Committee on Foreign Affairs Ordinary meeting
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Oleksandr Merezhko
We would highly appreciate a strong voice of the European Parliament in this regard. It is critical to deepen sanctions across key sectors. Oil and gas, metallurgy, chemicals, nuclear industries, and defense technologies. In particular, Rosatom and Roscosmos. Both complicit in Moscow's militarization of war crimes.
They must face sanctions and immediate exclusion from international research and cooperation frameworks. The list of designations of those who profit or support war and war crimes must be extended as well. Including, first and foremost, notorious Russian oligarchs and senior clergy. Likewise, financial measures remain among our priorities to curb a Russian military machine. Therefore, it is critical to move to disconnect Gazprom Bank as a key channel for sanctioned goods trade and all financial intermediaries that circumvent sanctions and enable Putin's regime's survival.
Dear friends, thank you so much for your support. We continue our struggle. And thanks to your aid, we're able to continue it with success. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you very much, Mister Chairman, dear Alexander Muresko. I will now give the floor to our members. In the first round, I will give the floor to the group coordinators or their replacements, and each member will try to limit himself or herself to two minutes. We start with the EPP, and Michael Gah has the floor.
Michael Gahler
Yes. Thank you very much, and welcome to our meeting also online. I'm very grateful that we have this opportunity. And, rest assured, dear colleague and colleagues who are connected, that Ukraine is almost always on our agenda in multifold ways and in many respects and in many committees as well. But, of course, the lead committee here is the foreign affairs committee.
And we also yesterday had a meeting just to inform you with general director Kopmann who illustrated the implementation of the Ukraine facility where we stand, where you stand in this regard. And, there is progress visible, but there are also many challenges remaining. We hope that you can proceed in the RADA as well, with the homework that you find in the annex to the facility. We have got the listing where you stand. It, as I said, looks not bad as such.
But we have noted, of course, some hiccups and delays on some of the issues. And, well, there are people who blame it only on the Vahof Narada. I wouldn't do so because I think it's also about the government that should be present with the ministers and the portfolio committees to explain, and also the president's office to forward all necessary information. So, what is your impression? I mean, we want you to succeed, but the question is, the way that the interaction between government and the
Is organized, is there a point where you would say what you demand and what we should also demand from your own ministers to be more open to the demands of the
of the Verkhovna Rada. That is our wish that your points are taken into account so that you can proceed and that also the conditioned payments can actually also then be handed out because you need this, and we want it to be paid in time. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Michiel. Who would like to take the floor for the S&D? This?
Thijs Reuten
Yes. Thank you very much, and thank you for your colleagues in Kyiv for being with us. It's great to see you under these dire circumstances. And of course, I fully concur with what the previous speaker said. We, as the European Parliament, from the start, from the very start, even before the full scale invasion, have been calling to do more and to do it more swiftly, and we will continue to do so.
And we will also continue to be at the forefront when we enter into the phase of the accession process, because also there, not only you as a RADA, but also all the Ukrainians deserve all the support that they can get, especially from this institution in the necessary agreement that needs to be found with the Member States. On the SEK 90,000,000,000 loan, may I point you respectfully, dear colleagues in Kyiv, to the declaration of the European Commission that they read out when we voted on the SEK 90,000,000,000 loan. It's important that you have that declaration in your pocket always, because in that declaration of the European Commission, it is set out how the commission will actually proceed on the flexibility and on the swift procedures involved with the procurement of military support. So please check the declaration of the commission upon the vote in the European Parliament. On the negotiations and the opening of clusters, the National Program on Proximation, the MPPA, how do you view your own planning on that?
And assuming that you will fulfill your own planning with regard to the implementation, how do you see that working group that you mentioned you want to set up with the Member States? What should that working group be talking about? And when, in your opinion? And my last question is, how is the current collaboration with the government? And can we, as fellow parliamentarians, help you in any way or form, with something in regard to your parliamentary procedures, or in some way assisting the efforts that you are making towards the reforms.
Thank you very much.
David McAllister
Thank you very much, Thijs. Who would like to take the floor for the Patriots Group? Madam, please.
Viktória Ferenc
Thank you very much, Chair. Dear representatives of the Werraf Narada, I would like to express the opportunity to engage in this direct and personal dialogue, which is essential for achieving meaningful progress. It has been nearly two years since the European Union opened a session of negotiations with Ukraine. At that time, clear and binding conditions were set, among others, concerning the rights of national minorities, in line with article two of the treaty of the European Union, the Copenhagen criteria, and the constitution of Ukraine. Did these commitments form part of the agreed legal framework that Ukraine has undertaken to uphold?
Olha Stefanyshina, then deputy prime minister for the European and Euro-Atlantic integration, also confirmed that Ukraine would fully address and implement the 11 points raised, particularly by Hungary concerning the protection of national minorities. At the same time, nearly two years on, it is important to reflect on where we stand. Whilst there have been statements of intent, we have so far seen limited tangible progress, particularly in terms of clearly identifiable and enforceable legal acts. The Hungarian community in Transcarpathia, for example, has not yet fully regained the scope of rights it previously enjoyed. This makes continued constructive dialogue even more important.
In this spirit, I would like to respectfully raise a few questions. Could you kindly elaborate on how Ukraine currently ensures the right to national cultural autonomy, and how the free use of national symbols is safeguarded in practice? Furthermore, could you share how the issue of parliamentary representation for national minorities is currently being addressed in Ukraine? These are, of course, only a few elements among the 11 points, and they do not cover important areas such as the language of education or broader human rights considerations. But I sincerely hope that these commitments will soon be reflected in clear, tangible, and measurable outcomes.
Thank you for your answers.
David McAllister
Thank you. For the ECR, who would like to take the floor? Nobody. For Oh, Yak. Yeah.
Jaak Madison
Please. Thanks a lot. Well, otherwise, yeah. So thanks so much also, and very many greetings to Kyiv, to Ukraine. And there is no doubt that, of course, we are standing as much as possible on the European Parliament side with Ukraine.
There is not always a lot we can do, but at least we are going to do our best. Just for the comment for the also the previous concerns about the minorities in Ukraine, I think most of us in the parliament totally understand that in the last four years, over four years already, you had to be focused essentially on surviving. And, there is no doubt that there is not so much time left to focus on the other things about to do with the minorities in Ukraine. So the first priority is and has to be definitely how to survive and how to fight against the aggression. So, that's most probably the position for most of the members of the European Parliament.
And secondly, I think there are some concerns definitely before the summer about how the situation on the war ground will emulate. And there hasn't been, like, enough support also by military. So there is a political pressure also from the European Parliament sides to the member states, especially the bigger member states who still have resources to help more Ukraine because the worst doesn't only matter, what matters really is the reelections and real military power to support Ukraine. And thirdly, there has been also, like, very many discussions about how to mobilize the human resources in Ukraine because we are very well informed that on the really, like, in the worst situation, there are very many manpower is lost, and you need a new resource, to stand up against the aggression. So, could you maybe give the overview about the situation in society in Ukraine, how motivated or what are they really like?
The possibilities to mobilize more and more manpower to really get to the war grounds to fight against aggression? Thanks a lot.
David McAllister
Thank you. Jaak, for the Renew Group, who would like to take the floor? Petros Ostevychus, please. Two minutes.
Petras Auštrevičius
Thank you, chair. And let me welcome on behalf of the Renew Group, our Ukrainian colleagues in Kyiv and all around. So we stay in close cooperation and, indeed, Ukraine's integration into the European Union. And I have to emphasize that Ukraine is in the accession process right now, not yet in full negotiations, but the accession process is firmly anchored. And, I wish, I mean, to see more efficiency and clear strategy from the EU side, to be extended in order to have a clear process managed in this regard.
And, you know, I mean, with no doubt, Ukraine's integration into the European Union will be benefiting a lot from the regional cooperation. So that's why I, looking forward towards new Hungarian government to be more effective and more open minded in this regard, and then changes will follow. Mister chair, Melezhko, may I ask you a couple of questions? Many colleagues of mine are much interested in the military situation on the frontline. So congratulations on Ukrainian militaries gaining more territories whatsoever in April.
It's a huge gain. But how do you assess the overall military situation by now? Secondly, the Russians preparing for the so-called Victory Parade on May 9 requested a ceasefire. What will be the response of Kyiv in this regard? And finally, you mentioned sanctions, and you're completely right.
We have to impose more and more effective sanctions and not just the twenty first package, I hope, will follow, but the twenty second and more. But do you still find some components in Russian missiles and drones coming from countries which do not comply with the EU sanctions regime. Thank you, and good luck to you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Petras. For the Greens, who would like to take the floor? Billy Schindel, please.
Villy Søvndal
Thank you very much, and thank you very much for this opportunity to speak to you in a situation where there is a lot of promising development, only by the frontline, but also after the Hungarian election where all the blockades are lifted on loans, also in the twentieth sanction package, but also on membership negotiations, but also as the Russian seems to be into increasing problems, both economically seen, but also recruiting soldiers. So how do we seize this moment to help you the best way? I think European and EU should step up in this situation and use this chance where you are in a good situation, and Russia in a not so good situation, to make the progress which might define the coming time. But what are the limits for you? When I visited Ukraine, the limit was more finance than weapon delivery because there's a Ukraine capacity for producing weapons which is not used.
Is that still the case? What should we push our member countries for? Economic aid or military aid? Could you say a bit about that? And another question also, just a wish for you to keep up the speed on reforms, but also on the fight against corruption.
These are very important to be able to see you as members of this parliament, which would be our big wish. So when you thank us, I think we should thank you. You are dependent on us, but Europe is also very dependent on what you do. Thank you very much.
David McAllister
Thank you, Willy. For the left, who would like to take the floor? Not present. The ESN group is also not present. Then I will now hand over to Alexander Mureshko in Kiev. If you would like to give the floor to members of your committee, please.
Oleksandr Merezhko
Yes. Thank you, dear colleagues. I would like to give the floor to my colleagues, members of our committee. I will start with the opposition. You know, it's a sign of vibrant democracy.
We have very. If you want to have strong democracy, you should have strong opposition. So, I'm giving the floor to the representative of the opposition, Maria Ioanova, please.
Maria Ionova
Hello. Dear friends, hello. And thank you, of course, for the words of support for Ukraine and also for assistance in the war and on the EU path also. First of all, I support our chair on thankful words for positive decisions of the EU council as regard the 90,000,000,000 oil alone. And, of course, 20 packages of sanctions against Russia.
Probably during my speech, I will shortly answer the questions which you have also asked. Yes. The 20 package of sanctions, we think it's not enough, but we also hope that the EU is on the way of more strong sanctions, especially Rosatom and all other nuclear fuel and also shuttle fleet, which still works very strong. But I think that coming back to loan, of course, it strikes to strengthen Ukraine's military and economic resilience. But I think that it should be the stimulus for more internal democratic reforms.
Because the ever increasing sanctions pressure is also needed, as we know how Russians are using their financial for feeding military machine. But, also, we expect that the EU Council will make a green light to open excess talks on fundamentals cluster as soon as possible. Official negotiations will give their position and civil society more leverage to control the authorities. Reforms and true commitment to European values, including the rule of law and effective anti-corruption policy, are crucial for exception. And believe us, we absolutely realize it in our faction European solidarity.
Because also recently, we hear a lot of talks about membership and also, you know, ticking a date on the calendar. But for us, it's really about real transformation, because membership cannot be a goal in itself. So it must be really the result of very deep, comprehensive, and consistent reforms. And Ukraine doesn't need a shortened or, you know, hybrid membership. I think that Ukraine seeks full-fledged membership because it's not only in Ukraine interest.
It's, of course, in the interest of the European Union. And our faction, European Solidarity, fully shares the approach of a dynamic accession process, as well as we are committed to support EU-related legislation. But also let me draw your attention to the increasing challenges to democracy in Ukraine, because democracy is a source of our strengths. And we also have heard a lot of questions regarding the military situation and also corruption. Corruption.
So now we see in the parliament that it's really time for a coalition of national unity. And mister chair Merezhka mentioned that true opposition matters. We're really happy to hear it on the six-year of our convocation. But I think that time to give more power really also to anti-corruption in institution because corruption kills. And our position is clear.
No one should interfere with Naboo and Sapho, and no one should obstruct their investigations. That is why when we are talking about finalizing the reforms of judiciary prosecution, the security service, and the state bureau investigations, we fully support so called Kachka course priorities. And I think it's really relevant, and we should improve criminal procedures, judiciary integrity, constitutional court appointments. So all that draft laws which I mentioned. So the problem is, unfortunately, very little is actually being implemented.
And there are declarations, meeting promises, but inefficient deliveries, insufficient, sorry, delivery. That is why for Ukraine to remain strong, it shall remain democratic. And regarding the questions on military situation, we just a few days ago, we came back with colleagues from Kharkiv region. Unfortunately, still, sky is under Russian control, but our military, of course, are doing all they can do. The very complicated situation on the Parisian direction Gulai Pola where we see how Russians are really absolutely fully equipped with drones, with electronic warfare.
And, of course, human resources. That is why still the question of controlling the Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant, you know, how it's difficult, and, unfortunately, it's not on a global agenda. We would like to be involved also European Union more in this process. And also, we met with many in the Kharkiv region. So I think that we still lack long distance missiles.
We need to delete the air bases of the airplanes, which are sending us these glided bombs because we have a lot of loss because of these glided bombs. And finally, regarding relations and also with our Hungarian friends, I also thank you for our members who have supported and see the key problem as security and Russian aggression during all these 12 years. But believe us, we would like to have a constructive, very friendly dialogue to renovate it, but dialogue. You know? And believe us, a lot of representatives from different national minorities are now in the Ukrainian armed forces because they are fighting not only for Ukraine.
They are fighting for the security and for the peace of the European continent. And I hope that you are supporting us in this to defend democracy. Unfortunately, there are still a lot of components in Russian, not only drones, but also missiles and different types of militaries. That is why there are still a lot of things to do and to put under sanctions. Also, that is why we are so vocal for so many years for secondary sanctions.
I think that here, our Ministry of Foreign Affairs and also probably our chair will answer in more detail, or we can send you the information. One more time. Thank you, and stay together.
Oleksandr Merezhko
Thank you. I would like to give the floor to Mariana Bezugla, the member of our Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Mariana Bezuhla
Thank you very much. Firstly, thank you. Thank you, and thank you to the European Parliament for supporting us and actually for continuity. But I'm not a very diplomatic member of parliament, so I need to give some several remarks taking into account what is going on. For me, it's just a very open question where we are take because it's the fifth year of full scale invasion.
We are making some reforms. Some reforms are harder, and the progress is ongoing. But what is it would be very valuable and interesting to hear from you. What do you see? What would be the situation in 2030?
Still making some reforms? Still, we are waiting for Ukraine. Still the war? How will you see your Europe, Ukraine, and overall the world in four years? Because now the situation is looking in that way, that four years, even not two or one or three years, but for about many years of total war and the world changing and changing in a very, very creepy way.
So it's a question from me, and interesting to see you. Do you know what it is? It's Orban Palace. Is it a corruptional story or not? As far as I remember, very corrupt now.
And, also, as I it's, I don't know. Is it clear? Urban zebras. So some kind of many zebra in his home. It's not only one example.
I can also mention not only Hungarian stories. And as far as I remember, in 2023, European Parliament even made the decision to declare to emphasize what is going on, what was going on in Hungary with the corruption of stories and overall risk for European community. But it's also the story of College of Europe by Frederica Morgari, and she was the prominent person for European International Corporation. It's a Marine Le Pen scandal for different phones. As far as I remember, the ex president of France was even imprisoned for corruption stories.
And it's only several examples of top corruption, which was just opened by journalists, by some law enforcement agencies. And, frankly, mostly, these stories were opened firstly by journalists and then some law enforcement reaction. And I don't want to say that, okay, we have the same problems as us. Of course, we are on the different stages of understanding how the some kind of different stages of the development of state ground in some directions. But we need to be honest with ourselves.
The corruption is not the first problem. It exists, and it's a problem for everybody. Do you have the only additional small example, Gerhard Schroeder. It's another country, Germany. Do you remember him?
He was counselor for many years, and then he went to Gazprom as employer. So he was lobbying for many years in the interest of Russia with billions, and then he's just free and openly employer. Is it corruption? Is it top corruption? Colleagues, what are you going to do something with this or with Angela Merkel when she has her ties with some not only pro-Russian forces, but also special services for years.
Is it okay? It's not okay. We need to work on everything of this from all the sides because it's, firstly, now, it's a change of world. It's also the matter of national security and defense and security of European Union. And I don't know.
Do you hear, did you hear about me or not? But I'm in some way, I'm a member of parliament who investigates different corruption stories. And my focus is military because during the big war, when there is big money and big challenges, the closed system is vulnerable for different stories, of course. And I investigated. Some generals were fired for this.
Some story, some investigation are in the law enforcement authorities. And do you have these problems with your army? I'm sure you have. Because your military and your mil not only military personnel, but also military politicians, I mean, from ministers of defense and so on and so on, they are talking about that the old doctrines are not actual anymore, but a lot of weapon was still produced, and it was not changed because it was the lobby of different weapon companies. And this lobby still exists.
Do you need do we need to work with this? Of course. So then I don't want you to look at my speech as some kind, okay. Not we, but you, and so on. I'm just trying to describe the overall picture, and the picture that the world is not present anymore, and it will not be.
Do you have the very simple example about drones. Can you even imagine where would be the technologies of robotics, drones, and artificial intelligence just in a couple of years without just without rules of international law which are being destroyed now. Can you even imagine? Can they be in Paris, Russian drones or another? We don't know.
So finishing, of course, thank you very much and especially to the European parliament for the continuity and help. And colleagues, it's about to think about this and to cooperate and to act for the overall defense and security. And my question, your vision of the world in 2030.
Oleksandr Merezhko
Thank you. Thank you so much. Dear colleagues, I would like to give the floor to Yelizabetha Jesko. Please, madam Jose Veta. Mister speaker,
Yelyzaveta Yasko
Good morning or good afternoon, dear colleagues in the European Parliament. That's so great to see all of you together. I wish we had this meeting physically, preferably in Kyiv, actually. And many of things were already said by my colleagues, but I want to say a few comments about the current situation in the society and in the parliament. So you maybe often hear that the parliament might have some problems in Ukraine, that it's maybe not functioning.
But as you see us, the parliament is functioning. The majority exists. We managed to pass most of the laws. Sometimes we do have problems. Yes.
That's true. But still, we are functioning, and this is important to say. All European integration laws that are part of the road map are always in our list. We are always gathering to vote on these laws. And I don't think that there is any very specific opposition or resistance against any of these laws.
Some problematic ones require more work and more time, but in general, I think it's very hard to find any other country, any other parliament that would be able to vote for so many laws on European integration and many other things during the airstrikes, and this is important to mention. And this also goes to the question of ethnic minorities. Around three years ago, we passed a law that was a part of our, also obligation in our road map to the EU, that we have to ensure that the ethnic minorities have all the rights consistent with European legislation. And we passed the law, and it is working. And now all representatives of ethnic minorities have all their rights to protect their language, their studies, but, of course, the main language should stay Ukrainian.
This is a question of national security, and this is very important for us. I want to join, the question on the future. And I think this is very important to think how do we see world in 2030 or even in one year time, because in Ukraine, we hate to say that, but we understand that the war is not going to be over tomorrow. And we understand that the winter is waiting for us. What kind of winter it will be, we don't know.
And these hopes and the talks that the war will be over is not relevant anymore. We don't believe in that. And we know that Russia shows single, like, zero single sign to any willingness for the ceasefire. For Russia, everything that happens now geopolitically actually is quite beneficial because they, because of Iran and the situation in the Middle East, Russia sees no will to have any progress in the peace negotiations. So this is our current situation.
Our energy situation will be very hard as well, of course, now because the time has come with the spring and it becomes much warmer. But still, we are awaiting our intelligence reports that we may have a lot of attacks on our water infrastructure, not only on electricity and energy, but also on water infrastructure. So it might get really, really tough on this. And what kind of aid, and what shall we do? I mean, you know all the answers, but please don't forget that it's not only about the aid.
It's also about isolating Russia. It's about fighting Russian weapons machinery. We need to make sure that they have less money, they have less funding for having this war, but also relationships with the US. This is what we expect and hope that you could, we all can do it better because we have to keep US on board. And, personally, I think that the winter and the autumn will be very hard, and we should not be too idealistic or optimistic about that.
But realistic is very important. Thank you very much, and I hope to see you in Kyiv.
Oleksandr Merezhko
Thank you, dear colleagues. We have started with a position, and we will finish with their position with the representative of our position. And I would like to give the floor to Irina Girashenko.
Iryna Herachtchenko
Dear colleague, dear friend, thank you very much for our meeting now. I am very happy to see you. And first of all, I want to express sincere gratitude to the European Union and all members who continue to stand with Ukraine politically, militarily, financially, and morally. We have very many questions, and I want to reflect now. I'm a representative of a big opposition political party.
I'm Gohet, of the European Solidarity political party. And for example, 2,500 as members of our political party now are soldiers. I think now all Ukrainian family mobilization people, for example, in my family, the brother of my husband and my young nephew are soldiers now. And for example, my two nephews work to brigade this inter radar system. And now they have a catastrophic situation with missiles to Patriot.
You're absolutely right. We have a problem with mobilization and position of our political party. We should increase financial support and set a fixed term of service. Because five years, twelve years of military service, very, very difficult now. And our political group had a consultation with the new minister of defense, and we have a position.
We want to reform this system, this mobilization into the army. But now we have very many problems with missiles, and I think it's problem maybe number one because Russia cannot have victory in frontline, and Russia, unfortunately, change their tactics, intensify the attack of our civilian cities. My colleague talked you information. Now we have a big problem with Odessa, Dnipro, Kharkiv, Chernihiv, and all civilian cities because Russia, every week, every day, attack our infrastructure. We know now Russia destroyed in summer our water system.
And thank you very much for your new package to support Ukraine.
But.
Iryna Herachtchenko
Now, after a war in Iran, we have many problems with missiles. My colleague takes many information, gives information for you about the security situation. Maybe I want to reflect on the humanitarian situation. After security problem, problem number one to Ukraine now is demography. Because after mobilization, we have many sphere of who we don't have humanitarian because all men now are soldiers.
And maybe we want to organize as a work group unity and reflect why we want to work about the demographic problem in Europe and in Ukraine. We have a big problem with demining because now 30% of our territory is a problem with mines. And thank you very much for your support with the situation to illegal deportation Ukrainian children. Now we have 20,000 illegal deportation Ukrainian children and thousands of our military and civilian people who are in Russian prison. For example, in my political party, seven members of our political party now are prisoners in Russian prison and 14 missing persons.
And I think it's a very big humanitarian problem, and we want to have this topic in our agenda and pressure Russia to liberate all Ukrainian people. Unfortunately, now Russia blocks the peace process. We have a pause in peace process. And my colleague is absolutely right. For us, it's very important to have one position on this peace process.
It's a ceasefire. Because why don't we have a ceasefire? It's Russia use this negotiation to prolong the war. You ask our committee. Right now, we have communicated with the government and office of the president.
I think after resignation, mister Yermak, we maybe have a positive signal about change in communication with the office of the president. For example, last week, we had a good and big meeting with the new head of the office of the president, mister and new head office of the president and your assistance and its first contact, I think it's very, very important. After our dialogue, a monologue, and thank you, mister Galer, we now have every plenary week communicated with our prime minister and minister, but we don't have new good news about the situation with travel ban of NPCs. And I think it's important to destroy this travel ban, and we have a problem with democracy. My colleague Maria is absolutely right.
For my political party, the anti-corruption democracy, it's a very principal issue and position because society is calling for justice for anti-corruption. And I think parliament will play a principal role in anti corruption reform and monitoring all transparency, European grant, and Ukrainian budget. And maybe my finish small remark about the situation with ethnic minority. For example, in my political group, we have a representative of the krimpatar leaders, Mustafa Jamil, Akhtem Chibos. I think for Ukraine, it's very important to develop the European and very transparent and inclusive society.
Thank you very much, dear colleagues. Thank you for your support. And for us, it's very important to work together on sanctions and responsibility to Russia. Thank you.
Oleksandr Merezhko
Thank you so much, dear colleagues. I just wanted to add two points in response to the questions which have been asked, and in continuation of what has been said by my colleagues. First of all, with regard to components, drone components. When we open Russian drones which attack Ukraine, we find components produced in The United States, in Europe, in Asian countries, which were produced last year. Last year.
Which means that Russia somehow manages to circumvent sanctions imposed on it. That's why we need to tighten the sanctions against Russia. And there was a question with regard to the cease fire. We understand that for Russia it's not about cease-fire. It's about Putin is in panic.
He's losing the war. And he's afraid that Ukraine can spoil this totalitarian propagandistic holiday on the ninth of May. He's in panic, and that's why he wants at any cost to pretend that there is some kind of ceasefire. His goal is not about a ceasefire as such. Because Russia all his previously declared unilaterally so-called ceasefires, they have been violated by Russia not even hundreds, thousands of times.
So that's why Putin hopes that he will somehow, it's already humiliating for him. Because he had to sort of diminish the level of his parade. Which celebrates Russian militarism and Russian imperialism. It's very humiliating for him, and it's very telling that he's losing the war. He's losing the war.
But to defeat Russia completely, we need joint efforts. We can do it. And a part, a strong part of these common efforts is accession. Ukraine's accession to the European Union. Thank you, dear colleagues.
David McAllister
Right. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thanks to our colleagues from the Vohofne Radha for their very valuable insights. We now come to a round of follow-up questions and replies, and I would like to give the floor to the members. I have a request to take the floor from mister Scherber, mister Kelly, and mister Brown.
Anyone else? That is not the case, and we kick off with Mikhail Serbin. Let's try and be a bit cautious of the time. Perhaps you can limit yourself to two minutes. Mikhail, please.
Michał Szczerba
Dear chairman, dear colleagues, dear friends in Ukraine, Alexander, Marianne, Lisa, Irina, and others, it's a pleasure to welcome you, and, thank you for this exchange. We need to be updated by you on the situation in Ukraine and also about international affairs and engagement you provide. First of all, I would like to meet many of you at the next spring session of NATO parliamentary assembly in Vilnius at the end of this month. And I hope it's very important not only to strengthen the Ukrainian's way to the EU, but also, let's not forget about your ambition and our support to join NATO ally, one day. It was decided at Washington Summit in 2024 that your way to NATO is irreversible, and we have to keep this as a project.
So the colleagues, let me also inform you, and I hope we can also meet in Poland, because, as you know, Poland is organizing this year a reconstruction conference. And we have to have in mind that postwar reconstruction of Ukraine is one of the EU's key priorities, especially we would like to engage in infrastructural projects and reintegration of veterans and their families. The last thing, it's not my mostly AFED issue, but SADAC issue. But, I want to inform you that, me as a reporter of the SADAC committee working on the military mobility legislative package, I propose a new category, which was already agreed to put into this regulation, a category of close partners. And within this definition, Ukraine will be a part of it.
So we want to create a new road map for monetary mobility, but this will also include Ukraine and Moldova. So I'm happy to cooperate with this Verkhov Narada. Thank you very much.
Grzegorz Braun
First, let me note that the opening speech by the chair was never presented to this committee as a joint statement. So it was simply a bunch of private opinions by the chair about the support and solidarity. Me, personally, I wouldn't like to be mistaken for a friend of the Banderist Kiev regime. Now the question, isn't the promotion of Nazi genocidal traditions in Ukraine an obstacle in your internal policy and possible obstacle in the international relations. Just three days ago, there were very spectacular celebrations of the 83rd anniversary of creation of SS Galician division.
And some of your cities, municipal authorities, and some army units were celebrating the glory of the Waffen SS. Is this really your state's, your government's, your parliament's policy to celebrate traditions of the units of the false heroes who were either theoretically or practically who contributed to the genocide of hundreds of thousands of people, Poles, and by the way, also Jewish? Thank you. Jewish citizens of the Polish state. Thank you very much.
Please give us a comment, a decent comment on the promotion and the celebration.
Speaking time is up.
Nazi traditions.
Mister Brown, your speaking time is up.
Thank you, chair.
David McAllister
Two minutes is two minutes. What's your problem? So, I would now like to give the floor back to our Ukrainian colleague, Mr. Mireshko. Would you like to close on the Ukrainian side?
Oleksandr Merezhko
Yeah. Dear colleagues, first of all, we shouldn't fall for traps of Russian propaganda. Ukraine is a truly democratic state, the so-called vibrant democracy, and we are fighting for freedom. We are fighting for European values, for democracy. Of course, there are different points of view, but, you know, our heroes are those soldiers who are fighting bravely right now, defending our country, our people against the aggressor, and defending also Europe, the whole Europe.
These are our pride and our true defense. The Nazis are in the Kremlin. They have committed a crime of aggression against Ukraine. They're killing Ukrainians. They're waging genocidal war against the whole country, against the whole people.
We saw the atrocities committed by the Russian genocidal regime in Bucha, in Irpin. So please don't fall for the Russian totalitarian propaganda. And my final point, which I would like to make, first of all, express our deepest gratitude to you for supporting Ukraine. It's extremely important for us. We value your support.
And, you know, I also believe that if there is a strong political will, there is a way to become a full fledged member of the European Union. It's our goal. It's about our security and about our survival, about bringing peace to Ukraine. Ukraine's accession to the EU will mean the strategic final defeat of Putin's regime, and we can do it together. So let's speed up this process because on our part, on the part of our parliament, we are ready to do everything.
Everything absolutely to join the European Union. But we also need the corresponding strong political will on your part, especially when it comes to the support of our friends. Thank you, dear colleagues.
David McAllister
Dear Alexander Mureshko and dear colleagues from the Verkhovna Rada, thank you. Thank you for joining us today, and for your insightful contributions. I think this was really valuable for our political work. To conclude our exchange of views, let me once again reiterate our unequivocal support for Ukraine and its people, and express our solidarity also with the members of the Verkhovna Rada. Despite the challenges of wartime, you continue to fulfill your responsibilities with a remarkable sense of duty, ensuring steady progress on Ukraine's path towards EU membership.
Dear colleagues, we look forward to the next opportunity to exchange views with you on matters of mutual interest and to further strengthen the partnership between the European Parliament and your Parliament of A. Hoffner Radha. Once again, thank you very much. Dear colleagues, we will continue our meeting at 11:30. It will be a joint meeting with the committee on development. So I will now adjourn this committee meeting for 25 minutes.
See you all back at 11:30. Thank you. Dear colleagues, we're still waiting for the David share. As soon as Hildegard Bentaller is here, we will continue our meeting. Ladies and gentlemen, may I please now ask you all to be seated?
We would like to continue today's committee meeting. So this item is together with our colleagues from the Committee on Development. I would like to welcome the Vice Chair, Hildegard Wentele, to our committee room. It is now about the presentation of the draft report on the Global Europe proposal. Dear colleagues, I don't have to mention that this is certainly the largest legislative file we will be dealing with this year.
The global instrument is a strategic overhaul for the next multi-annual financial framework designed to consolidate EU external financing into a more flexible, and may I add, agile instrument in order to advance European interests. It aims to do several things simultaneously: boost our geopolitical influence and economic security alongside our support for development and the sustainable development goals of the United Nations. I would like to welcome the co-rapporteurs of our two committees on this file, Michel Gala from Aft and Robert Bedron from Dava. I also welcome the Shadow rapporteurs, and I understand that our DWA chair, Munir Satturi, is present here in the room, and the rapporteurs from all the opinion-giving committees. That's all from my side, and I hand over to Hildegard Bentonen.
Hildegard Bentele
Thank you very much, David. Dear colleagues, welcome also from me on behalf of the DEW committee to this joint meeting. As we all know, the Global Europe proposal is the successor of the current NDICI Global Europe instrument. It is supposed to enter into force as of January 2028. Global Europe seeks to ensure a more strategic approach, aligning the instrument with the objectives of the EU's internal policies, whilst taking on board partner countries in the EU's mutual interests.
It deeply restructures the EU's external financing architecture, introducing a new system of geographic pillars, a global pillar and a flexible cushion. Global Europe integrates several previously distinct policies covering development cooperation, enlargement, and humanitarian aid. The Commission has proposed to remove the current spending targets and thematic programmes in favor of broader indicative commitments. The proposal also introduces more flexibility to increase responsiveness to crises and geopolitical challenges. However, this flexibility and merging of policies comes with implications for transparency, predictability, and parliamentary oversight.
Keeping in mind the latter point in particular, Parliament has started its work on this proposal under the leadership of the coordinators, Michael Gala and Robert Beatrone. We look forward to hearing from the contractors shortly. Without further ado, let us begin. And with this, I would like to give the floor to Michel Gale and Robert Bietron, each for four minutes, please.
Michael Gahler
Thank you, colleagues, and welcome to this exchange of views. As the European Union prepares for the next multi-annual financial framework period 2028 to 2034, we find ourselves in a challenging geopolitical situation. The world around us is less peaceful, less democratic, and less solidary than before. The values of the European Union do not only connect our citizens and our member states internally in the union. They also speak a clear language and give us inspiration for relations with partners and neighbors in the world. Our ambition is to help partners secure our access and influence, and create welfare effects at home and abroad for mutual benefit.
Our experience with the existing multi annual financial framework showed the needs for greater flexibility and adaptability to changing realities, but also calls for more parliamentary oversight, input, and control in exchange. The MFF 2020 to 2027 was planned eight years ago and overtaken by events. We have responded with profound and diligent legislative changes, equipping the European Union with new and more sophisticated instruments than we had before. Think, for example, of the Ukrainian facility. With the proposal of the European Commission for a new global Europe instrument, we as parliamentarians accept the need for flexibility, but we demand an appropriate level of parliamentary involvement and scrutiny, and we also demand the necessary financial ambition for an external Union budget fit for purpose.
In line with the MFF interim report, we expect more money for stronger funding of enlargement, development, support for Ukraine, multilateral cooperation, and humanitarian aid. And we expect separate budget lines within Global Europe for the different pillars, thematic programmes, countries, and instruments. As cooperators with Robert Beardron, we are opening the search for an improved instrument with more political content and steer. We have received many recommendations from stakeholders, EU partners, implementing partners, and recipients of EU external aid. We will review them for more input at the amendments stage, and we count on the contributions of colleagues from their valuable experience and insights.
I would like to draw your attention today to three aspects. As a standing rapporteur for an enlargement candidate of the European Union, I find it necessary to equip the European Parliament with more say over the individual country budget and its implementation. Implementation. We need to be able to translate the more for more and less for less principle into reality, and extract the results, the European reforms, and alignment needed for a true approximation of candidates to the EU. We therefore demand one budget line per enlargement country.
The EU needs to step up its work on support for democracy, rule of law, anti-corruption, and judiciary reforms. With the loss of our American partners, the support for the values at the core of our international cooperation is urgent. We therefore demand an international democracy program, besides the other important fields of work that we wish to see strengthened. Finally, we wish to balance the adaptability of the budget with checks and balances. As we have seen, new legislation created during the current MFF period to respond to unforeseen challenges, but also shortcomings of the current MFF with the various facilities for Ukraine and for the Western Balkans, we have developed a new approach for intensive support of partner countries and given the union new instruments in its toolbox.
We will support and participate in such new instruments for other partners under the new global Europe regulation. We therefore intensify the necessary parliamentary involvement in this election and shaping, as well as in the implementation of such new tools. Not all elements of better parliamentary involvement can be legislated, but they need to be implemented in the daily work of our committees and the colleagues with specific responsibilities as standing rapporteurs. We are therefore proposing a new article as an anchor for parliamentary oversight and involvement. Colleagues, I'm looking forward to your contributions and advice for the preparation of a useful new global Europe instrument.
Thank you.
Hildegard Bentele
Thank you, Mr. Kahler. And now I give the floor to Mister Bietron.
Robert Biedroń
Thank you very much, supervise de chairs, dear colleagues, dear chairs. First of all, I want to thank my great colleague, Michel Galler, for the excellent cooperation. It's really an honor and a pleasure to work with you. And, in the name of both of us, I want to also thank our teams, our advisers, both committee secretariats for the great cooperation and your involvement. Really appreciate, and thank you for that.
We also want to thank the stakeholders who have provided their excellent input on how to improve the Commission proposal. As it was said, we met many stakeholders, and we conducted a lot of meetings. In our discussions and analysis, we have tried to really think about how the current Indiki is performing, what is missing from the commission's proposals, and what we, as the European Union, should be focusing on in the upcoming years. First and foremost, we agree that no matter how well designed, the global Europe instrument or EU superpower, as it was said, will not reach its full potential unless it is adequately financed. This is why we welcome the parliament's MFF interim report position that calls for the instrument to be funded at €225,000,000, and we call on the council to follow it.
At the time of shifting global alliances, it becomes even more crucial for the European Union to step up and deliver on its commitments. If we want to be considered reliable partners by countries around the world, we have to do things that are the best at promoting human rights and democracy, supporting civil society organizations, strengthening conflict prevention, and encouraging human development, and finally, spawning a green transition that creates good jobs and opportunities for small and medium enterprises. At the time of democratic backsliding, respect for EU values and principles becomes increasingly important. This is why we want to enhance the role of the European Parliament in various oversight capacities, as it was said by Michel Galler, including by strengthening rule of law conditionality provisions in the regulation. We also included a new article on global gateway in line with the recently adopted European Parliament report.
At the, as the parliament, we see great potential in the new and innovative approach, and we believe that by anchoring the initiative in the EU treaties, particularly article 208, we can unlock the much-needed private investments to accelerate sustainable development. One of our amendments focuses on enshrining the figure of €25,000,000,000 as the minimum amount to be allocated for humanitarian aid. For anyone who says that it's too much money for a period of 7 years, please consider the following comparison. A few days ago, the Pentagon has admitted that in a little over 1 month, the US Israel war against Iran has already cost over $25,000,000,000. It's the same amount as we plan to contribute, allocate to humanitarian aid.
And yet, it's incredibly symbolic how different our priorities can be. We, as the EU, should double down on funding that helps and builds, rather than destroys and antagonizes. Thank you very much, colleagues, and I look forward to the excellent discussion. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you very much. We've heard the two rapporteurs, Michael Gala and Robert Bedron. And now I give the floor to the European People's Party's Hildegard Bentele. Two minutes.
Hildegard Bentele
Thank you, David. I'm speaking here as the David Shatter rapporteurs. And I would also like to thank the rapporteurs for their draft. As you had a lot of talks with a lot of stakeholders. And I also used my experience as the global gateway repertoire in this regard.
And in this regard, I also strongly welcome the inclusion of the article on global gateway in the effort to avoid double governance structures. I think you did a very good job in integrating our ideas, which we only recently presented in the initiative report. What is missing a little bit from my regard, not a little bit, but this is the emphasis Global Gateway brings in, and this is the economic development of our partner countries. It's the resilience aspect. So be prepared that I will bring back this target, which is job creation as well, which also prevents the root causes of migration.
I also think that we need to fence our programmable and our non-programmable actions, because if not, we run the risk that we are fully in the hands of the Commission, and there is always a crisis coming up. There is always a need. So we need to defend our strategic investments. If we do not do so, we will not get this shift we are all working for, and which also our partners want us for because we need to be reliable partners. With these few comments, I'm still analyzing.
I'm working hard on putting forward amendments. I'm looking forward to our cooperation. And with that, I would leave it for the time being. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you very much, Hildegard. Now we come to the S and D's shadow and effort, Andreas Schiederwitte.
Andreas Schieder
Thank you, Shneur, David. I also want to extend my gratitude and thanks today to co-rapporteur, Robert and Michel. And I think the draft report also shows what we need, which is more predictability in the global instrument and also the need to guarantee more oversight for the European Parliament and also to set clear the priorities for our partnership in the external action. So I think enlargement is one of the core priorities for foreign policy. And therefore, we it's very important to have clear objectives also for the enlargement and a clear framework for the candidate countries.
And also, as Michel said, I think we need clear boxes of envelopes for the enlargement countries. And at the same time, also humanitarian aid is very important, especially in Sub Saharan Africa, Middle East. And we need to support our partner, our global partners, also through a robust and dependable instrument, which has the core value, which is also human rights in the center. And therefore, I think this is also very important for the instrument. So, having said so, I think the debate, with the rapporteurs, is exactly underlining these priorities.
And therefore, I want to thank the co-rapporteurs and look forward to good and constructive work.
David McAllister
Thank you very much, dear Shida. The patriots' shadows are Mr. Frias and Mr. Halbani. Mister Frias? Is he here? He's not here.
Neither is Mr. Halbani. Then for the European Conservative Reformist, ECR, Rihards Kols, please. Two minutes.
Rihards Kols
Yes. Thank you, chair. And, of course, I would also want to start with something genuine. Mister Gala and mister Biedron have produced a substantial draft, the conditionality architecture on enlargement, the push for the real European Parliament oversight, the exclusion language on foreign interference. These move in the right direction, and thank you for that, colleagues.
But I want to address today is the underlying proposal and structural problems we on the ECR side wish to fix. The proposal consolidates 200000000000 into a single instrument and builds in maximum commission discretion over how it moves. Flexible cushions, indicative allocations, delegated acts. I understand the rationale. The world is unpredictable indeed, but unaccountable flexibility is just a blank check.
Parliament must have the power to object, not just the privilege of being informed. Look at this, description placed out on the ground. Right now, 320,000,000 EU-backed bus contract in Senegal is heading to Chinese state-owned company at prices no European firm could match because those prices are underwritten by a state apparatus, not by market economics. The commission's eligibility rules in this proposal permit it to exclude such firms. They do not require it.
Whether the commission acts basically depends on the political weather that week, and it shouldn't. We call this a geopolitical instrument. If that language means anything, it means asking what the EU gains from these partnerships? When we invest in the bus system in Senegal, are we strengthening their transport networks and EU competitiveness, or are we funding Chinese state enterprise while European companies are locked out? Right now, we act as if asking that question is somehow indecent, as if we are supposed to be a charity that happens to have a foreign policy.
That's incoherent. We are not a charity. We are a union with strategic interests, and we should name and defend them directly. Strengthened partnerships with democracies, resilient supply chain, strategic access, European firms competing fairly, not European taxpayers' money subsidizing our competitors. NOK 200,000,000,000 should come with a documented expectation of return.
This instrument needs teeth, procurement rules that reflect our interest by Nicarlocations and real oversight. Thank you for, and excuse me for.
David McAllister
Thank you, Rehaat. ECR's representative is not present. For the renewed group, the next speaker will be Dan Barna. Please, two minutes.
Dan Barna
Thank you, chair. First, thank you to both Cora Portor for their work, Michael and then Robert. I wish to welcome this draft report, which successfully integrates all Aftecore demands to ensure 2028, 2034 budgets serve as a true geopolitical tool. The report proposes increasing the global Europe instrument to 225,000,000,000, providing 100,000,000,000 in loans for Ukraine above the MFF ceiling. It raises the ODA baseline to 93% and ring-fenced 25,000,000,000 specifically for humanitarian aid.
We also demand a detailed nomenclature with the explicit annual amount for each candidate country. The commission is mandated to suspend funding if democracy or human rights degrade. Support for civil society remains independent of the host government consent. At least 30% of expenditure across all geographical pillars must support human rights, democracy, and peace. Policy base should be managed via delegated acts, and a global Europe dialogue should ensure parliamentary scrutiny.
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