Committee on Foreign Affairs Ordinary meeting
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AFET European Parliament
Follow its sittingsSpeaker 3
What is important is, and as a short reference to it also, to the efforts made in the preparation of the elections. We all know that cannot go if there is, at some point, a ceasefire that cannot go within a short period. And so it's good that preparations are already done in this regard. There are issues that hinder judicial reform. It is about independence.
It's about the completion of the constitutional court, the judges there. It's a call for reform of the security service and the state bureau of investigation. And we call also for review of martial law measures that are in place at this stage. Among other things, it is definitely also about fundamental freedoms and human rights that need to be protected in spite of the ongoing war. And in this circumstance, we call to ensure continued support for freedom of expression and media independence, and restrictions due to martial law should definitely be looked upon within how far they are necessary.
What is very important and that is stressed also is that the civil society has remained an active part of policymaking of public opinion, and it is important to enhance the consultation with civil society and social partners to ensure that their input is definitely taken into account. On regional cooperation and good neighborly relations, we welcome the increased efforts to align its position with the EU and the World Trade Organization, and we encourage close coordination with also our own international trade negotiations. Was that a, oh, you were already, oh yeah. Order limiting me. Sorry.
Sorry.
Have three minutes, actually.
Speaker 3
Three minutes. Oh, sorry. Sorry for that. I wasn't aware that you didn't say the three minutes. Okay.
Other chapters address the socioeconomic reforms that need to continue, and that is important to address. And, of course, the sector of energy and sustainable development is one that also in the current circumstances where we see that, the winter, the effects of shortages, that the energy policy is very important as well. As I said, this is a skeleton which needs to be enriched by all the contributions that come from me and the shadow operators to get a real comprehensive report. But I'm trusting that the, shall I say, the Ukraine coalition that we are practicing here, since years, that will go ahead together and stand together in support of this country. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you. We now come to the Shatter rapporteurs. It's two minutes each. And for the S and D, it's Thijs Reuten.
Speaker 5
Thank you very much, Chair. And, well, what we typically say when reports are presented is that we thank the rapporteur for the excellent draft. But in this particular case, I really mean it. It's a great draft precisely because of the points that you highlight, Mikael, because it's a point of departure, yes, but the focus is the right focus, I think, and the key points are already in it. And of course, we will add some thoughts to that.
Speaker 4
But I think it's very important, the order also of the points, how you ordered them in the report. I think we have to talk a bit more in-depth, think a bit more in-depth about accession issues. You mentioned them. I think we cannot avoid addressing also the public discussion on Ukraine's membership, including its sensitivities. Why do we, as a parliament, have to do that? In my opinion.
Because the member states are not doing it. We need to inspire creativity. Then, on the reforms, you mentioned it as well. I think, yes, as a Ukraine coalition, as you call it, we are indeed constructive, critical at times. We also need to acknowledge that, in the ongoing war, the cutting of capacity at ministries to actually do it is a fact that we cannot avoid, and the exhaustion is there.
And the effect of the ongoing so-called peace negotiations on the willingness to do the reforms, we also see that ongoing. That leads to some kind of slowdown. We should not be accusative on that. It's a normal thing that happens when you have, are facing this aggression for years now. But we, as a parliament, need to be supportive of Ukraine on that.
So I really look forward to working on these elements in particular. And I think also that we need to maybe, as a parliament, reflect a little bit on how EU policies and programs can be adjusted to assist in Ukraine's integration, not only in the EU, but also in the wider institutional framework. But thank you very much, Michael, and looking forward to our cooperation.
She is.
Okay. Please, madam.
Thank you, chair. I will speak in Hungarian.
Speaker 7
Thank you very much. Well, it is saddening and shocking that there is a war in Ukraine. The Hungarian minority in Ukraine is suffering from the war as well. However, we have to deal with the problems at hand. It seems like this report, once again, is using double standards.
This doesn't reflect the genuine situation on the ground. It doesn't reflect the facts. This is a very positive text vis-à-vis Ukraine. And Hungary is being unjustly criticized on the use of the right of veto, even though other countries have used their right of veto in other situations. The Ukrainian president has threatened Hungary.
This is completely unacceptable, and we must react. The oil pipeline has been blocked, and this is endangering the blockade and the energy security of the EU. This could lead to a serious crisis. We're already exposed to a very difficult situation in Europe. We need to de-escalate.
And in order to do that, we need diplomatic approaches, dialogue. And it looks like Ukraine is not interested in that. When it comes to accession, I'm from Ukraine. I am part of the Hungarian minority there, and I know that Hungarian rights in Ukraine are not being observed. Moreover, we hear news every day that there's recruitment of soldiers and abuse of human rights.
It's extremely important that the European Parliament take as a point of departure, or rather that we take as a point of departure, that Ukraine must meet all the conditions and keep those conditions. But there seems to be an attempt to push an accelerated accession through, and that goes against the rules. So these plans, I don't think, are going to help the situation. Thank you.
David McAllister
For the ECL, the shadow is Michal Dvorchik, and he's being replaced by Adam.
Speaker 8
So thank you, Chair. As you said, Michal Dvorchik is our shadow of posterity. He couldn't be with us here today, but he asked me to present his statement. I have speaking points in Polish, so I will switch to Polish. Thank.
You, chair. Well, I'd like to thank Mister Michael Gala for the drawing up of this balanced report on Ukraine for the year 2025. There's one thing we have to underscore, and that is that Ukraine has been heroically fighting against Russian aggression for twenty years, sorry, for four years, says the speaker. The war started in 2024 and has been extremely significant for the whole of Europe. Kyiv has shown itself to be very resilient and has managed to push through reforms despite being at war.
We have to stress the fact that democracy needs to be bolstered in Ukraine, especially if they want to join the European Union. Ukraine seems to be pushing for the rule of law to apply. It's important that progress be made, so that they can join the European Union. I think we need to make it clear that in some areas, there are considerable challenges. Above all, the independence of the democratic institutions, and corruption needs to be combated.
We need to see transparency vis-à-vis what the administration is doing. These are important aspects for the accelerate the accession process. We cannot ignore that there are reservations in some member states, including Poland. Reservations concerning the influence that Ukrainian accession would have on certain aspects of the economy, especially when it comes to agriculture. Hence, I think this report constitutes a good point of departure for future work.
The ECR will be tabling some amendments in order to address the challenges that Ukraine is facing. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Adam. For now, the shadow is Petras, and he's been replaced by Helmut Brandstetter.
Helmut Brandstätter
Thank you very much, Chair. Yeah. Petras is not here yet. So I want to say just a few words. First, thank you very much for Michel Gara.
To Michel Gara and all the others working on this report. I think it's really very important. I think it's also very important because not only my country, all over, voters are asking, what is happening in Ukraine and what is Europe doing for Ukraine, what is Ukraine doing for us. And so I think for all those reasons, it's really very important. And, of course, they asked me also, when I listened to my Hungarian colleague, what's happening with Orban.
I mean, there will be elections in France. There will be elections in other countries, but I don't think in any other country Zelensky will be a part of the election campaign. I think there are more pictures of Zelensky in Budapest than of Orban, and that's really very strange. And when you combine it with the lie that Zelensky wants to take over Hungary, then I'm really shocked that this is possible in the European Union. And by the way, give the money back, which you stole, this 90,000,000.
Talking about money, what is really important for me is the frozen assets. And when I read what the Belgium prime minister said recently, I'm also shocked because we know that these frozen assets are necessary to rebuild Ukraine, and we also know that the majority of our voters also expect that. Why should others pay? It's very normal that those who destroy something also have to pay for it. So I think we have to really expect that this frozen, the frozen Russian money can be used for that. And one word also about those stolen children.
It's really shocking also for me when you see politicians in Russia proud of having stolen and adopted a child. I think that's also a very important point for me. Thank you very much.
Villy Søvndal
Thank you very much, and thank you, Michael, for a very good draft. I'm going to switch to Danish.
It's no secret that my respect for the Ukrainian people is huge. Over the last four years, the Ukrainians have been exposed to attempts to bring them to their knees. When you're in that situation and continue to make progress on an application to join the EU, well, you can only take your hat off to that. But the path to membership needs to continue. It's some way off.
I'd like stronger anti-corruption mechanisms, even stronger than the ones that they have now, for greater transparency. That would be in the interest of society. We also need to ensure that Ukrainians are recognized for the progress that's been made in a number of areas, including green transition. The EU needs to continue to provide support in the fight for peace against intimidating regimes. It's particularly a situation where Trump's administration once again is playing into the hands of Putin's regime by reducing the sanctions.
We need to keep the door open to Ukrainians successfully implementing reform on the path to EU membership. Hopefully, we can also do away with any remaining obstacles to the negotiations. Thank you.
Thank you very much.
Speaker 12
much, chair. I'll speak German. Thank you, Mr. Gala, for your report. This draft here is one we're discussing. But we've been discussing for at least 4 years that this situation is a controversial one in Ukraine.
In fact, much longer when it comes to the political appraisal of the situation in Ukraine. I don't want to rehash that now. I want to concentrate on the report. Maybe I can just say at the outset, if we're talking about possible Ukrainian accessions to the EU, then the preconditions for that have to start with there being peace. And a diplomatic attempt to bring a peaceful conclusion to this war is absolutely essential.
I think that's something that needs to be put in the report. You and the commission in your reports are talking about advances being made in the democratization of institutions and the rule of law, but I see things slightly differently. You talk about civil society as a pillar of the rule of law in Ukraine, but you haven't spent a single word on trade unions. There are trade union representatives who are being put in prison. There are trade union buildings being taken over.
There's no right to strike anymore. Collective agreements are being undermined. There's no control and checks on occupational health and safety. So if we're talking about the possibility of Ukraine joining the EU, I think we need to have clearer language on that in the report. Also, you're talking about Ukraine having made massive advances in fighting corruption, but the reports we've seen in recent years contradict that.
And I think we need to be clear that corruption, when we're talking about European money especially, is unacceptable. And so we are going to put forward some clear amendments in this whole process, and hope that this report can be made a little more balanced, and maybe we can make it clear that the workers and the poor people in Ukraine should not be forgotten.
Thank you. For the
Thank you.
Group, Peter Volgin.
Speaker 13
Thank you, chair. I will speak in Bulgarian. Well,
I thank Mister Galer, our reporter, for all the efforts he made on the draft report, but we must not be quiet about things that are not in it. First, almost no attention has been paid to the endemic high-level corruption in Kyiv. People directly linked to Vladimir Zelensky have to leave their positions and flee abroad. And all the more important, it is all about European money, the money of our European citizens. And even before the negotiations for membership have started, imagine what would happen if this succession thing is rushed.
And the report is also silent about the persecution of the traditional Christian Orthodox Church in Ukraine. This will hardly pave the way for Ukraine to EU membership. Indeed, we must be very clear about it, so as not to feed unfounded hopes. President Zelenskyy has threatened with death the prime minister of another country, a country who has stopped energy supplies for other member states, interferes with the elections in a neighboring country that is Hungary, and actively supports one of the political forces. The only thing in which Ukraine is a top achiever is Russophobia.
But I wonder if that would merit the accession to the European Union just because it hates another country. And what would it be for the European Union from the European accession? Nothing. Just more hatred and strife within its borders, and more waste of resources. There is no need to rush it, I think.
Thank you.
David McAllister
Alright. These were the coordinators of the replacements. I will now give the floor to the representatives of the EAS and the Commission. And first is Miss Martha Vitrykovska, deputy head of division from the EAS for two minutes, madam.
Speaker 14
Thank you very much, chair. I would like to commend the members of parliament for their unwavering support for Ukraine's sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity, and for the draft report that is being discussed today. Over 2025, Ukraine has continued to show remarkable resilience and a strong commitment to its European path. This is especially impressive in view of the escalation of Russia's ongoing war of aggression, including a substantial increase in Russian attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. Now, in March 2026, we have entered the fifth year of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine.
This fifth year should be the year in which the war comes to an end. The EU has consistently welcomed efforts for peace and has contributed to the US-led efforts in this regard in close coordination with the coalition of the willing. Whereas Ukraine has continued to show flexibility and engagement and good faith, Russia has shown no intention to negotiate. It is important to note that Russia is not winning on the battlefield. The Russian economy is weakening.
It is therefore essential to stay the course, with more support to Ukraine and increased pressure on Russia. We will continue to support Ukraine so that it is in the strongest post position possible, before, during, and after the eventual ceasefire. It is also vital to implement the Ukraine support loan as soon as possible, and find agreement on the twentieth sanctions package. We will also continue to deliver on the EU security guarantees based on our two CSDP missions, EU MAM and EUAM, and through our support to Ukraine's innovative defence industry. We would like to commend the continued commitment of the Ukrainian authorities to credible reforms on their EU path.
To accomplish this, it is crucial that strong and dedicated efforts on reforms continue across the government and in close partnership with members of the Narada, civil society, and private sector actors. Maintaining the quality and sustainability of reforms, especially on the rule of law, anticorruption, democratic institutions, and public administration, is crucial. EU's accession is a geostrategic goal. Ukraine's accession is a geostrategic goal important to the EU security, and at the same time, enlargement is the strongest security guarantee the EU can provide to Ukraine. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, madam. And I give the floor to Wolfgang Noeza, head of unit, Ukraine service, director general for enlargement in Eastern Neighborhood.
Speaker 15
Thank you very much. From the commission side, I would like to underline that Ukraine continued to maintain the functioning of its democratic institutions, the respect for fundamental rights, and an active civil society, despite the challenges of martial law. As we have pointed out several times before, restrictions under martial law, of course, need to be reviewed consistently and lifted where possible. We appreciate the commitment from the side of the Ukrainian government to implement reforms under the EU accession process. Specifically, the rule of law, the public administration reform, and the functioning of democratic institutions, road maps, and the action plan for national minorities are key in this respect.
Speaker 16
Also, 10 reform priorities adopted in December and the Ukraine plan contain key reforms that should be prioritized and for which the Ukrainian government has shown its commitment. I would also underline the performance of the anti-corruption institutions, which continue to build a track record of investigations and, yes, strengthen this track record consistently. On the more concerning side, we have seen that the Verkhov Narada has struggled more recently to timely adopt reform laws. And we hope that this problem will be addressed soon, so that Ukraine can continue on its ambitious reform agenda and its ambitious timeline. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Mr. Noza. Before returning to Verapatu, we still have a few minutes' time for a catch-the-eye procedure. At the moment, I have five requests to take the floor. It would be wonderful if his list is not increased by too many further colleagues. At the moment, it's Kalnita, Farski, Yugnevichsen, Stier, Brown, and Jonas.
So six members. If it's one minute each, then we can okay. Now we need to tape them. I'm trying to give everyone the floor, but if a list gets too long, it's not possible. We have 30 minutes for each item this morning.
That's why I have to be extremely strict on time. Sandakan Yeet is first.
Speaker 17
Yeah. Thank you. I would also like to compliment Michael Garel Galer for his draft report. What I would like to underline is that it is important that in this report, we strengthen the geostrategic importance of Ukraine for the European Union because our own security is very closely linked to Ukraine. Listening to some colleagues here in the committee, I had the feeling that they are living on the island in the ocean, not, like, in the territory, which is, European Union with two wars at its borders.
Speaker 20
And that's why it is extremely important that we also, in this report, strengthen the need for creativity in decision-making regarding the enlargement. I regret that it's completely now abandoned the idea to fast track Ukraine and Moldova into the union with reversed enlargement procedure. That would be precisely corresponding to the geopolitical danger in which the European Union currently is. Thank you.
Speaker 18
First, I would like to thank mister Garler for his comprehensive work. I think that the tax incorporates all important aspects that should be expected, and thanks for it. And especially in these days when the world is full of wars and aggressions and tensions, it's important to show that our closest ally is Ukraine, and we have to support, and because of our interests, not only because of our interest, but also of them. And I would like to mention also that I'm planning to submit a few amendments that are slightly more forward looking, which will touch upon current efforts on postwar reconstruction and low level regional cooperation between Ukraine regions and regions in the EU. That's something that follows the experience of states such as the Czech Republic and others that were helped by the European countries through their accession to the EU.
So that's something we would like to share with our Ukrainian friends.
Speaker 21
Yeah. Thank you. Thanks so much. First of all, I agree with many of your colleagues that we also had, after addressing the report, that definitely also the question about the fighting with the corruption, and there can't be any fast lane to the EU access. But at the same time, when I heard the leftist colleague say that there was a huge problem that the people can't strike and there are no labor unions in Ukraine, well, good luck with the striking during the war.
Speaker 22
I think we have to come back to reality. The second thing when I heard from the other colleague from Bulgaria that the biggest problem in Ukraine is Russophobia. Well, I can imagine that if you are attacked in Bulgaria by Russia, you will be very Russophobic, believe me. And third point, the question about the pipeline in Ukraine, what is bumped down by Russians, and that's why Hungary can't get their gas from Russia. Well, as you have very good connections now with the Russians, you can ask them to maybe rebuild or reconstruct that in Ukraine what they have bombed down.
But, I think you don't have to be very emotional that Ukrainians are not very motivated to help to get the gas to Hungary to Ukraine while you have made the biggest campaign against Zelensky in Hungary. So I think you get what you ask. Thanks a lot.
David McAllister
Okay. Look. Now there are further colleagues who want to take the floor. I try to accommodate every request, but it's starting to no. You know, but we have thirty minutes each.
I, on an exceptional basis, I will give you also the floor, but you don't complain. But if I ask if you want to take the floor, please then lift your hands during the debate because you will, in the end, blame me that we're not finishing on time. We have so many country reports today. So next is Jonas Scherstedt.
Jonas Sjöstedt
Thank you so much, Chair, and I would like to thank Michel Gale for the report. I think it's a very good starting point to find a broad majority in this parliament in support of Ukraine. I like the focus you have on civil society, the review of martial law. And I think it's also vital to address the issue of corruption, which is a substantial problem in Ukraine. But what we have actually witnessed the last year is substantial progress.
They tried to revoke the independence of Nabo and Saab last summer, and there was a huge reaction in civil society and among common Ukrainians that made that impossible. And after that, we can see how these bodies have been stepping up the work against corruption in a way that is, I would say, promising. There's still a lot to do, but they're definitely on the right track, I would say. Of course, everything cannot be covered as being said in a short report like this. There should be something on the frozen assets that is confiscated.
There should be something on harder sanctions, especially when it comes to the export of fossil fuels and the shadow fleet, where we can actually do more to help Ukrainians. And, just to wrap up, we all want peace, but the obstacle to peace is in Moscow, not Kyiv.
Speaker 30
Not €1 more should be transferred to the corrupt Kyiv regime. Ukraine, as it is, should never be part of any international union. The regime of Kyiv disregards the rights of minorities: Polish, Hungarian, Russian. They promote Nazi Banderist ideology as their main and only tradition. They promote traditions of Waffen-SS Galician as the example for their young soldiers.
Speaker 26
And this is an outrage. They opened just another school in Lvov a couple of weeks ago named after Bandera who is as good as an example for the youngsters as Hitler or Stalin. Thank you very much.
Miss, please.
Speaker 28
Dear colleagues, I get the feeling that the Kremlin TV is talking here. I am afraid it is hopeless to try to appeal to the.
Mr. Brown, please.
Speaker 28
It is hopeless to try to appeal to the conscience of Orban's party members. Using Ukraine as a tool in the elections is simply unforgivable. Country which has been brutally attacked and is fighting for our freedom as a tool in the elections is simply unforgivable. I would say it is anti-Christian. I want to emphasize one important point that we, the EU, need Ukraine and not less than Ukraine needs us.
Speaker 34
Ukraine's membership in the EU should not be delayed. We need rules that correspond to current realities. Europe is different from what it was when the enlargement process began. I am pleased that this report is in very good hands both in the standing rapporteur and the shadow rapporteurs. Good luck.
Thank you.
Davor Ivo Stier
Chairman, it's true that the Druzhba oil pipeline has been damaged. It's not functioning, but it's not true that the energy supply and the energy security are in danger. The mall company in Hungary has ordered 10 oil tankers through the Adriatic pipeline. Three have already been received in the terminal in Omichal, has been the oil fueled all the way to Budapest, as well as the refinery in Slovakia. So oil supply is not in danger, and the energy security of these countries is not in danger.
It's true that the crude from Russia is cheaper than the crude that is not of Russian origin, but that is not affecting the well-being of citizens because the price at the oil gas station in Hungary is pretty much the same as the one in Croatia. The profits of mall could be in danger, but not the energy security or the well-being of the citizens. Thank you.
Thank you, Davao. Now, Mr. Laszlo.
Speaker 33
Well, on the one hand, I would like to thank you for giving me the floor. Now we've heard all kinds of nonsense about Hungary here this morning. I mean, some people seem to prefer to talk about Hungary rather than Ukraine. Let's get back to the facts. Since 2022, the Drusha pipeline has been damaged over 20 times, and the Ukrainians could have repaired the pipeline after each attack.
Speaker 35
After the most recent attack, however, the Ukrainians have not indicated any wish to do so, whereas they could have done. The pipeline is actually working, but Zelensky has decided for political reasons to halt the flow of oil, and he has not allowed European observers in to take a close look at the situation, whereas a natural fact that would be in his own interest. If Ukraine breaches European rules, then I'm sorry, but he is going to have to pay the price. There will be consequences. Now there's been a lot of talk about solidarity here, and it really would be nice if, for once, people showed some solidarity towards Hungary when Hungary is being threatened by the Ukrainian leader.
Speaker 3
Thank you very much. And I have, of course, taken due note of all the contributions from colleagues, and I'm really looking forward to an excellent cooperation with those who have been cooperative in the past. And many aspects that have been addressed will be reflected in the comprehensive report. Perhaps one thing on what was said for the PFE, I have to say, I had the impression that was a fide statement because when I read or when I hear other people from PFE speaking in the plenary from other countries, there's clearly a different tendency. And I think what you should really reflect is how you serve the interest of the Hungarian minority in Ukraine by isolating the country, by Yes.
How do you reflect their interest by blocking Ukraine from EU accession? That is the point that I'm speaking now. I'm speaking now. And that is the question, whether you serve the purpose or whether it's not for a domestic purpose that you need in your campaign. I think, and it is what it was your decision to remain dependent on Russian oil.
If you side with a dictator, then you have to face the consequences as well. And, Yes. On other issues, as I said, I think we can accommodate a lot of the aspects that have been named. I'm looking forward to an excellent cooperation. Thank you very much.
Thank.
David McAllister
You, Michael Gala. So we conclude this item nearly on time. Please be informed that the deadline for amendments is April 15 at 12:00. The vote in Affect will take place on June 3, and the vote in plenary is scheduled for July. This concludes this agenda item.
Thank you to our guests and to all colleagues for their engagement. Without any further ado, we now move on to item number 6. And.
may.
David McAllister
I please ask all those who want to leave the room to do this rapidly. Dear colleagues, we continue with the next enlargement country report, namely the report on the 2025 Commission report on Moldova. First of all, I would like to warmly welcome a delegation of the members of the parliament of the Republic of Moldova representing the committees of the European integration, foreign policy, national security, defense, and public order who are observing the presentation of his draft report. The guests are hosted by the Democracy Support and Election Coordination Group, DEG, in cooperation with the NATO Parliamentary Assembly. Dear colleagues from Moldova, a warm welcome to Brussels.
We also have a group of 8 civil society organizations from The Republic of Moldova present today. They are in Brussels as part of an advocacy mission organized by the NGO PromoLex and facilitated by the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum. A warm welcome also to the representatives of civil society from Chișinău. Moldova has continued its steadfast progress on its path towards EU accession. In fact, the commission noted that Moldova achieved the biggest annual progress among the candidate countries, which is truly commendable.
It has successfully and swiftly completed the screening process and has started technical discussions with the European Commission on three of the six clusters for EU accession negotiations. I now give the floor to our rapporteur Sven Mixer to present his draft report. Sven, the floor is yours.
Speaker 36
Yes. Thank you, chair, dear colleagues, dear friends and colleagues from Moldova. First, all the same caveats apply as did during the previous agenda points. That means that due to the constraints regarding the length of the initial draft of the report, not all important points can be covered. And at this point, I think the draft should be viewed as the point of departure.
Departure. And I hope that during the process of amendments and the negotiations, more flesh will be added to the bones, so that we'll end up with a really strong and contentful final report. A couple of points. Regarding the overall reform process, Moldova is commended in the draft for achieving the biggest annual progress among candidate countries, with the commission assessing that progress was made across all negotiating chapters. That means that while, looking statically at this point of time, the country may have not have reached the furthest among all the candidate countries, but it definitely has covered the most ground during the past year and should be commended for that.
And this dynamic is actually extremely important. Secondly, regarding the accession timeline, the report notes Moldova's objective to provisionally close accession negotiations by early 2028 and join the EU by 2030. The draft urges the council to open all negotiating clusters without delay. The report also calls on Moldovan authorities to accelerate key reforms and stresses that genuine and tangible results need to be delivered in order to justify the trust of Moldovan citizens and ensure their continued support for the European integration of the country. So it means that it is important to maintain or keep up the good work when it comes to Moldova authorities, but we also need to live up to our end of the bargain.
And when we make as a union an assessment that the country is ready to move ahead, then we should not, in a different institution, block that progress for whatever internal reasons we might have. Third point, resilience against interference. Despite unprecedented foreign interference from Russia and its proxies, the parliamentary elections of September 2025 resulted in a true European majority reaffirming the citizens' aspirations for your membership and also sort of broadening the window of opportunity to actually keep moving ahead with a strong pro-European majority in the parliament and strongly pro-European government. Next rule of law and governance report recognizes good progress in justice sector reforms and the fight against corruption, while also encouraging the completion of the judicial vetting process by 2026. Regarding economic and infrastructure integration, key milestones are highlighted, including Moldova joining the single euro payments area, SEPA, its inclusion in the EU Rome like home area, and the completion of the Volcan Estigational power line to reduce energy reliance on the Transnistrian region.
And finally, security and foreign policy, the report praises Moldova's alignment with the EU's common foreign security policy, its decision to withdraw from the Commonwealth of Independent States, and it also calls for increased funding via the European peace facility to enhance the country's defense capabilities. As I said, the reason maximum length to the draft, but I intend to also present a number of my own amendments following my fact finding mission to Moldova at the turn of the month. And I also expect to and strongly encourage all the shadows and other members interested in the in Moldova's progress towards your membership to do the same so that we could have a very constructive negotiating process and a very good final results. Thank you very much.
Speaker 3
Yes. That's on behalf of our colleague Halitsky. He thanks the rapporteur for his initial draft on the commission's report on Moldova. He highlights some points that are most important for us. He says we can and we should do more on energy with Moldova.
We will propose an update on this topic to the report as energy is crucial not only for Moldova's security and territorial integrity, but also for the political dynamics between the authorities in Chisinau and the Transnistrian guys there. Connectivity is important. We welcome that Rome like at home. Home now works since January 1 for Moldovans. In the area of judiciary and the rule of law, we closely monitor the updates on the vetting process in Moldova, and we welcome the commission's positive assessment in this regard, and hope that this process will be finalized by the end of this year.
We have set up, as European Parliament, an antenna office in Chisinau, and we should make full use of this office by enhancing and strengthening our parliamentary cooperation. The parliament should take full use of the scrutiny role on the European Commission when it comes to the implementation of the reform and growth facility for Moldova, which is around €2,000,000,000. He thanks the rapporteur for finding space to reiterate the importance of genuine civil society organizations in monitoring the progress of democratic governance and EU-related reforms. The parliament should cooperate closely with the partners like the European Endowment for Democracy in developing the democracy report, support for the genuine civil society organizations, especially bearing in mind the vacuum left by US ID US aid. He also welcomes the road maps on the rule of law, public administration, and the functioning of democratic institutions that the Moldovan administration has adopted in cooperation with the European Commission.
Since EU Moldova Summit in July, we are in a new phase of our common relationship, and we can also learn from Moldova, disinformation and hybrid threats from Russia are a threat to all of us, to all EU member countries, and more broadly also to all democratic countries. So the leadership, how they interfered and blocked Russia's proxies in the democratic process, I think that is something that we can also learn from. Yes. I have to stop here. There are more points, but that will then come with amendments.
Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Micha. For the PFE group, who would like to take the floor? Nobody. For the ECI group, our shadow is Christian Terhash, but you will be replaced, please.
Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza
Thank you. On 03/27/2025, I was in Chisinau. I met the chair of the foreign policy committee in Akasheira. I asked her how it can be that Moldova wants to join the EU without leaving the Commonwealth of Independent States, which is the successor organization to the USSR? That's a question that I then put in writing to Martin Koss and to the Foreign Minister, Vice PM as well.
I welcome then the decision from Moldova to gradually leave the CIS. Georgia and Ukraine have done that a long since. Thank you.
Speaker 40
Thank you. Thank you, chair. I would like to begin by thanking rapporteur Sven Mixer for his dedicated work and for presenting a report that accurately captured Moldova's historical progress. While we'll celebrate these achievements, I wish to underline several points we consider essential for the upcoming negotiations. First, we must call on Moldova to ensure an accelerated implementation of social, economic, and fundamental reforms to meet 2028 target.
Speaker 41
Consequently, we urge the council to formally open negotiation clusters without delay, starting specifically with the fundamentals cluster. This recognized Moldova's consistent political will and consistent progress in reforming the justice sector and in fighting corruption. Regarding financial security, we propose that the ongoing MFF negotiations provide a specific country allocation for Moldova within the future global Europe pillar. It is vital that this pre-accession allocation is explicit and transparent to ensure effective expenditure. Finally, we must remain vigilant against attempts to disseminate disinformation and anti-European propaganda.
Speaker 42
We need to bolster Moldova's resilience against unprecedented Russian interference, as they continue their European journey. Thanks to the rapporteur and the other shadows for what I'm confident will be a constructive approach in our upcoming negotiations. Thank you.
Bravo.
Villy Søvndal
Thank you, Thier, and thanks for the report to Sven. I'm going to speak in Danish. I
I was observing the elections last year in Moldova, and we saw how Putin's misinformation campaign put Moldova under huge pressure. As Europeans, we responded with solidarity in order to help protect Moldova from a Russian misinformation campaign. We encountered people who, despite Russian attempts to interfere, wanted to speak their voice and express their desire to join the EU. So despite the campaign and its attempts to destroy democracy in Moldova, we have to welcome the clear message that there is a democratic way forward. It's something that the report also emphasizes: we need to cooperate with Moldova so that they can continue with reform and strengthen the rule of law.
Yes. Of course, there are challenges still ahead, but it's worth emphasizing that Moldova can succeed as a candidate. I think last year's election was a clear message about which path the people of Moldova have chosen to follow.
Jonas Sjöstedt
Thank you, chair. And first, I'd like to thank the reporters and mixer for a good report, a good starting point for finding a common position. Moldova, beyond doubt, to substantial and quick progress when it comes to legislation and when it comes to development, in many aspects in the country. I think it would be vital, though, that this progress is also something that is felt in the everyday life of Moldovans. Many people have low incomes, and pensions are low.
There is a problem with inflation and high prices. And I think this social aspect could be developed in the report with a few sentences. One particularly sensitive point is, of course, the energy price in the country and the dependency still on fossil fuels. There've been large investments in solar and wind in Moldova, and that is a way to keep down the prices and have more energy independence. And I think that has to be further supported in the coming years to break the dependency on fossil fuels, especially when we have this ongoing war in the Middle East.
Last but not least, I think the whole issue of the so called Transnistria is vital, and there are some good signs that the grip from the Russians is not as hard as it was and that the trade is shifting towards the European Union, and there are some signs of dialogue and integration with Moldova. But it will be hard to achieve full integration with Moldova in the coming years, and we have to do our utmost to cooperate with the Moldovan authorities to give the incentives to the people of Transnistria to fully become a part of Moldova again. Thank you, chair.
David McAllister
Thank you. For the ESN, I don't see a request to take the floor. The chair of our EU Moldova parliamentary association committee, Sigfried Murezan, is not present, so I can't give him the floor. And now I would like to ask other members wishing to take the floor, then please raise your hands. We have two members, Miss Eugenievichena and, as expected, Mister Brown.
First, Miss Eugenievichena.
Speaker 28
Thank you, first of all, for the reporters as well, as I say the same, said the same on Ukraine. Moldova is also in very good hands of good reporters. Moldova has become an example of resistance to Russia's hybrid war against states, for us as well. No country is immune from what Moldova is experiencing, be it EU members or not. Unfortunately, as Georgia's standing rapporteur, I have to say that Georgia is the opposite, unsuccessful example.
Now, Armenia, which is experiencing very similar attempts to keep this country as a colony under the influence of the Russian Empire, is trying to use Moldovan experience to resist. I would like the EU states, its institutions, and its citizens to be free from external influences as Moldova? Thank you.
Speaker 30
God bless Moldova and its people, but I wouldn't recommend them to join the Euro-Soviet project right after they managed to escape the Soviet Russian project. I remember the times when communism was around in my country, so I can afford to criticize Eurocommunism spreading and trying to subdue just another nation. Independence. Independence is something very valuable. You cannot buy it back on eBay once you lose it.
So, please, dear Moldovans, reconsider. Please look with wide open eyes at the Euro Soviet Euro Cohorts Project. Don't join it. Thank you.
David McAllister
I now give the floor to the representative of the Commission, Alan Jones. He's the head of the unit from Moldova.
Speaker 44
Thank you very much, Chair, and let me congratulate Mister Mixer on the very good report. It's a timely report, as we speak. The General Affairs Council is underway, where enlargement is being discussed, including a view of the further progress that's been made by Moldova since the Commission's autumn report last year. Already in December, on Clusters one, two and six, the Member States have provided guidance to Moldova on the next steps, and we are hoping and expecting that the same will happen for the remaining clusters today. As follow-up to this, the commission is already engaging in technical discussions with Moldovan authorities to ensure that they are fully aware of the expectations stemming from the preliminary negotiating positions.
And this means that no time will be lost in the process. In our report in 2025, we already noted very good progress by Moldova across the board, from the political criteria through to economic reforms and across all key chapters, which has already been noted. And we very much welcome that the parliament shares similar conclusions on the progress, and that the progress is continuing to this day. Moldova set the bar high in 2025. Looking ahead, we expect the progress to not only continue but to further accelerate and focus very much in the first instance on the recommendations of the reports, not least on the fundamentals and meeting the interim benchmarks on chapters 23 and 24.
Thank you very much.
David McAllister
Thank you, Mr. Jones. And now I give the floor to a representative of the EAS, Deren Derja, head of division for Moldova and other countries at the EAS.
Speaker 45
Thank you, Mr. Chair. And we'd like to thank Mister Mixer for the draft report on Moldova, which largely aligns with the assessments and the objectives of the European External Action Service. I'd like to also extend a thank you to the European Parliament for its visible and significant role in supporting Moldova, especially through the newly established Antenna Office in Kisinau. We look forward to continuing to work hand in hand with the European Parliament on this important file. Moldova has clearly stayed the course despite challenging circumstances, and it has moved at record speed on the EU integration path, as it has been noted several times, though the reforms have to continue and have to continue in a whole of society approach.
And in line with that, we particularly welcome the presence of the Moldovan members of parliament and the civil society here today to follow this discussion. Moldova's democracy proved resilient in the face of Russia's relentless hybrid attacks, and they were particularly exposed, but they have also become an inspiration for many in the European Union and many European member states on how to shield their democracy, and how to counter hybrid attacks. In a Team Europe spirit, we deployed the full range of the EU's toolkit to support Moldova's democratic resilience and to protect the integrity of its electoral process. However, I'd like to underline that Moscow's interference and destabilization attempts in Moldova still continue. And thus, we will also continue our engagement to enhance Moldova's long-term democratic resilience as well as security and defense support through the European Peace Facility, because Moldova's security is the European Union's security.
Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Miss Diya. And now it's up to Sven Mixer to sum up in two minutes.
Speaker 36
Yes. Thank you, chair. I thank all the colleagues, for the contributions. In almost all of the interventions, I sensed strong and genuine support for Moldova's European aspirations, and I also heard many constructive proposals, which I'd be most happy to try to work into the final report, and I expect many more to come in form of amendments. So I'm looking forward to a very good and constructive negotiating process with all the shadow.
Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Sven. That was brief. That was precise. No further comments from your side. Then let me inform you that the deadline for amendments for this report is set on April 9 at 12:00 noon, and we hope to vote on the report in our committee either in June.
We are exactly on time, and we move on to item number 7, the commission report on Serbia. Okay. We'll just give our guests if they wish to leave the room swiftly. So may I ask all our guests now to leave the room swiftly, and perhaps you can continue your very important conversations outside the meeting room? You can also take pictures all over the building.
You needn't do that in our committee room. Gentlemen, we adore your photo session, but we do believe that this might not be the right location. So item number 7. We now come to the discussion of the third enlargement progress report on today's agenda, namely on Serbia. And this will be presented by the Afrotrapporteur to Nino Pizzula.
Today's discussion is about important and timely, as our committee carried out a mission to the country from the 22nd till January 24 this year. Members who participated in this visit are welcome to share their reflections during the debate. To allow time for this debrief, we have decided to extend the discussion by 15 minutes. The rapporteur will therefore have two additional minutes. Shadow rapporteurs who joined the mission will have four minutes each, and other participating members will then have two minutes each.
I would now like to give the floor to our rapporteur to present his draft report. Dear Tonino, the floor is yours for 7 minutes.
Speaker 46
Thank you, chair. Thank you, David. I'll be rational with my time budgeting, of course. And let me switch to my native language, Croatian, the first part of this presentation. You can use your earpieces.
Ladies.
Speaker 46
And gentlemen, in these very difficult geopolitical circumstances, I believe that the European Parliament has to support further enlargement of the EU, but the process should primarily be based on concrete results, real reforms, and harmonization with the values of the EU and foreign policy of the EU. Unfortunately, Serbia's reforms with regard to accession are slowing down or backsliding, especially in the fundamental rights and democracy systems. Since our last report on Serbia until today, the situation in the country has worsened and aggravated. The situation is full of tensions and polarized, and the whole process is stagnating with regard to accession due to lack of dialogue with Kosovo, non-alignment with foreign and security policy of the EU, a lack of true political will for progress, rhetorics against EU officials, lack of freedom for the civil society and the media, and a lack of will to reform the election process. I believe that Serbia, as a candidate country, has to systematically, strategically align itself with the goal of membership in the EU and consistently, which is contrary to strengthening its dependence on third countries.
Declarative statements in such circumstances cannot be taken seriously anymore. And the laxist policy on the part of some European actors has not brought results in the transformation of the country, but has just made it a step further away from the membership in the EU. Although Serbia claims that membership in the EU is a strategic goal, this is not confirmed in practice, such as non-participation in the EU Western Balkan Summit last year in December, but taking part in the parade in May in Moscow. The last report of the European Commission clearly says that there is continuous democratic backsliding, stagnation in the rule of law, and the widening gap between the strategic goal of Serbia declaratory on membership in the EU and the practice. Legislation in Serbia still has many flaws, and without structural reforms and full implementation of ODIHR reforms and recommendations, the next elections cannot be fair.
The next elections on the 29th of this month will show clear deficits, with phantom lists. And additionally, the president of the country has a campaign with the list under his name and is, at the same time, the president and the key figure on the election list. Also, the adopted laws by the National Assembly show backsliding in the area of independence of the judiciary. The European Parliament has claimed full and transparent legal act to implement prosecution for what has happened in Novi Sad, in the tragedy that happened there. We also want to point out that the police is taking too many aggressive steps against the citizens, because the citizens are allowed to claim their rights to transparency, rule of law, and democratic reforms.
What we are also worried about is pressure on academic freedoms and freedom of speech, and pressure on the academic community. On the Serbia-Kosovo dialogue, I would like to say that normalization of relationships is one of the key steps in the accession process. Belgrade has to fulfill its part of the obligations. Good neighborly relations are part of the process. So Serbia should participate more constructively in determining the fate of missing persons in the war in Croatia, Kosovo, and Bosnia Herzegovina.
And also, Serbia has to participate in the processing of war crimes from the '90s. I would also like to remind that the role of the parliament in the accession process is not just the supervisory process, but also in the budgetary process and in monitoring the implementation of the funds, including the reforms and growth factors that we adopted last year. What we are worried about is the stagnation and the backsliding, and how this is compatible with the payments from the growth plan. The situation in Serbia is frightening in many respects. The pressure against the media and the journalists, pressure on freedom of speech and the body for electronic media is not functioning at all.
Small media, pro-government media promote the cult of the president and promote toxic disinformation against the EU. Recently, MEPs during the mission in Belgrade have been attacked, plus higher officials of the EU have been accused of supporting the color revolution in Serbia. And I would also like to point out that with respect to the right of minorities is part of the EU accession process. So finally, I believe that this draft report has only pointed out the main aspects. If there will be a need for some amendments to complement it.
Speaker 47
And I am looking forward to working with other political parties on this important report. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Tonino, for your presentation. I now give the floor to Borstia for the EPP. Four minutes, please.
Davor Ivo Stier
Mister chairman, unfortunately, since last year, Serbia has not moved closer to the EU. On the contrary, it has gone backwards, and in addition, is increasingly perceived by neighbors as a security threat. But before elaborating further, let me start by expressing my appreciation for the rapporteur's work and my willingness to constructively engage in preparing this year's report. Let me also refer to the recent AFA delegation visit to Belgrade. From the moment of its announcement, the Afa fact-finding mission was depicted as hostile to Serbia by pro-government media.
Negative comments were also made by President Vucic and other politicians from the ruling majority, especially regarding our standing rapporteur. I find this abominable attacks absolutely inappropriate, but also this reflects disrespectful to this committee and the European Parliament. Now, regarding our observations, let me start by saying that Serbia remains a polarized and deeply divided society. The division line is about democracy, the rule of law, and the fight against corruption. But seeking EU membership appears to be a secondary issue at this moment.
President Vucic said that EU membership continues to be Serbia's goal and has included it in the new Serbia 2030 strategy. But this proclaimed objective is not matched by concrete reforms. On the contrary, the Afya delegation was presented with numerous examples of backpedaling on EU values and criteria, in particular regarding freedom of assembly, media freedom, as well as academic freedoms. Regarding rule of law, the Afya delegation received information from academia, CSO, and journalists, as well as the EU delegation, about an increasing attempt to capture state institutions and control public and private media. The new law on the prosecutor's office is the last example.
At the same time, the opposition remains fragmented and also divided, Gabor? Yes?
Davor Ivo Stier
Too quick. Sorry. At the same time, the opposition remains fragmented and also divided on Serbia's EU orientation. The students movement organized large rallies but without European flags or messages. The representatives confirmed to the Afed delegation that the movement is ideologically heterogeneous and lacks consensus on Serbia's EU membership.
Serbia's foreign policy continues to balance between the EU, Russia, US, and China. During the visit, MPs from the majority and ministers reiterated their support for the territorial integrity of Ukraine, but added that Serbia will not impose sanctions to Russia and it has no plans to close the Russian base in the Serbian city of Nis. A security expert informed the Afya delegation about the use of EU funds by the Ministry of the Interior to purchase software from a sanctioned Russian company. And in addition, it is also worrying that Serbia continues to expand its military cooperation with Russia and China, procuring not only defensive but also expensive and sophisticated offensive weapons, like the Chinese hypersonic missiles. In order to lift the current US sanctions on Serbia's oil company, NIS, the Hungarian mall is closing a deal to take it over from the Russian Gazprom.
However, dependency on Russia will not be reduced if Serbia builds a connection to the Russian Druzhba pipeline through Hungary, as it has been agreed by Belgrade and Budapest. Finally, let me refer to the situation of national minorities. We welcome the fact that the position of the Hungarian community in Vojvodina has significantly improved in the last years. However, significant problems remain with regard to other national minorities including the Romanian, Bulgarian, and Croatian. Elections for National Minority Councils will be held this year, and it's extremely important to monitor the process in order to avoid undue interference by the government aimed at dividing and controlling national minority institutions.
Finally, let me mention, mister chairman, that the idea of enhanced gradual integration that was proposed by President Vucic could be understood, but it should also be reminded that the reforms regarding the accession negotiations should also be continued. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you very much, dear Dafur. For the patriots, King Gagal is not present, so I give the floor to Miss Wyszczyk for two minutes.
Speaker 49
Thank you, chair. Today, the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs is once again presenting its national reports, including the one on Serbia. To be honest, I did not need to read this report to know what it would contain and what it would not. There is not a single word of recognition, not a single encouraging message in the text. This is no longer criticism.
This is a political judgment. The same pattern repeats itself report after report. Negative developments are amplified, while positive steps are systematically ignored. Even more striking is what the report chooses not to see. Serbia remains firmly committed to its European path and the reforms that accompany it.
In recent months, the authorities have advanced legislative reforms in key areas such as the electoral framework, campaign finance, and the judiciary, many of them in line with all their recommendations. The newly adopted judicial legislation has been voluntarily submitted by the Serbian government to the Venice Commission for an Urgent Opinion, which is a clear sign of willingness to align with European standards. When it comes to national minorities, the report again highlights problems, but ignores success stories. The Voivodina model proves that minority rights can work in practice, that the legislative is given to Serbia. Serbia has also invited the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe to observe the local elections.
And let us not forget, Serbia continues to act as a constructive partner in the region, contributing to stability, dialogue, and cooperation in Southeast Europe. Yet these facts are barely reflected in the report. At the same time, the double standard is becoming increasingly obvious. While Ukraine is being offered a form of reversed accession where political decisions come first and compliance with the criteria follows later, Serbia is treated in exactly the opposite way. Serbia delivers, yet it is not allowed to move forward.
A clear example is the continued refusal to open cluster 3. The conditions were met 9 months ago. The preparedness is there, but the political will is missing. This is not an enlargement policy. This is geopolitical selectivity.
We just want one more sentence, please. We stand for consistent merit-based enlargement policy. Serbia is ready. It is the European Union that must now act. Today, the real question is no longer whether Serbia is ready and committed.
The real question is whether the European Union is ready for Serbia, and is it committed to fair and just and merit based integration? Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you. That was a very long sentence, but we are tolerant Europeans. Next is Mister Strozza for the ECR because you participated in the mission. You have four minutes. Thank.
Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza
Ladies and gentlemen, we see the Russian Federation and Saudi Arabia trying to extend their influence into the Western Balkans. And in this context, the real question is this. What's the genuine weight of the European Union in the Western Balkans? We cannot allow ourselves to have these gray zones on our continent without bringing them into the fold of the European Union. If the European Union doesn't assume a more active role and doesn't take Serbia into consideration more, then somebody else will take its place.
Serbia must become an integral part of the European Union, and that as quickly as possible. That's my main message that I will be defending here. Colleagues of the Affect Committee, we who did go to visit Serbia. I think we know that it's time for Serbia to prove that they're prepared to take quicker reforms, and the European Union should be seen as a credible and realistic objective. For Serbia to become a member of the EU, it has to implement the reforms at hand.
And in this context, it's important to recall that the protection of national minorities is not an issue of secondary nature. It is absolutely essential to exceed the European Union. And the Belgrade policy here leaves a lot to be desired. As with the legal framework of minorities on Serbian territory, it's been said very clearly that the efficient implementation of this has not happened and hasn't worked. We can see in the situation of the 330,000-strong Romanian minority in Serbia, one of the biggest minority groups in this country.
It's notable that the Voivodina minority enjoys certain rights, but south of the Danube, we don't have the same respect. I'd like to draw your attention to the fact that the full exercise of one's linguistic and cultural rights and access on an equal footing to services and education in one's mother tongue should be valid for all national minorities and not just remain a dead letter. Also, there's a very worrying development and abusive situation where China is carrying out mining activities in the Bornat region, which has led to the expropriation and forced displacement of Romanians who live in this area. So there's been an artificial shift in the cultural and ethnic fabric of this area, which is unacceptable. Maybe we can ask whether this is actual technical ethnic cleansing, because that runs counter to European values.
To conclude, I would say that Serbia is confronted with a two-track scenario. Either it follows the part of the European Union, or it becomes a source of vulnerability for the European Union and will remain within the sphere of influence of other powers. We and Belgrade need to respect each other, and we have to take clear decisions together. It's up to us to state if we want to welcome them in the European Union and for them to decide whether they want to join the EU and take the necessary measures. At the moment, bilateral relations are perhaps not warm.
Speaker 51
In fact, you might even say they're frozen, and we seem to be caught in an impasse. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you. Dear colleague, next for the Renew Group is Helmut Brandstetter for 4 minutes.
Helmut Brandstätter
Thank you, chair, and very much to Tonino, for his work, for our cooperation. And also, this visit for him especially wasn't very easy, because the visit started with a lie. The newspapers wrote that we would not be ready to visit an exhibition about Yasenovats in the parliament. Of course, we wanted to do that, and we also did it. You know, the headline of this visit is we visited two Serbs.
There's the one Serbia, and it's Vučić. It's the government. It's the majority in parliament. They do not want to enter the European community, the European Union. Wucic said it before, members of the European Parliament have come.
The president of the Serbian parliament, she came late to Belgrade in order not to meet us. These are the facts. And, especially when we were there, they decided on their justice reform. But, actually, the justice reform means less, just less justice for the people of Serbia. That's the first point.
The second point is, of course, there is this civil society, a very strong civil society. And we met not only the students. We met also a lot of people from the universities, the scientific community. And there, the message is also very really disturbing for me. If there are universities or faculties in the university where the government doesn't trust them or doesn't like them, they very often have to change to another place, or they are dissolved or something like that.
So there is not even free speech there, but there is also not free science in Serbia, and I think that's really dangerous also for the country. And the third point is the media. It was already mentioned. There's a huge majority of pro-government media, and they just write what the government wants. Not only that, they take members from other parties or even journalists, which they don't like, and really write terrible stories, lies about them.
So it's for them, it's also very difficult to be there. And my suggestion is we really should have a delegation going to Serbia just to meet members of the media and talk to them. Why are they doing this? And look for more transparency there. So, as I said, I'm sure that the government does not want to enter the European Union, but what they do want is the money from the European Union. And that's my next point.
We really have to watch it. There are a lot of possibilities where Bucic can say, look, my Serbian people, I gave you another great opportunity, more money for this, more money for that. It's always European money. To say very strong, the European Union is stupid enough to give the money there and then doesn't even watch what they do with it. And, we don't care to explain where the money comes from.
And so there's one of the ideas, and I want to mention it also, is to stop giving any money to the government, and give the money to civil society organizations. And my last point is I think it's very good that Matako speaks very openly and has clear words for this government. It's not always the case with the president of the Commission. And so for the Serbian media, for the pro-government media, it's also sometimes easy to divide the European Union, which is not in our interest. So I think there should also be very clear standpoints from us.
My last word, I have to leave now because, as quite often here, and you know that, there are always two, at least, two meetings, commissions at the same time, and I'm the rapporteur in the commission. So I have to go there. I'm very sorry for that, and so I excuse myself. Thank you.
David McAllister
Right. Thank you, Helmut. Thomas Weitz on behalf of Vladimir Previlich.
Thomas Waitz
Thank you, chair. Yes. I'm reading out the statement of my colleague, Vladimir Previlich. Dear chair, dear colleagues, first of all, thanks to the rapporteur for the well-drafted first draft of the report. After participating in the fact-finding mission to Belgrade in January, we must be honest.
What we witnessed in Belgrade and in Novissat was not a democratic country. Instead of engaging seriously with the European Parliament delegation, the ruling SNS party, which still sits in the EPP in Narodna Skupchen, did everything possible to ridicule our visit and the institutions we represent. That tells us a lot about how the current authorities view democracy and EU integration. For years, the European Union has asked Serbia to choose its path. We must now admit that the Vucic regime has made its choice very clearly, and it's not ours.
In that case, and if that is the case, then you must be clear and firm. No more money from the growth plan, and no further steps in the accession process until the basics of democracy are restored. We must demand a new call to get an independent media regulator, REM, clean voters' registry, and prosecutors in talk who can work independently. My second message is to the commission. While we wait for the Venice Commission's opinion on the so-called Muradijs judicial laws, the government is already pushing them through and replacing prosecutors working on the most sensitive cases, and no reaction by us.
Cases such as the Novissad railway canopy tragedy, Jovanica, and Konjuk drug trafficking scandals all linked to people close to the ruling party, and prosecutors working on them are suspended or replaced. And then we see incidents like the fire in the prosecutor's office that held key evidence related to the Novissat corruption case. This is not reform. This is state capture. At the same time, I recognize positive developments.
It is encouraging to see the pro-European opposition parties in the EU five format, and we should strongly encourage closer cooperation between the opposition and the student movement that has energized the country. Finally, the European Parliament must step up. Political space is opening in Serbia, and citizens expect Europe to be present. We saw it very clearly with our visit in January. With our deck unit and election instruments, we should be more active on the ground.
Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Thomas, for reading Vladimir's statement. For the left, would somebody like to take the floor? That is not the case. For the ESN group, Hans Neuhof is the shadow. He's not present.
I do not know. But you're not from the ESN group. Okay. Then I can now give other members the floor who participated in the mission if they wish. Marta Timido, please, for two minutes.
Marta Temido
Thank you, chair. I take the opportunity to commend the work of the rapporteur and the shadow rapporteur. As mentioned, an AFAT mission to Serbia took place in January. The mission came as a follow-up to the European Parliament resolution of 22 October 2025, and its mandate was to assess on the ground the state of democracy. As elected MEP to chair the mission in the absence of the AFA chair MEP McAllister.
I would like to underline three points that we directly witnessed or heard about. First of all, the openly hostile rhetoric towards the visit of the European Parliament and the limited interest from the ruling party representatives in discussing EU accession justify the lack of progress on adopting and implementing reforms, with frustration and unclear timelines. Second, the concerning reports of accelerating repression in academia beyond the alleged use of violence against peaceful protesters, financial pressure, namely, young teachers' dismissal, Erasmus Grants suspension, and administrative charges, namely for not giving lectures during protests. Those became the common trends. The third point I would like to mention is the civil society organization's reference to the absence of lessons learned from the Novissat tragedy and the nontransparent contracting that is ongoing, namely under Expo 2027 preparation.
I would like to conclude by stressing that MEPs took the opportunity of each single meeting and of the final press point to reiterate that the visit was a demonstration that Serbia is a priority for the European Parliament, that we want to have a democratic Serbia in the EU, and that right now, there is a real momentum on EU enlargement. However, this obviously demands full respect for the Copenhagen criteria, and this demands the authority's commitment. I will end echoing the voices of many citizens that we met during our visit. Please come more often. Please come to observe the elections.
Thank you, chair.
David McAllister
Thank you, dear Martha, for your statement. Raza Guknevichen is next.
Speaker 28
Thank you. AFF admission was my first visit to Serbia in my life. Serbia has surprised me in a good way with this exceptionally beautiful civil society, which I believe is why I believe in Serbia's future. What shocked me the most was that from the moment of its announcement, the Afte fact finding mission was depicted as hostile to Serbia pro government media. Negative comments were also made by president Vucic, parliament speaker Anna Brnabic, and others.
I also stand in solidarity with the standing rapporteur Tonina Pikula. The attacks against him are unacceptable. After many meetings, I can say this. Today, Serbia is in Georgia too. EU membership is being manipulated.
One thing is said in words, another is done in practice, contrary to the EU membership criteria. Attacks against MEPs in Serbia and Georgia are very similar in their brutality. I have one specific request, perhaps more for the SEDA committee, but it is important for effort and commission to know. A security expert informed us, the Afrat delegation, about the use of EU funds by the Minister of Interior to purchase software from a sanctioned Russian company. We need to monitor the situation closely.
Thank you.
Speaker 55
The chair, thank you. At the beginning, I want to mention, we have to have in mind enlargement, remains one of the most powerful foreign policy tools, and we must always have at the top of our minds that it is a merit based process. So coming to our effort, mission, in Belgrade in January, I want to thank our colleague, Demido, for her leadership under difficult circumstances. In certain discussions, we heard accusations that do not reflect the spirit of partnership, which should define relations between a candidate country and the EU. Such attitudes do not bring Serbia closer to the European Union.
Speaker 56
But, however, we had also constructive and encouraging exchanges, yes, with the civil society, but I also have in mind the discussion with Elvira Kovacs and the colleagues from the committee on European integration of the National Assembly, as well as the meeting with the minister of foreign affairs, Marco Turic. This conversation showed that there are many politicians and, of course, the civil society who remain strongly committed to the European future of Serbia. And I think that the EU, as Serbia's main economic partner and investor, should keep the doors open. But the door can only be crossed if Serbia clearly returns to the right track. This needs credible reforms, and we have seen in the last years the opposite.
Speaker 57
But Serbia belongs to the European family, and the responsibility to move forward lies with the Serbian authorities. They must show through actions rather than words that the European path is truly their priority.
David McAllister
Thank you, Mr. Lupatka. Peter Bistron, who participated, is not present. Then I can now give the floor, if he's present, to the chair of the Serbia delegation, Luka Folaš. That is not the case. Then other members.
I have a request to take the floor, Miss Zofko, Mister Ghiadi, and Mister Brown. Did I miss somebody? Okay. Try to limit yourself to roughly one minute. And first, it's Juliana Zofko.
Željana Zovko
Thank you, chair. One more year has passed. We have a new report. At this moment, Serbia and its citizens have a great opportunity to finally do away with the past, to open up their archives, to say what happened to missing persons, to calm down their rhetoric, and to use EU funds in order to create new jobs, to secure a future for young people, and not to increase tensions unnecessarily. So I call upon Serbian citizens to show their real pro-European face and to call Serbia's government to be accountable, because what is happening to Serbia is not pro-European.
I will submit amendments to this report. I want to congratulate the rapporteur, and I call upon the political leadership to finally be civilized when communicating with the European Parliament members.
Thank.
Speaker 62
Thank you very much. Well, as a member of the Serbian delegation, I'd like to be clear. We have to see Serbia's needs as strategic needs for the European Union. This attitude that Serbia is showing seems to be encouraging the influence of those powers who are against the European Union's interests. And if we leave a vacuum, it will be filled by others.
Speaker 61
We need to recognize that economic reforms have been undertaken. European Union has to have this measure for everybody by the same measure because that doesn't seem to be the case. Serbia's future in Seoul is European. It's a guarantee for peace in our common future. There has been mention made of reactions in Serbia, but the Kosovo problem is a considerable problem for Serbia.
Speaker 63
And how do you expect them to be pro-European if we're against them on that?
Speaker 30
I don't want to be a part of this, just another show of contempt, hatred sometimes, and surely a sense of superiority that so many of you colleagues present here. I don't want to be one of those self-appointed teachers of democracy. I would rather recommend to everybody, let others live the way they choose. I would surely not recommend Serbian people to join EuroCohorts. The best thing they can do is save their independence.
And one more short statement, Kosovoye, Serbia. Thank you very much.
David McAllister
I now give the representative of the commission the floor, Mister Jeje Plesseti.
Speaker 64
Dear mister chairman, honorable members, thank you very much for the floor and for giving the European Commission the opportunity to address you during this debate. I would like to start by saying that the commission shares the general assessment presented by the draft report, as it indeed reflects the main findings of our 2025 annual report on Serbia. Serbia is a candidate country and a key partner for the EU, and we indeed want a democratic Serbia to become part of the EU. In this context, it is positive that Serbia continues to declare EU membership as its strategic goal. But for this to happen, Serbia needs to clearly follow through on its commitment to double down on the reform efforts.
Speaker 66
This requires concrete action, and indeed progress on reforms. Decisive action is urgently needed to address, in particular, the standstill on the rule of law, including a recent step back in judicial reform, as well as on fundamental rights, to urgently reverse the backsliding on freedom of expression that we noted in our annual report and to address the observed erosion of academic freedom. These issues go to the heart of the EU accession process and are indeed essential for building trust. I would also like to recall that it is precisely the reforms needed on Serbia's EU path that, if properly implemented, offer solutions to many of the issues that are at the heart of the demands of the protesters that we have seen in Serbia over the recent months. This includes fight against corruption, strengthening the independence of the judiciary, media freedom, but also the need to ensure a truly enabling environment for civil society, building resilience against disinformation and information manipulation, and very important to improve Serbia's electoral framework.
Speaker 64
Let me conclude, by stating that progress on the rule of law and the normalization of relations with Kosovo will continue to determine the overall pace of the accession negotiations. Serbia is also expected to demonstrate its strategic orientation towards the EU, including by aligning with the common foreign and security policy, which I'm sure my EAS colleagues will develop further. On our side, as a commission, we remain fully committed to supporting Serbia in advancing on its EU path. Let me thank you once again for this draft report and for the debate.
David McAllister
Thank you. I now give the floor to the representative of the EAS, Miss Anna Kempen, and deputy head of division for the Western Balkans.
Speaker 68
Thank you, chair. Let me start by thanking the rapporteur and all other members of the European Parliament who remain engaged on the Western Balkans. 2025 was a challenging year for EU-Serbia relations, and 2026 may not be easier if dominated by campaigning for possible early parliamentary elections. We welcome that EU integration remains Serbia's strategic goal, and we expect Serbia to reflect this more clearly in both actions and words. As stated by the European Commission representative, the overall pace of Serbia's accession negotiations will continue to be determined by its progress on two issues: rule of law and the normalization of relations with Kosovo.
Speaker 67
Regarding the rule of law, the ES shares the concern over the recent judicial law changes. We have consistently called on Serbian authorities to immediately halt their implementation and undertake revisions in line with the pending recommendations of the Venice Commission. Regarding the normalization of relations with Kosovo, we welcome an understanding that was reached with Serbia and Kosovo last weekend on civil registration and the Kosovo law on foreigners, and I will elaborate on this issue later this morning. Turning to external relations, Serbia will need to continue its efforts to reassure us on its strategic orientation. As of today, Serbia's alignment rate with the EU common foreign and security policy stands at 65%.
This is clearly not sufficient, and we have made clear to Serbia that we expect a more consistent and sustainable alignment, notably on EU restrictive measures taken in the context of Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine. Relations with Russia cannot be business as usual. And in this regard, Serbia's ongoing efforts towards energy diversification are welcome. The EU wants to count on Serbia as a reliable European partner and a good neighbor in the Western Balkans region, contributing to stability and reconciliation. This means refraining from actions or statements that run counter to EU foreign policy and other strategic matters.
Chair, Serbia remains a key regional actor, and it is in our common interest to continue engaging with Serbia, supporting the country on its EU path, and working closely together to address the outstanding challenges, especially those related to rule of law, democratic reforms, and foreign and security policy. I thank you, Chair.
David McAllister
Thank you, Miss Kempenen. No further request to take the floor. Then to Nino, please sum up in two minutes. Yeah.
Speaker 46
Thank you. Thank you, David. And, of course, I would like to thank all colleagues who took part in this discussion for their support, expertise, and, of course, suggestions. It seems to me after this debate that the common impression coming from a lot of colleagues is that Serbia's path towards the European Union is in serious danger. First of all, because its government continuously and purposely put aside almost every key aspect of accession needed for progress.
Even more, Serbia is a candidate country for membership that has a significant influence in the Western Balkan region. So its internal state of affairs affects overall enlargement policy, and that matters too. Finally, I'm convinced that our cooperation will bring comprehensive and factual resolution, and it may serve not only to the ruling party to introduce vital changes, but to the whole society as well, intentioned guidelines for eventual progress towards the European Union. I'm looking forward to cooperation. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Tonino. So the deadline for amendments for this report is set on April 9 at 12:00 noon, and we hope to vote on this report in our committee either in June. We are exactly on time. So if you all agree, we can move on to item number 8. This is for a commission report on Kosovo.
This is the fourth enlargement report on today's very busy agenda. And without any further ado, I would like to invite our rapporteur for Kosovo, Riho Teras, to present his draft report. Please, Riho. You have five minutes.
Speaker 69
Thank you, David. Dear colleagues, I am pleased to represent the draft European Parliament report on Kosovo to the AFET committee. Of course, I would first like to thank the AFET sec. As the national assembly elections were very close to the visit, there were no direct contacts with the political parties. This time, the main focus was civil society organizations, minorities, and the business sector. All three have been significant beneficiaries of the financial assistance from the European Union.
During the visit, I was also pleased to meet President Osmani. I must agree with her honest and straightforward assessment as a rapporteur that 2023 was a lost year for Kosovo. Kosovo has been politically paralyzed since February. Although both the regular elections in February and especially elections in December were conducted democratically and fairly, we can still say that the results have been a year long stalemate. The faint hope that this stalemate would end and the normal political process could resume was shattered ten days ago when the president announced the dissolution of the national assembly after it failed to elect the new president.
There is no doubt that democracy in Kosovo works. It is a pity that the uncertainty and political deadlock have significantly slowed down the much needed reforms that the European Union expects from the applicants, but which are also clearly vital for the country itself. They are very clearly areas in which Kosovo has regressed significantly over the last year. These bottlenecks are also highlighted in the parliamentary report. I would especially like to highlight the significant decline in the media freedom index, where Kosovo fell by 24 places to 99th place within one year.
The reason for this are largely the same as who's we have touched upon in the previous reports. Media ownership is not transparent enough. In addition, the oversight of the public broadcast is politicized and unbalanced. In general, this year's report will follow the already established structure. We will assess EU access and progress, the current state of democracy and the rule of law, as well as human rights and freedoms, the economy, the environment, and, very importantly, relations with neighboring Serbia.
As it is well known, the bridge in a Belgrade dialogue has been tormented for some time, and its relaunch has been an extremely difficult process. Therefore, I would like to highlight and thank the EU office in Kosovo and ambassador Ivo Ora and the EUSR for Belgrade Pristina dialogue, ambassador Sorensen, whose mediation efforts in amending the Kosovo law on foreigners were duly rewarded this weekend. This is an important step on a difficult path to restoring the dialogue. Finally, I would like to emphasize that during my fact-finding mission, not a single meeting passed where the topic of the EU punitive measures did not come up. These measures have been gradually eased, but in my opinion, this is not enough.
They should be stopped immediately, because it is ordinary people who suffer the most. Minority and the civil society organizations, cultural promoters, and small, medium-sized enterprises, and the list goes on. As a small and not prosperous society that Kosovo is, European Union funds and programs have a very important role to play. I would also like to call on those countries that have not yet recognized Kosovo's statehood to do so. In my opinion, it is high time that we do so if we want to continue with the EU enlargement.
Thank you, chair.
David McAllister
Thank you, Riho, for presenting this draft report. We are good on time, so I can now give the floor to Vishadows. And first for the SND, it's Eliud Rupo. Thank you, President. May I speak in French, please?
First.
Speaker 70
Of all, I'd like to commend an excellent job of work by our colleague, Tejas, who has done a remarkable and thorough job. Now, of course, he has portrayed the political instability which has culminated in a situation in which a country is struggling to install a government. There has been no presidential election, and we have seen that notwithstanding repeated elections. So the sense I have right now is as follows. Progress remains limited.
Now, of course, there have been advances. Of course, we see that reflected in the texts, in the legislation. Nevertheless, I think it is too early to say that Kosovo is ready to join the European Union. And I'd just like to draw your attention to the following point, chairman. I think that in this committee, there seems to be a certain fondness or keenness for all-out enlargement, but I do think that the present state of affairs calls for extreme vigilance.
To my mind, I really do not think that we can enlarge on the basis of the European Union's current mode of functioning, particularly not if countries are unprepared for all the reasons that have been rehearsed by our rapporteur. So whilst I do, of course, support all of these economic reforms, at the same time, I think that we should set great store by social reforms as well, particularly an overhaul of the rule of law, freedom of the press, and mutual respect. And that is why I would invite you all to exercise the utmost caution in our dealings with Kosovo, and remind you in doing so that five member states of the European Union have still not recognized the country. So there you have my thoughts, chairman. And even though I have spoken for longer than I should, I would invite you to retain the following point, and that is, can we really continue to have meeting after meeting, country after country asserting that there should be no borders to the European Union, whereas in actual fact, our internal functioning throws up all kinds of difficulties?
Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you. We now move on to the next shadow. That would be Mathieu Valle from the Patriots Group. He's not present. So I can now give the floor to Evalo Valtsev for the ECR Group, please.
Speaker 72
Colleagues, we say often enough that the enlargement of the Union is a matter of strategic investment. But investment in the absence of moral hazard is impossible. Kosovo is of key importance to the Union and the Balkans, yes. But is there a critical mass of political responsibility? I don't think so.
There's infighting in Kosovo, and this is not the road to Europe. This is the road to nowhere. And to be quite frank, Russia doesn't have to create problems. It only finds them and enhances them, undermining trust in Europe. And we must be clear, the European Union does not provide refuge from responsibility.
European Union is a union of rules. We do not intervene, and we won't interfere in domestic affairs, but we have every right to require results. And we should say to Kosovo politicians that the nation is more important than your egos, that the well-being of the nation is more important than your own success. And finally, for years, the Bulgarian minority in Kosovo has been unrecognized. And these are people that are an important part of the cultural and historical diversity of Kosovo?
And should they be encouraged and recognize that would only enrich the country? Thank you.
Ilhan Kyuchyuk
Indeed. Thank you, dear chair. I would like to thank the rapporteur for his work on this timely report. Its conclusion is clear that, unfortunately, last year was worst year for Kosovo. The candidate country navigated three electoral cycles without a functioning government or political stability.
Furthermore, stalled reforms, delays to the Western Balkans growth plan, and a frozen Belgrade-Pristina dialogue are another hurdle for a young democracy. And, of course, let me be absolutely clear. Kosovo's future is in the European Union. Recent political turbulences and shifting geopolitics make this European path more vital than ever. Fortunately, there are positive achievements, such as the recent certification of the reform and growth facility agreement.
Additionally, the peaceful 2025 elections, the active participation of Kosovo Serbs, and the appointment of a new Serb mayor in Serb majority municipalities are vital steps towards inclusive governance. The report also addresses the elephant in the room, the normalization of relations with Serbia. In this context, the Brussels and Ohrid agreements must be implemented, and both parties held accountable. Crucially, it is very important that the report explicitly condemns Serbia's ongoing failure to prosecute the perpetrators of the 2023 Banska terrorist attack. The report recognizes Kosovo's remarkable alignment with the EU foreign policy, actively condemning Russian aggression and enforcing sanctions.
I'm also delighted that the report calls on the five nonrecognizing member states to finally take steps, towards recognition, bringing Kosovo's path to membership, one step closer. To conclude, as renews Sharora Porteur, I believe this report strikes the right balance. It honestly addresses the challenges while it firmly acknowledges Kosovo's European future, calling on the European Union to be a credible partner. I look forward to work with the other shadow rapporteurs and, of course, the rapporteur to build a strong and united parliament position.
Thomas Waitz
Thank you, chair, and thank you, Guterres, for your proposed draft. It's once again going to be a pleasure to cooperate with you. Let me start at the general assessment of the country. I mean, this is a country that has a constitution that is very close to the European constitutions. It is a country that has led by example how to run elections in the region, and even where there were doubts, there were proper recounts.
And several countries in the region could learn from this example. Kosovo is on a good path when it comes to the fight against corruption. Still, you know, it's an ongoing fight as we have it in all our member states. Would Kosovo be in, let's say, a usual applicant to the European Union? It would be one of the front runners. Still reforms to be done, still improvements to be seen, but still the country would be in a good position.
Why is it not so? Because it is still not recognized by Serbia, because it's still blocked on its path. And this is something where I side with colleagues because the political elites in the country are not ready to compromise. There have been two elections that have shown a clear winner of the elections, and this needs to be acknowledged. This is the result of a democratic vote, and responsible politicians have to find ways to bring the country forward.
What is happening now that we're maybe ending up in another snap election because there was no agreement on voting for president, that the country will again be stopped by doing reforms, not delivering any reforms for another year, which might lead to the country losing dozens, no, maybe hundreds of millions of euros of support of the European Union. I can really not understand how politicians, elected parliamentarians, can actually explain this responsibly to their populations. Let me just mention one point that we, as the European Union, should focus on, and this is one elephant in the room that has not been mentioned, and this is the association of Serb municipalities. And what is clear is that a majoritial areas of minorities need to have their right for self-determination, need to have the right also to self-governance up to a certain point, in a state. But on the other side, we have to also be very cautious that we're not creating another Republika Zubka within Kosovo.
And this is what Kosovars are very worried about. And, unfortunately, they have reason to be worried about because, unfortunately, this is part of the Wucic government's policy to create these kind of instabilities. So we, as a European Union, have to support the country in finding a solution that respects minority rights, that respects the rights of the Serbian minority to self-governance, and also prevents at the same time a scenario that could look like a publica subska. And this is something where we, as a European Union, have to step up efforts to help out with solutions, and finally bring this conflict to a peaceful solution, which hopefully also leads to a final recognition, of course, of all by Serbia, which then will lead to recognition by all European member states and can ease the way for both countries to further steps into European Union. Sorry for being long.
Thank you, Chair, for letting me speak.
Speaker 74
Thank you, dear chair. Ladies and gentlemen, thanks to the rapporteur, Rihoteras, and the team. It has been a very good work again. I think it is always easy way to say that things are difficult, not enough things have changed. Take your hands up in front of the face.
But I think in a strategic way, it is the wrong way to look at our future with Kosovo. I think we have significant challenges, especially in the areas of the rule of law and the fight against corruption. I think we have similar things also with existing member states. We have to remember that case, too. And I think a crucial dimension addressed in the report is the normalization of the relations between Kosovo and Serbia.
This issue continues to be central not only for regional stability, but also for Kosovo's European perspective. The report underlines that constructive engagement in the EU-facilitated dialogue is essential and that tangible process progress in this process will influence the pace of Kosovo's integration into European structures. Economically, Kosovo shows potential but still faces structural weaknesses such as high unemployment, limited diversification, and the need for stronger investment conditions. Continued reforms in the business environment and energy sector will be important for sustainable growth. I think it is very important to look ahead, and we know that there are several points that deserve particular attention in the follow-up work.
Maintaining political stability and constructive dialogue between the government and opposition will be crucial for ensuring that reforms are implemented constantly. Second, greater focus should be placed on protecting minority rights and improving trust between communities, especially in northern Kosovo. Third, continued support for civil society and independent media will be in strengthening democratic resilience. Finally, the EU should remain actively engaged on the ground, supporting practical reforms and encouraging progress in the
Speaker 76
normalization dialogue. Thank you. Thank you. For the ESN Group, Stanislav Stojanov, please.
Stanislav Stoyanov
The internal situation in Kosovo does not help carry through the necessary reforms related to EU integration. The political blockade and the lack of functioning institutions in recent months have held back the country's preparation for membership. We need a much more constructive approach to achieve real progress when it comes to the normalization of relations with Belgrade. Both countries should refrain from rhetoric and actions that undermine stability and that do not nurture a dialogue. I would like to remind you that the progress of Kosovo in negotiating chapters is of crucial importance.
They have to implement the law on minorities, but this is to a limited extent so far. This is true of the Bulgarian minority so far. We're still waiting for concrete action in that respect. Kosovo can help the transport and energy connectivity in Europe. However, progress on trans-European network projects is limited, including interconnections, and this holds back the integration of the entire region in European transport corridors.
Rail and energy connections are crucial to the economic connectivity of the region. The level of unemployment is still high, especially among youngsters, which results in brain drain and immigration. The government has to provide more economic incentives for youth employment and entrepreneurship, there is a need for real reform, stable institutions and respect for the rights of all minorities. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you. I now give the floor to the chair of the delegation for relations with Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as Kosovo, Davosdia.
Davor Ivo Stier
Thank you, chair, and let me welcome the draft report presented by our colleague, Rio Teräs. I would like to raise just a few points. First, a few weeks ago, Kosovo celebrated 18 years of independence. It is time that the EU grants Kosovo candidate status. Our ambition should be the integration of the entire Western Balkans, and Kosovo cannot be an exception.
Let me recall that, to the request of Serbia, the UN International Court of Justice has analyzed Kosovo's declaration of independence and concluded that it was not against international law. In addition, with the Brussels and Ohrid Agreement, Serbia has assumed the obligations to accept and not to object Kosovo's membership in regional and international organizations. At the same time, Kosovo needs to deliver on the obligation it has assumed also in the Brussels and Ohrid agreements, in particular, regarding the association of municipalities with the majority of Serbian population in the North and the respect of minority rights. More attention should also be given to the rights of smaller communities like the Bulgarian or like the Croatian minority in Yanivov and Letnisa. I welcome the recent agreement on the law on foreigners, which should facilitate a better dialogue between the central government in Pristina and the Serbian community.
At our delegation, we have had regular meetings, but regarding our SAPC meetings, unfortunately, we couldn't hold any during the last year due to the dissolution of Kosovo assembly. Kosovo finally got a new parliament and government, the snap elections in December, but yet the lack of agreement for the election of the head of state is now prompting the country to new elections. And there, I fully share the disappointment expressed by the rapporteur, and call on the key political figures to show responsibility for the future of their country. Finally, let me conclude that although Kosovo has obviously external challenges, it seems that the main challenge to Kosovo's future, including its EU perspective, at this moment comes from the inability of their political actors to compromise and seek the common good for the country. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Davo. Now we're already running slightly late, but nonetheless, I will give the floor to other members who would like to take the floor. I have Micha Gala and our colleague, Gjadi. Anyone else? Just these two, one minute.
Speaker 3
Okay. Thank you very much. Just to follow-up on the last point that Dava made, I think there are, of course, self-inflicted blockades that are happening in Kosovo. If I'm not mistaken, apparently, the constitutional court has just suspended the dissolution of the parliament, so that it might go ahead. And I would really appeal to all relevant stakeholders not to get the country another round of election campaign.
I think the citizens are tired of that, and I would appeal on reason in this regard. When it comes to the association of Serbian communities there, I think they have all the rights to fulfill to practice when it comes to intercommunal cooperation. All communities can cooperate amongst themselves if they have common interests. That should be the point of departure. But if it were that it only serves the purpose to give Belgrade a foot in the door, I think that is also something that our executive, the commission, should keep in mind.
Yes. They should be able to cooperate, but in a transparent and in a constructive way to serve the local needs and not to give Serbia an extra way to influence the situation. Thank you.
Mister Gaiadi, please.
Speaker 62
Instability and friction are prevalent in the region of Kosovo. A large part of the Serbian population has left. There have been problems with religious monuments, etcetera. And these have an impact throughout the region. There are instances of religious monuments such as monasteries and religious sites that have been destroyed despite being under UNESCO protection. There's been a reference to countries that don't recognize Kosovo.
Speaker 61
I think on the basis of international law, we cannot respect partial elements of the country being ceded. We cannot ignore the fact of a unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovo. And that is something that jeopardizes the principle of the territorial integrity of countries. We cannot be against the respect of our values of principle.
Speaker 79
Thank you, Mr. Gialli. Now the representatives of the commission, the AS, have the floor once again. First, Mr. Pleciti.
Speaker 64
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman and the honorable members. Thank you also for this opportunity to discuss the draft report on Kosovo. I would like to, in my very brief intervention, focus on three points. Firstly, I would like to confirm that the European Commission shares the general assessment presented in the draft report on Kosovo's performance over the last year.
And we certainly agree with the fact that it is unfortunate that the protracted political gridlock has slowed down most of the EU-related work. To be honest, we were hopeful that following the early parliamentary elections of 28 December last year and the very welcome swift formation of the assembly and the government, Kosovo could enter a new period of political stability, which would allow for the necessary acceleration of the EU related reforms on which we are, of course, very much looking forward to supporting Kosovo. As you know, the recent developments related to the election of the head of state are currently under review by the Constitutional Court. And we will, therefore, need to wait until the court delivers its judgment to see a clear outlook for the work that can be done in 2024. Secondly, I would like to take this opportunity to briefly update you on the issue of the measures that were applied vis-à-vis Kosovo since May 2023.
I can first confirm that we have started to gradually lift these measures since May. And also recall that more recently, in December 2022, President von der Leyen announced the lifting of all remaining measures. I can confirm that the commission has released all of the financial assistance that was previously under the measures. And we are also planning to fully reengage with our counterparts in Kosovo in order to get Kosovo back on track on its EU agenda as soon as the issues I have mentioned previously are addressed. This brings me to the final point.
The commission remains available to prepare an opinion on Kosovo's membership application and will, of course, continue supporting Kosovo on its European path. But it is also clear, as was stressed in the debate, that Kosovo carries a great deal of responsibility on its shoulders. And first and foremost, its firm pro-European orientation and consistent public support need to materialize and translate into concrete reforms. It is becoming increasingly urgent for Kosovo to make up for the time lost and double down on these reforms. Your report mentions quite a many of them, so I will not repeat for the sake of time.
But I would like to highlight that this effort would also be greatly supported by a more decisive implementation of Kosovo's reform agenda under the reform and growth facility, which indeed was recently ratified by Kosovo.
Thank.
David McAllister
Thank you. Look. We're running late now. It's two minutes for Miss Kempenen.
Speaker 67
Chair, allow me to first thank the rapporteur, and start with the positive development. Last weekend in Pristina, thanks to EU facilitation, a way forward was found on the implementation of the law on foreigners in Kosovo. We welcome the steps taken by Kosovo when it comes to upholding the rule of law. This will enable Kosovo Serbs and Serbs in Kosovo to continue residing, studying, and working in Kosovo legally under Kosovo law. It means that essential public services can continue to be provided without interruption.
Chair, these are the first building blocks for the integration of Serbia-run health and education institutions under the Kosovo legal framework, fully in line with the agreements negotiated under the EU-facilitated Belgrade-Pristina dialogue. This shows that the EU facilitated dialogue led by the high representative with the support of the EU special representative, Peta Sorensen, continues to deliver. It remains the vehicle for the normalization of relations between Kosovo and Serbia. And as you are aware, this normalization remains essential for both Kosovo and Serbia to advance on the European path. The EAS welcomes Kosovo's continued commitment to the EU integration.
But to get there, Kosovo has to do its share to progress with the implementation of all its commitments to normalization, but also speed up work on EU-oriented reforms, as explained by
the European.
Speaker 67
Commission. EULEX Kosovo, the European Union rule of law mission in Kosovo, continues to support Kosovo institutions toward alignment with European standards. As regards the common foreign and security policy, we welcome Kosovo's alignment, which is currently taking place on a voluntary basis. Finally, let me conclude with a word of appreciation for the EU special representative for Kosovo, Ivo Oraev, who will soon move from Pristina to a new post in Ankara. His role has been instrumental in advancing EU policies and supporting Kosovo.
Thank you, chair.
David McAllister
Thank you, Miss Kempeninen. And now, Riho, it's up to you to sum up.
Thank you.
David McAllister
Well, you arrived late, and you immediately want to take the floor. Please.
Speaker 82
Thank you. Thank you, Shama. I do appreciate it. I just wanted to emphasize two points that, to my understanding, have been omitted, perhaps not intentionally by the institutions. First of all, five member states, as of today, for a good reason, perhaps, do not recognize Kosovo.
Speaker 81
Second, since 2023, for a good reason, sanctions have been imposed on Kosovo. Thank you.
Speaker 69
Thank you, David. Yes. I would like to thank all the speakers for their opinions and assessments. As I stressed in my introductory remarks, the political situation in Kosovo has been and remains very difficult. Against this background, the European Union has a moral obligation to support Kosovo in its reform process.
Our global goal in EU enlargement is clearly linked to the security of all of us. As the report stresses, we live in the world of competing powers today where the European Union has a clear obligation and need to avoid the emergence of gray zones that would attract competitive competing autocracies and powers. We are talking about China and Russia, in particular, in this region. I very much hope that the amendments to the report will be constructive and substantial and that the negotiations in the report will proceed in the spirit of good cooperation as it has been last time and until now. Thank you very much.
David McAllister
Okay. Thank you, Rio Tinto. And the deadlines for amendments are the same as with all the other reports. Then, since we're running late, let's immediately move on to the final item for this morning, an exchange of views on the EU-Egypt strategic and comprehensive partnership. Dear colleagues, today marks the second anniversary of the signing of the partnership, which makes our exchange particularly timely.
The adaptation of the EU-Egypt strategic and comprehensive partnership two years ago was an important political milestone. It set a reinforced framework for our relations, covering a wide array of sectors, ranging from economy and energy to foreign policy, human rights, migration and security. Our committee adopted an opinion to be in the report on the €4,000,000,000 macro financial assistance, which was part of the strategic and comprehensive partnership and came on top of a €1,000,000,000 multi-annual financial assistance package adopted by the council. Two years on, we will discuss the impact of the partnership both on Egypt itself and on our relations with the country. We are joined for this exchange by Mister Francisco Gastelu Mesquiris.
Welcome. He is the director in charge of North Africa in DG MENA, and Miss Rosamaria Peelie, who is the deputy managing director for the Middle East and North Africa in the EAS. So welcome to both of you to our committee. Now before I give the floor to our guest speakers, could I please ask members just to leave the room swiftly, and all your important conversations can be continued outside? This also applies to the gentleman in the nice coat who obviously had a lot to discuss.
This is a committee meeting, and not a boulevard. So mister Gastelo Mesquires, the floor is yours for 7 minutes.
Speaker 83
Thank you very much, chairman, and thank you as well to the honorable members. And indeed, my name is complicated to pronounce, but it was very good. So, of course, the situation now has and will have an effect on Egypt in terms of the macro-financial and macroeconomic stability in general. You can imagine that already the country is under pressure because of the war in Iran, including the area of revenues and capital outflows and other areas. You can imagine that, of course, the first signals of potential loss of revenues in terms of Suez Canal revenues, tourism revenues, remittances and capital outflows, as I said, are already noticeable, not very clearly, but noticeable.
Speaker 84
And of course, we need to watch this space. It is in this context, of course, that we meet today. It's in this context as well, we have to look at the state of play and then level of implementation of our strategic and comprehensive partnership. Remember, there are six pillars under this SEP, if I may call it by its acronym. And I'm going to focus on pillar two, which is economic stability, pillar three, trade and investments, pillar four, migration and mobility, and pillar six, human capital development. And I will be then leaving Rasa Maria here, Deputy Managing Director of Enel X on Service, the security, and the political pillar.
On economic stability, obviously, we're looking at trying to stabilize Egypt's macroeconomic outlook and provide continuous support to Egypt's homegrown reform agenda. And in this area, substantial progress has been identified. Obviously, we had this has been anchored in our micro financial assistance that the Chairman already referred to, 5,000,000,000 euros in total. This year, we should be up to disbursement of €4,000,000,000. We disbursed already the first billion euros at the beginning of this year. And this is linked to 12 reforms that were already implemented last year, and 25 more reforms to be implemented by summer this year, and up to 62 reforms in general.
In the area of public financial management, financial transparency, green transition, and as well everything to do with state-owned companies and the reform of the public sector. So, as I said, meaningful reforms have taken place in the area of broadening the tax base, as well in the area of exchange rate, in the area as well of budget transparency and public financial management and investment facilitation. Meaningful reforms took place. But of course, the pace has to continue, and further reforms have to take place in this area. In particular, I think difficult for Egypt, obviously, is the area of tax reform in relation to state-owned companies, which, of course, are challenged because it is very constituent to the system of governance in Egypt, as we know very well, and social reform, which is also extremely important. I move then to Pillar three, because I think we'll have ample opportunity later to go into questions and answers.
Trade and investments, here we have constructed with Egypt authorities, but also with private and public stakeholders, a very robust, I would say, platform of investment facilitation for the benefit of Egypt and for the benefit of the EU companies as well. We developed a platform starting by the investment conference in 2024, where €49,000,000,000 of MOUs in terms of investment were signed, and they are being materialized. We're following track of this very closely. We had then as well a high level investment event at the margins of the summit, Egypt Summit, which was also very successful and brought private representatives together. And then we followed up with an investment mechanism, where we actually make this investment happen.
And this has already materialized investments from €21,000,000,000 to 25,000,000,000. We expect in 2026, 2027 to move up to €10,000,000,000 in total. And we are quite confident this is happening, is going to happen. In addition to this, we have completed the picture via a call to the private sector. It looks sounds a little bit technical, but basically, we have just reached out to the EU private sector to identify which companies and other actors are interested in our support in terms of reforms, in terms of budget, and in terms of investment facilitation in the next years, and 48 companies replied, and this will also help us to develop our investment agenda further. Then moving to the migration and mobility chapter, they will have followed up with our comprehensive approach to this.
We have worked a lot, as you know, quite effectively in the area of border management, but of course, much still remains to be done. In the area as well of protection, where we have actually signed a last grant of 8,000,000 of support to improve the situation of Sudanese refugees in Egypt, very recently. You have also worked in the area of legal migration and mobility through our talent partnerships, and we have actually three roundtables on this with Egyptian authorities in the private sector, where we succeeded in finally identifying the sectors and different counterparts on both sides of the Mediterranean in terms of making mobilities happen in a controlled context, but also in a context where the private sector will play a very important role. And of course, we have continued working and supporting Egypt in developing the bylaws of the asylum law, increasing and improving their protection context and legislation, as well as urging them to deepen and make the consultation of this law more substantial. Then I will move then to the area of human capital development, to finish with this.
And here, we have been working on basically three areas. One, I would say, in the reform of the vocational and educational training system in Egypt. Some of you have traveled to Egypt. I think you have probably constituted yourselves that the vocational training system in Egypt is a priority for the Egyptian authorities. They have invested money, funding, and resources in developing it.
Very important, we support them on this because this will help not only to support, of course, the labor force as well as the private sector in general, but also, of course, to improve the social cohesion in the country and the opportunities for youth, for women, as well for other people as well, obviously. We have signed the Horizon Europe agreement with Egypt, and they have associated themselves to this. This is the closest level of association in the area of research, innovation, and development. It's something which is very important. And Egypt is also going to link to, was going to associate himself to the alliance of apprenticeships, which will be also very important in terms of bringing more support to trainees, in particular, people.
I think we are looking ahead. And in the seconds of my intervention, just to say that we need, of course, to accelerate, intensify our cooperation in all these areas. We are looking at our cooperation programs, and we are negotiating with them a package of support about €300,000,000 for 2627. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you very much, Mr. Mesquiris. Miss Healy, the EAS is responsible for monitoring the human rights situation and compliance with the political preconditions for the macro financial assistance. So we look forward to you now telling us about the general assessment of our bilateral political relations in light of our partnership.
Speaker 85
Thanks a lot. Indeed, I will complete the picture of the implementation of the strategic and comprehensive partnership and the political leg of the MFA on the more political aspect. Honestly, we see it every day, the partnership itself. And then the way it has been consolidated with the first leader summit last year has created a completely renewed momentum and has given a clear boost to the relationship with Egypt, which we will never stop repeating, and it's even clearer under the current circumstances. It's definitely a strategic partner for Europe.
So it's a momentum which we want to maintain, but it's a momentum that, in general, is the EU interest. The EU has a clear interest in maintaining because we are talking about a crucial partner and a very active and proactive act in the larger region today, even more than before, and, therefore, today is even more important in the extremely turbulent times that the region is living. The daily reality shows this, The amount of diplomatic and political contact at all level has really increased, and the consultation on political elements of common interest is continuous, being it at the level of the HIVP as well as at the level of the president. We see that there is an interest on the Egyptian side as much as on our side, and a way to say this and to reaffirm this is also to maintain not only the more informal political context, but also the institutional changes. And this is why we are looking for a date to hold the eleventh EU-Egypt Association Council, hopefully before the summer break.
We have also decided under the partnership that we will launch some annual thematic dialogues on political matters, on security, and on migration over the course of the year to give in even more substance to the political exchanges. Let me come to a few issues which are preoccupying both parts at this moment and nourishing our diplomatic relations. Stressing one point or maybe two interesting points which make Egypt a fundamental actor in all the crisis of the larger region at this moment. One is that Egypt is among the few countries which at this moment are able and are engaged, but to talk to everybody. And we see that this is reflected in this proactive role of mediation that they are trying to have.
The other point is that often we can definitely list Egypt as a like-minded for Europe, which is particularly important in this moment. And the specificity, which is a common one, is that we both have a political and economic, let's say, as well interest to find solutions which are sustainable in the longer term. So we are discussing and coordinating a lot starting, of course, from the latest, should I say, crisis, which is the war in Iran. Egypt, as Francisco was saying, is clearly impacted economically, thinking about remittances from the Gulf, revenues from sewage, food, and the energy security, and that is insisting on investing significant diplomatic capital. It has done so at the beginning of the crisis to avoid the kinetic activities and is doing so now, promoting a diplomatic solution and cooling for the escalation, which is exactly what we are doing.
The new war should not delete from the agenda the other wars, and this is the case in Gaza and West Bank. And it's clear on this that there is a full alignment between the EU and Egypt on our common overarching priorities. We want to maintain the ceasefire. We want to start substantially implementing phase two of the play peace plan, which is not moving. We want to maintain the humanitarian situation.
We want to control the humanitarian situation and maintain humanitarian access, which we are seeing deteriorating in the latest weeks. And we want an ownership of the Palestinians and the Palestinian authority in all the process concerning Gaza. So we are working a lot with them, giving them really a major role in the Gaza war and in the situation in the West Bank. We have a lot of contacts with them to try to see the Rafa border crossing reopen with a meaningful number of passages on both ways. And you know that we are in contact with them to try to organize the training of the future Gaza police with them in Egypt.
Sudan. We are insisting like they are doing on the importance of territorial integrity and the importance of keeping the national institutions. It's an important fight for us. It's absolutely existential for Egypt, which is paying the highest price in terms of Sudanese asylum seekers and refugees arriving in the country. But, I mean, I could mention the Red Sea.
I could mention Libya. So we really have a dense agenda. In terms of security, we have organized the second counterterrorism dialogue in January, and we are now organizing the first security and defense dialogue. This is an important task from the Egyptians and, again, in our big interest if we only think in terms of maritime security and the importance of keeping open Bab El Mandeb sewers on one side and Ormat on the other. In this kind of dialogues, of course, another thing that we will keep in mind and that we have clearly explained the importance for us to the Egyptian authorities is all the issue of the shadow fleet.
And now let me finish with the part of the macro financial assistance which is directly relevant for us, which is the political leg. Well, you know because you contributed to the drafting of the article of the EU decision, and it's on this basis that we are operating. We have seen because you have received the specific part of the report which we issued in January 2026 when we disposed the first tranche. Keeping in mind that with this micro financial operation, we want to support, to contribute to support the macroeconomic stability in the country, and we are also using it to encourage and support the homegrown reform agenda, including in the area of governance, democracy, rule of law, and human rights. You've seen the report, so I will not repeat it.
But if I have to summarize, then we have considered that the assessment is of an overall positive trajectory, which has been taken by Egypt. And we see this in an increasing engagement in open exchange in these areas, which, let's be very clear, was a taboo even just a couple of years ago. They have increased their engagement also with the UN, which we particularly appreciate, and with our EU special representative for human rights. We have also reported a number of legislative reforms, as well as the release of some criminal and political detainees. We have put the accent on the importance of the space for civil society.
And I must say for personal experience, the country has basically the most vibrant civil society in the region. Thank you.
David McAllister
Alright. Thank you, madam, sir, for your presentations. We now have roughly 30 minutes time for exchange reviews. And I give the floor to coordinators first, in case we would like to take the floor. Micha Gallo.
Speaker 3
Yes. Thank you very much. One precise question to the external action service. You referred to the Rafa situation and the need to reopen that. How is actually the practical cooperation on the ground, if I understand well, lots of the goods come from El Arish, from the port, towards Rafah if they come.
How is the situation on the deliveries on this side? And, which measures are we undertaking, perhaps together with the Egyptians, to get Israel to a position that they allow the goods to come in? And with regards to the persons that would like to leave Gaza, what is the practice that the Egyptian authorities apply there? Is it for transit persons only who can go abroad, or is it also to accept people coming and staying for a while in Egypt? And the other question to the commission, you referred to 300,000,000 budget support.
That was a concrete figure. So my question is, what has been agreed for the use of this budget support? Or is it so general that they can just do with it what they want? I would see that as a bit problematic. I think there is an agenda that has been agreed.
And, could you explain a bit what is done with this money, and how do we control the proper use of it? Thank you very much.
Speaker 86
Thank you, Michaud. For the s and d, Eliudia Rupo. Allow me to speak in French, and I would like to thank you, madam and mister, for your explanations. I
Speaker 70
Would just like to say the following. I can endorse what you've just said, and I would congratulate you on the work you've done here. When it comes to Egypt, I think more than with any other country, we have to show proof of realpolitik. As you explained, it's a country with which we have to side, and we are siding. We have to extend a hand to them.
And in sensitive issues such as human rights issues, of course, we need to look at individual cases rather than pointing the finger and giving lessons as we once did in history. However, I would like to insist on economic stability, the improvement in the social terms of the Egyptian population. And as you said, sir, representative of the commission, the stability and guarantees of foreign investments in Egypt. I would like to apologize in advance if I can't stay for the answers. Our chair is very strict, but nevertheless, we are encountering quite a considerable delay, and I need to be somewhere else.
Speaker 89
I do apologize. But no, chair. It's very seldom that there is a delay in the committee, but thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Mr. Rupo. But there actually isn't a delay. We're in the middle of an agenda item from 11:30 to 12:30.
Yeah.
David McAllister
So, anyhow, there's always somebody to blame. The patriots for Europe would not like to take the floor. I understand. Then for the ECR, Mr. Ghiadi.
Speaker 62
Thank you very much. I'll be speaking Greek. Yes. The EU's relationship with Egypt needs to be safeguarded. I'd like to mention some of the pillars of cooperation that we have.
Speaker 61
Political cooperation, which is providing a great deal of support for Egypt. There is a danger from the Muslim Brotherhood having a negative effect in Egypt on the role of the EU and its workings in Egypt, but also their effect on what's going on here, underscores the hypocrisy of Turkey and the instrumentalization of immigration. Then minerals, especially, and natural gas, both of which are to be found under the sea between Egypt and Cyprus. Now Egypt is a very important strategic and geopolitical partner as well.
David McAllister
Thank you. Who would like to take the floor for a new group? Jan Kristoff Erchin, please.
Speaker 88
Thank you, David. Thank you, commission, for presenting your position and the notes that you have issued. Let me be clear. Egypt is an important partner for the European Union, without a doubt. It's a country I like a lot.
But, nevertheless, I have to highlight that in the past, things that were going quite well, especially in the treatment of migrants, have deteriorated. You have heard statements from civil society actors, but as well the UN special reporters, on the situation of migrants, that are facing a situation where deportation is, from migrants is ongoing, because of resident status issues. And at the same time, the Egyptian authorities don't allow them to register as residents. So, it's like a vicious circle. Right?
They don't have the capacity. They don't manage to do so. And then they are picked up in the streets, like in an ice manner, and brought, brought away even not caring about kids, about families, and so on. So in the light of this situation, I have three questions. So maybe a reflection on your note in light of the recent reporting of the international refugee pet for Egypt and UN special reporters, an insight on the strategy of the commission as well to hold Egypt accountable for the human rights abuses towards refugees and migrants that take place, and as well, because European asylum agency is an important partner for Egypt of the implementation of the asylum law, which is highly critical, how you want to make sure that in cooperation with EUA, the situation is not even further deteriorating.
Thank you.
Tineke Strik
Thank you. Thank you, chair, and thank you very much to both speakers of the commission, AS. And I think that we all recognize that Egypt is at the moment facing a very difficult situation because of the impact of the war in the region. And I think a strategic partnership could really support the country in order to make sure that its citizens benefit from it. And you can do a lot with CHF 5,000,000 MFA money that we have approved.
You could improve access to safe and clean drinking water, build houses for the 12,000,000 people who are homeless, or set up a social scheme for the 30% of the people living below the poverty rate. And of course, use the money as leverage for conditions on human rights, democracy, and rule of law as we are also obliged to by Article 21 of the EU treaty. The EU, however, chose to give a blank check to a government with a bad human rights track record without clear requirements to strengthen the rights and the protection of the EU Egypt of the Egyptian citizens. And actually, in my view, simply accepted the promise of the government that improvements would occur. So, where do we stand now?
If I look at 24, around 900 political prisoners were released, but at the same time, 1,500 were arrested for political reasons, and many remain in prisons without due process. The death penalty is still actively applied. Freedom of expression and media freedom are severely hampered, and LGBTI persons, religious minorities, women and girls continue to face violence and persecution. Thousands of refugees are continuously deported to war-torn Sudan. So I really want to know from the commission which tangible process it sees sufficient to disperse a next batch of funding?
And how did you take on board the quite critical assessment of the EU special representative of the human rights of AIS, who identified several deficiencies and made tangible recommendations? So I want to know how you assess the situation, the tangible one. What do you demand from the government? Do you have any red lines? And how do you align this with our obligation to promote values for the benefit of the Egyptian people?
Thank.
David McAllister
Thank you. For the left, who would like to take the floor? No one. And the ESN is not represented. Then I think I've given the floor to most of the shadows who are present.
Then I have two more requests to take the floor, Mister Maniates and Mister Mavridis. Anyone else? Okay. Then first, Mister Maniates. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I will speak in Greek.
Speaker 93
Thank you very much. We do have a very good relationship with Egypt, which is very important for the stability of the region. I'm very pleased that we can count them among the partner countries. I'd like to ask about religious freedom and energy. First of all, energy.
Speaker 94
Following the activities in Iran, Egypt has closed two of its refineries where it would have provided LNG. Now what are the repercussions of these closures when it comes to energy security in Egypt? Then, moving on, religious freedoms. A few months ago, a religious court took into its property a monastery in Sinai, which is an important monastery. And the coexistence of the three Abrahamic religions is very important.
Speaker 82
Thank you, chairman. Given the intervention by Mister Mayadis, that will help me, that I would turn the discussion somewhere else because I found that very interesting as well. First of all, a short comment. I do welcome the confirmation of the overall positive assessment of human rights record in Egypt. There is an improvement.
However, president Sisi's government still has many challenges, and still we expect a lot from the government of Egypt. However, the Muslim brotherhood is not the alternative, and we all have to keep that in mind. And in fact, I will sum it up in a phrase: if Egypt collapses, Europe will collapse as well. Now I have two questions. If we all care about stability and prosperity in the area, having in our main interest energy security.
Why the commission never mentions the external service, the only institution in the area which is coal is Med Gas Forum. And by the way, I don't know of any other forum in which we have members such as Egypt, France, Greece, Cyprus, Italy, Jordan, and Palestine. Why don't you build on that? And my second question, is there any advice you might want to give to the Cyprus presidency that currently runs the Council of the EU? Once again, thank you for your very important contributions.
David McAllister
Thank you, Mr. Mavridis. So, anyone else would like to take the floor? Please.
Speaker 95
Thank you very much, sir. Yes. Me too. I am very concerned about the situation of human rights in Egypt, not only for migrants or refugees, but for the Egyptian citizens. So I would just like to join my colleagues, Oitian and Streakin, in asking what is your assessment about the situation of human rights in the country.
Thank you.
David McAllister
Right. Thank you, colleagues. So Miss Healy and Mister Mesquiles, how would you like to handle it? You can talk about everything, but not longer than fifteen minutes. So if you can have it both seven minutes.
You begin, sir.
Speaker 83
Good. Thank you, Chairman. Thank you, honorable members, for all the questions. I will start with the last question, Mr. Mabridis and Mr.
Speaker 84
Maniatis. Yeah. So, ISMED gas forum. Yes. I mean, we'll be, of course, in my intervention time, I don't have time really to raise all these issues.
But, it's something we will build up on. And we'll be, of course, in a forum that I think is quite important for the development of our energy cooperation in the region. And it's certainly something we are going to work with, and we are working with already. And in terms of the advice to the Cyprus presidency, I don't really dare to give any advice to the presidency, but of course, we are working very closely together. We'll continue working very closely together in all these areas of the reforms we have mentioned, on the political side, on the economic side.
And clearly, Cyprus has a very particular, very important role to play.
Speaker 84
region. And you use we're going to use, of course, it's maybe the wrong word, but of course, the high diplomacy, all the contacts they have, all the economic relations have established to work on all these areas I have mentioned today. Clearly, it's a very important presidency for us as well in the context of the implementation of the pact that Iain mentioned, the Pact for the Mediterranean. But of course, it's complementary to the bilateral track with Egypt. And on other questions, such as the halt of the gas exports to Egypt through the Leviathan field and gas field, Egypt has taken a number of short term measures already to compensate for this decrease of the energy imports.
This, of course, would have, if the conflict is prolonged, long-term impact and an important impact as well on establishing pressure on currency, on the Egyptian currency, also, of course, increasing inflation and, of course, putting another huge amount of pressure on the Egyptian economy. But for the moment, Egypt and for the next months has taken the necessary measures in terms of demand substitution, in terms as well of energy efficiency, and as well has established a fund of €1,000,000,000 to support the population, support as well the economy in this area to limit the negative consequences of this decrease of imports of gas imports. At the same time, they're also trying to develop, as you know, the land corridors to Saudi Arabia. And by doing that, they will also probably recuperate or compensate a little bit the loss in terms of shipment of oil and gas produced through the Suez Canal. In the area, I think I will leave the other question to Rosamaria.
Mr. Streak, and as well all the questions in relation to, I think, alleviation of the social protection using the MFA to improve the social situation of the Egyptian population. Just to remind, of course, the goalpost and the parameters of the micro financial assistance. This is a loan. It's not a grant.
So, the Egyptian authorities will reimburse this loan, will have to reimburse the loan. So, of course, the impact is different. Having said that, of course, a part of these economic reforms linked to MFA is related to social protection. It's an area where, this year, it is important. It's a reform.
It's an area of reform and promotion that Egyptians are strongly committed to developing. It's a little bit linked to the overall question you made. It's not that we just believe the promises of the Egyptian government. What I would say is that it's very important, of course, to support them in implementing these reforms. You want as well to establish, of course, a stronger, robust dialogue with them as well in making sure that these reforms are implemented.
But as we said as well, it is through dialogue and through engagement that we can maybe achieve more, and always on the basis of their own objectives, own priorities established by themselves. There, I think, is where we have our best chance to make progress, and we are making some progress. In aid of social reform as well, we're, of course, having projects of cooperation with them. And these are important projects under our financial cooperation in supporting and compensating, if you want, the potential negative consequences of reforms on the society and, of course, on the more vulnerable layers of the Egyptian society. And we have important priorities in terms of supporting, of course, households and as well in trying to support job creation as well as training, as I said before, and as well, in general, make sure that Egypt really implements fully their social reform objectives.
Then, in terms of the migrant situation, I think Rosamaria will take part in this question at least. But just as I said before, our support is focusing as well on improving the situation of migrants in the country. It is clear that we need to understand that each of it is also challenged, obviously, by the migratory pressure they are confronted with. It's also evolving in terms of nature and nationalities, and in terms of intensity and numbers. They are under a huge amount of pressure in the region.
And indeed, there have been, I think, the situation in the area of human rights for migrants has deteriorated in a number of areas. On the other side, Egypt has adopted an asylum law, which is as well a clear commitment, which is not perfect, but it's a clear commitment to go into more protection for migrants. As I said, this has to be complemented by the bylaws. It has to be the result of a better consultation process. They are really committed and doing it.
Very recently, last week, I was in Egypt, precisely asking these kinds of questions in terms of protection of migrant rights as well. And I think the commitment is very substantial, very clear, and very strong. Having said that, they need support. And that's why we're also dedicating financial means for them as well to address these challenges, and as well to correct in these areas where maybe indeed, some the situation has deteriorated. And we raised, of course, in particular, the situation you have mentioned, Mr.
Erkin. And then finally, maybe from my side, of course, welcome the coins by Mr. Di Ruppo. I think they were very measured and well calibrated. But I think as well in terms of the energy situation in Egypt, and as well the impact of the crisis.
I think this is precisely our agenda. Our agenda is actually to move with Egypt towards a situation where there will be more energy diversity, where renewable energies will be actually a main part of the policy energy mix of Egypt. We are going in this direction. Only recently, in the last three weeks, we have actually agreed with them two different renewable energy support programs that will actually leverage €3,000,000,000 of investments in this area. We're talking about something very precise, like the better management of the electricity grid.
So, by doing that, reducing losses and improving the overall energy situation in Egypt. We're also trying to support, we're supporting, in fact, with an ammonia project to develop Egypt in one of the hubs of hydrogen hubs for the region that will have then benefits for both, for the EU as well in terms of electricity, energy security, energy autonomy, and as well as hopefully and eventually lower prices in the future, as well as, of course, for Egypt in terms of economic prosperity and energy development. I think one more question, sorry, because I forgot that was, I think, Mr. Gala, I think, who was asking about the 3,000,000 euro budget support. That was my last word.
They were the last words in my intervention. Maybe I mispronounced myself. It is not budget support. It's €3,000,000 of financial cooperation, basically based on projects. It is much more project-focused on water management, electricity management, social protection, education, vocational training in a large number of areas.
Okay? It's not really about your support, but, of course, we can continue after the meeting.
Thank you.
Speaker 85
Yes. And I will start with your question on Rafa. Rafa for us is a border crossing for people and not for goods. And what EUBAMA Rafa is doing is the motoring the monitoring of the passenger people. It doesn't mean that we're not insisting on opening more passages of goods, and also in letting more trucks with humanitarian aid get in and not only commercial goods.
But so coming back on the modalities, then the Egyptians have been the ones insisting on both way passage, which is what was in the Trump plan. It started. The border crossing was then closed again at the beginning of the war with Iran. We have information. They changed all the days.
We had information that they would reopen tomorrow. Today, yesterday, it looked like it will be delayed a little bit, but we are awaiting, we are expecting the reopening anytime soon. And still, both ways, we will be insisting, as we were doing before, on the fact that we want meaningful numbers. The numbers had been very low. Moving to the other questions, then I liked in the intervention by mister DiRupe, in particular, the stress on the fact that we cannot talk as people giving lessons.
And we have an experience with that, which brought us to a total inability with a country like Egypt to even have a dialogue on these difficult areas. I like less, I must say, about the real about realpolitik. This is not the optimal way to describe what we are trying to do with Egypt. We are engaging with them and thinking about the long-term stability of the country, a country which is absolutely crucial for us from all sorts of points of view. And it is with this kind of engagement that we look at the political leg of the MFA, but in general, the political situation and in general, at how encouraging and supporting reforms that they have decided to do with the national dialogue, with the national strategy on human rights, encompassing political rights, but also socioeconomic, because the two are important.
I wouldn't, and personally, since I was in Egypt several times to talk to the authorities, to talk to the socials, to the civil society, I would insist on the fact that we are not giving a blank check. But we are engaging with them, and we do see some differences. Of course, when we talk about these kind of reforms, we talk about the change, the change of culture, if you want, in the way governance operates. And these are changes which we cannot expect overnight. But there are concrete points which we have put in our assessment and which go, if you want, examples from the overarching push for the development of a cultural consultation, which didn't exist before and which is taking its space in all the important pieces of legislation that they are passing.
To give you some examples, code of criminal procedure, there was a draft. It was about to be passed. It was sent back from the president to the parliament because there was criticism on the side of the operators and the civil society. The discussions on the bylaws for the asylum law, and I would like to stress that Egypt is one of the few having an asylum law, which, again, has been the object of large consultation. Same for the law, the new law on the personal status for Christmas, for Christians, the same for the labor law.
So in all this, we do see some progress. As we see, for example, in the work that the National Human Rights Council is trying to do to interject ideas and recommendations to the authorities. On the issue of the monastery raised by Mister Maniates, I will leave this to the bilateral. We know we have immediately paid attention to this, but we know that this is treated bilaterally. And what we have is from the Egyptians the confirmation that they do want to engage.
I think that I no. Migration. Yeah. To complete on migration, note that there is deterioration in this latest month on the protection space for the migrants. We are in close contact with the UN to assess how things can get improved.
It's not only a question of lack of funds, which is a reality. We also can have sympathy for the Egyptian authorities because there is clearly a growing pressure on them. Egypt has the highest number of asylum requests from Sudan, and the situation is not improving. The UN themselves consider that there are at least 1,500,000 of the most vulnerable among the migrant population. And because they've decided to do a no camp policy, then this is putting a huge strain on the urban areas on health, basic services, etcetera.
We are in contact with the Egyptians with a very open dialogue. I was mentioning that we want to establish a political dialogue on migration, to see how things can be improved. Thank you.
David McAllister
Right. Thank you. Thank you. That was exactly on time. Anything else which our two guest speakers might have missed, that is not the case?
Then I would like to thank our two guest speakers for coming to Afed. I would like to thank colleagues for this timely and productive exchange on the EUGeochip strategic and comprehensive partnership. Colleagues, we will continue our meeting at half past two with the report on Bosnia and Herzegovina. Thank you.
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