is also in light of, I would say, a successful story of the country where inclusion and power sharing with different ethnic groups in the country's majorities, constituting peoples and minorities, is a main ingredient of peaceful and positive development of the country as such. It's a very high value, especially if you know the history of the region, that the country managed and still manages to share governance and share power. This is, I think, one of the magic ingredients for the country to move on. But also, coming back to the rule of law, the country urgently needs foreign investments for economic development in many fields, clearly also in the field of energy transition, with investments into renewable energy to get out of fossil fuels.
Still, a big part of the energy demand is served by fossil fuels, which creates massive pollution problems. But the rule of law is mainly also important for foreign investments. This is the main ingredient to attract investors: that you have clear legal certainty. Coming back to the environment, there's progress when it comes to waste management. Well, there is still a lot to do.
If you know the country on wastewater management, there has been some progress, but there is still a lot to do. So, colleagues, we tried to prepare a well-balanced report that touches upon the important topics. We will go into negotiations after I have seen your amendments. Please come forward with all the amendments that you want to see reflected in the report. And I'm looking forward to a constructive debate and the constructive work to come up with a common proposal that can find a strong pro-European majority here in the committee and then later in plenary, so we can do our best to support the country to move on its path towards the European Union.
As mentioned by the chair, the application is more than 20 years old, and I think it's time to move on. We are also pointing out that this is a huge window of opportunity at the moment for the whole region, but specifically also for North Macedonia to move on to EU accession. There's a green light as far as I can see from the Council, from the Commission, and here in the European Parliament. There's great support. So there's a real window of opportunity, and I very much hope the North Macedonian government is not missing that opportunity.
So let's try to work on it, contribute to it, and I'm looking forward to constructive debates and constructive results. Thank you very much.
David McAllister
Thank you very much, Thomas. I now give the floor to the Shadrar Pateurs wishing to speak. And for the EPP, it's first Matei Tonin.
Speaker 39
Thank you, Chair. Northern Macedonia definitely belongs to the European Union. Speaking with the people, you can clearly see that they are exhausted, waiting for more than 20 years in a waiting room. So that's why I'm quite happy that at least the European Union is offering them some visible, tangible results, which are, for example, SEPA, already mentioned. I hope that they will get access to data roaming and so on as soon as possible.
North Macedonia is strategically important for Europe for various reasons, including security. One of them, the Balkan migrant route, went through North Macedonia. So they were very valuable in defending and safeguarding the European transport corridors, which are important, and so on. So the country is beautiful and diverse at the same time, but to unlock all the potential, they have to turn their diversity into strength. Political polarization is high.
Maybe this year, without the elections, there is a window of opportunity to reduce this polarization. In the country, there are different ethnic groups. You have minorities, and there is still great room to improve the relations between these groups. If I touch upon the reports a bit and compare the draft report with last year's report, this year it is much shorter. And the general one, I think that the approach is right because in the past, we saw that the more we go into the details, the more we start a strange competition about how many details we can include, and this is a game which always ends in a bad way.
So I hope that even in the future, with all the amendments that will come, it will still be on point and on message, and in a general way. Anyway, I would like to emphasize two points in the report, which I think nicely touch upon the crucial aspect of this process, where at least two sides are very engaged. Point number two says that it is known that the reform momentum requires renewed political commitment, including the necessary constitutional amendments. Point number five recalls that bilateral disputes between countries should be addressed through open dialogue and genuine cooperation outside of the accession process. At least for me, these are two important points.
As I said, without the elections, this creates a tremendous opportunity for the Macedonian government. I hope that they will use it. I hope that this will really be a year of reforms and, in the end, a year of great results. So, just my personal conclusion in the end: I hope that this year's negotiations won't be as heated as they were last year. And at the end, thank you from my fellow shadow reporters and, of course, to the general reporter Thomas Spitz, who did a great job.
Speaker 40
Thank you. Thank you very much, Chair, and thanks first off to the rapporteur for a very good draft and also for all his work and the conversations that he had in preparation for this. Yes, I agree with colleague Tonin that the Macedonian people are exhausted and longing for progress. Regrettably, the government and political forces in North Macedonia have not been able to come together, particularly on the interests of the Macedonian people. And the current government, of course, bears a large responsibility for that by being in government.
Speaker 41
But it's not only about the Macedonians and the progress that has not been made in the past year. If I look at the Commission's report, I must say that maybe it is a little too positive. Not in the sense that the right elements were not mentioned, and the progress mentioned by the rapporteur is not in the report. But what's not in the report are the causes for the lack of progress on the side of the Macedonians, but also, and that's my third point, the Council. Because the Council bears a big responsibility for not providing a credible enlargement perspective, in the interest first of the country itself, but also of all of us in the European Union.
Speaker 40
We need to make progress on this, and we need it soon. And the Council should get moving on this. Finally, yes, any kind of pursuing of narrow ethno-nationalist interests is not good for North Macedonia; it's not good for Europe. We will work together on the report, and I look forward to a fruitful endeavor in this regard, in the interest of North Macedonia and the European Union. Thank you.
Speaker 42
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Dear colleagues, this situation that we have in North Macedonia is a bit difficult for the so-called old hands because the Macedonians, the people of Northern Macedonia, rightly say they are tired. They are moving away from the European Union more and more, and they are much further away than they were 10 or 15 years ago. And I think that is a problem. And it's partly our fault, not only the council's, like our colleagues said, but also the commission's, because both of them allowed this situation to happen.
First, I'd like to say without hesitation that North Macedonia has made an effort to approach the European Union, and the EU screening process for all six negotiation clusters was completed in 07/2023. 20, and this is not symbolism. This is our technical work done, and we have to concede at this point. We have to understand that they are doing what they can at these particular points. Second, Scorpio has maintained a clear political commitment to the European path with the reform agenda.
They have also reformed the constitution. They reformed some laws and so on. And North Macedonia was also covered by the EU rule of law report, which was quite positive, and I think I'd like to underline this. But on the other hand, the treatment of minorities and what is going on inside politics in Northern Macedonia must be assessed in a different way. We have to give more support.
We are not demanding, but supporting because, otherwise, we will not reach our goals. The other thing, although I agree with the colleagues who spoke before me, I think it's done what they said. I'd like to say that, from the regional point of view, the European Union should be a stability factor and not a polarization factor. That means it's our responsibility to keep the region on a path for cooperation and peace, and not polarization. I mean, allowing different minorities or majorities, it depends on the case, to take advantage of these negotiations and the weak position of some of the countries that are trying to join the European Union.
So, as a whole, as a regional approach, the European Union has a great responsibility, should assume that responsibility, and has to understand that the Balkans are part of Europe. Because if we don't integrate the Western Balkans, we will have security problems, economic problems, social problems, immigration problems, and all kinds of problems. So, for our own sake, we should integrate the Western Balkans within the European Union, of course, within the rules, with the Copenhagen criteria, and so on. But we should make a big effort from our part as well, and that's what I will try to do, together with the reporters, in the future. Thank you very much.
Speaker 43
Thank you. For the ECR, Mr. Walchef, please. Thank you, Chair. I will express myself in Bulgarian.
Speaker 44
Honorable members. First of all, let me thank Mr. Wait for his contribution and his draft. Thank you very much indeed. Yes.
Speaker 45
North Macedonia is beginning to feel tired. I know what it is like to be kept waiting for a long time. I come from a country that is used to that. But the North Macedonian government continues to.
Look.
Speaker 45
For an external enemy in order to solve its domestic problems. President Mittkovsky's comments are particularly problematic in terms of hardening the rhetoric. They're doing that vis-à-vis the opposition and vis-à-vis the critical media. And I think really that undermines good naval littleness, which underpins the European project. And it also runs counter to the principles of the European Union.
Now, on combating corruption, no significant progress has been made. Corruption remains rife, and we're not seeing any binding rulings when there are prosecutions. And that really does undermine the strength of the states. And on our way, also regarding the former Prime Minister Nikola Gorevsky, people are being told and are hearing that he's close to President Mikotsky. Apparently, he is hiding in Hungary.
There is no real independence of judges in the judiciary and prosecutors. But without an independent judiciary, we cannot have the rule of law or the protection of fundamental rights. So, this leads to political polarization, which in itself then causes so-called identity problems. And I think North Macedonia does deserve a place in the European Union, but not at any cost. The constitutional reforms that had been agreed upon are still not there.
And I think it shows a lack of political will. And there also seems to be a lack of strategic vision. A European perspective for North Macedonia is there, but there needs to be an effective fight against corruption, de-escalation of political tensions, good neighborly relations, protection of human rights, and respect for European values. Now, without this solid foundation, we cannot move forward. We cannot make progress without creative solutions.
Without this basic foundation, we really cannot make any steps forward. Now, let me stress this once more. North Macedonia does have its place in the European Union, but it will depend on the country itself as well for that part. Thank you.
Next is Dan Bana for Renew.
Speaker 46
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. First of all, I want to thank Mr. Weiss for his thorough and consistent report and all his efforts this year and last year as well. North Macedonia has held the title of candidate country for more than 20 years. This one has already been said. And in all this time, the citizens have shown steadfast commitment to the path of integration in the European Union.
So this is certainty. North Macedonia successfully completed the screening process in December 2023 and has made measurable progress in implementing its reform agenda. These results show a country moving in the right direction toward full membership. There are important steps to take now in order to benefit from the momentum that has been created in European integration. To succeed, however, the political class in North Macedonia must put aside divisions.
We need to see renewed political commitment and constructive cross-party cooperation to secure the reforms needed, including the urgent adoption of the constitutional amendments required to unblock the opening of the fundamentals cluster. We all wish to see faster progress, with the most urgency in those areas that sustain democracy itself: the rule of law, preventing and combating corruption, and media freedom. These pillars are essential not only to preserve democratic institutions but also to maintain citizens' trust and their willingness to engage in the country's modernization. The rule of law, anti-corruption efforts, and media freedom are the areas that demand our most careful and impartial scrutiny, precisely because they can be fragile, as some of our own union members have learned. For this reason, we must keep our assessment objectives and our focus on European criteria, leaving bilateral disputes to be addressed through open dialogue outside the accession process.
Speaker 47
I look forward to working with all our colleagues on the next report and trust that together we can ensure a fair, transparent, and more streamlined process that reflects both our values and our common commitment to a united democratic Europe, including the Western Balkans.
David McAllister
Thank you. Thank you. Mister Georgiou from the left is not present, then it's Mister Stoyanov for the ESN. Thank you.
Speaker 31
Thank you very much. I'll make my comments in Bulgarian. I agree with what the rapporteur has said. It's true that North Macedonia would miss a good opportunity regarding the missing results. Now, if you look at Albania, the results have come in.
And I think the population in the country has been waiting for a very long time. I'm sure they are getting tired. Yes. But the political elite does not seem to be tired. And so this shows that their political commitment is not being met.
It's a great shame. So this all means that we might not be waiting two decades, but maybe 120 years for progress to be made. So, I think the negotiations with North Macedonia...
Speaker 31
The past was difficult. We didn't see any changes to the constitutions that had been agreed upon. There's a lack of political will to really move forward with the process that was negotiated with Bulgaria. And I think that's a clear foundation, a clear basis for progress. There is no fight against discrimination.
North Macedonia needs to guarantee the freedoms of all its ethnic minorities. The media are showing that there is a lack of trust. Corridor aid is also very important, not just for economic development, but also for building trust among neighbors. The deadlines must be met. Corridor 8 must be supported at the highest level.
Extension should really become a consequence of the progress that's been made. I think it's only right to expect North Macedonia to meet its obligations, as has been the case for its neighbors in the Western Balkans. That's really the key. There shouldn't be any kind of compromise whereby we accept a lesser form of EU membership. I don't think that would set the right precedent and the right basis.
Thank you very much.
David McAllister
Thank you. Now that the chair of the delegation is not present, I can give the floor to other members who wish to speak. At the moment, I have one request, Davos Stier. Who else would like to take the floor? And it's just Davos.
Please.
Speaker 48
Thank you, Chair. And I would like to thank the rapporteur for the draft report as well as for the introductory remarks. Last year, it was not an easy task for him to deal with this resolution and also with the shadow of the rapporteur. So, I wish you an easier task this year. I think that it is important here to obviously address a key issue and a strong opportunity that is open for North Macedonia as well as for the Western Balkans.
But, unfortunately, in the case of North Macedonia, until this moment it has not been used. So, how to move forward with the negotiations really comes down to the issue of fulfilling the requirement for amending the constitution. Now, I think that in this regard, there is already a clear position of the European Parliament and the European institutions about that. What can be done is to address the possible ways to do it if there are concerns that something will come after the constitutional amendments as new requirements, in order to address these kinds of fears and build confidence. However, that requirement obviously should be fulfilled. So my point would be that we cannot address or achieve all these results with the parliamentary resolution.
However, we need to keep in mind that there is still a lot of work to do and to deliver for the mock diplomacy, and try to use the opportunity we have to send such an encouraging message with this resolution. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you. And now, once again, we would like to hear the views of Miss Bretl and Mr. Rumboldt. Peter?
Speaker 36
Thank you, Chair, for allowing us to also discuss this year's report on North Macedonia. So we do welcome a solid and balanced report that has been shared, and we also underline here the importance of this house's continued engagement and commitment to North Macedonia's EU path. We agree with the overall assessment that political will is needed for the country to move forward in its succession process. Our political objective remains to open accession negotiations on the fundamental clusters as soon as possible once North Macedonia has met the relevant criteria agreed upon by the Council, and this means adopting the constitutional amendments. We do agree that the accession process can be reinvigorated.
Speaker 37
North Macedonia's reform plans are no longer slowed down by electoral processes. The authorities have everything in their hands to deliver key reforms in 2026. And we have seen recent positive signals in this regard. First, a productive Stabilization and Association Committee meeting took place earlier this month in Skopje, actually the first since 2021, which also signaled commitment on the part of the authorities to further reforms. North Macedonia also recently made progress on the opening benchmarks for Cluster One.
It adopted, in November, its road map on public administration reform and is finalizing its road map on the rule of law and the accompanying action plan on minorities, also in the context of an inclusive process. Third, North Macedonia is committed to fulfilling its steps under the reform agenda, and we have seen here also positive developments in the last weeks and months. And here, work is ongoing as well on key reforms falling under the rule of law steps. For example, the amendments to the law on the judicial council, the amendments to the electoral code, and the ongoing work on the new criminal code. Let me go just briefly sector-specific.
So, in the area of judiciary, as the report states, there was insufficient progress overall in the period covered, and trust in the judiciary needs to be strengthened. The same goes for the fight against corruption, although we note that the authorities remain committed to prioritizing this area. The country has also shown progress in several other important areas and has continued to meet its general obligations on fundamental rights. Finally, to conclude, we agree that we must fully support the country, including through active diplomatic engagement to help North Macedonia make progress on its own commitment and also to overcome existing obstacles. So, we look forward to the final report.
Thank you.
Speaker 38
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and thank you, European Parliament colleagues. Thank you, first of all, for the many comments today on the geopolitical importance of enlargement, which, of course, the European External Action Service fully shares. I'm going to be brief because my commission colleague already gave you a comprehensive assessment that we entirely concur with. But I do want to mention that we strongly welcome the European Parliament's engagement as part of a broader diplomatic engagement in North Macedonia. The report comes at a moment when, despite limited progress on accession, we're seeing some potentially positive signals of Skopje's renewed interest in pursuing EU reforms, including the completion of the public administration roadmap and progress on the action plan on minorities.
We consider the report balanced, and we hope the government of North Macedonia will act on its recommendations, ensuring that positive signals become concrete progress. As the report notes, the top priority remains the need for North Macedonia to implement constitutional changes as set out in the July 2022 Council conclusions. We concur on the need for North Macedonia to make progress on fundamental reforms, particularly related to the rule of law and the judiciary. We support the report's call for a depoliticized, merit-based public administration and a more resilient, independent media landscape aligned with the European Media Freedom Act. On corridor eight, we welcome the progress and underline the need for further progress, particularly given the importance not only for the economic integration of the region but also for military mobility.
We commend North Macedonia's consistent CFSP alignment and its support for CSDP missions and operations. Notably, there are 32 personnel supporting U4 Altea in, excuse me, Bosnia, and it has the governor. We'll continue to build on this cooperation, including at the second iteration of the EU-North Macedonia security and defense dialogue on April 28 in Brussels. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Speaker 29
Thank you, Chair, and thank you, colleagues, but also the Chair of the delegation. But also, thank you to our own secretary here in parliament, DG Inest, and the external action service for the good cooperation. It needs many efforts and many sides to help, both when it comes to diplomacy and when it comes to capacity, supporting the country and its ability to actually deliver and implement proper legislation. It needs many helping hands to bring the country forward, but I thank you all for our common understanding that brings moving the country forward, helping the country to move towards accession. It's not just in the interest of the country itself, but in the interest of all of us, in different aspects.
Speaker 30
So, we have a common goal, and I hope we can channel this into a common effort to draft a good report together, in a constructive atmosphere and in a constructive spirit. So, I thank you all for your contributions, and I'm looking forward to your amendments, then to the negotiations, and to the cooperation to draft a good, balanced, and helpful report. Thank you very much.
David McAllister
This concludes this item. The deadline for amendments to this report is set for March 6 at 12:00. We hope to vote on the report in our committee on May 5. Item number 23: any other business? Would somebody like to raise their hand and point?
That's not the case. Our next meetings are on March 16 in the afternoon and all day on March 17. Today's meeting is concluded. Have a wonderful rest of the day.
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