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PLENARY European Parliament
Follow its sittingsSpeaker 138
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím za Komisiu na záver tejto debaty pána komisára Šefčoviča. Nech sa páči.
Maroš Šefčovič
Veľmi pekne ďakujem, pán predsedajúci. Honorable members, Madame Minister, first and foremost I would like to thank you for this important discussion which was generated by the good debate we had with the Constitutional Affairs Committees and with the questions presented at the beginning of our debate by the Chairman Simon. And I think that this debate as well as the question which was tabled clearly confirms the Parliament's commitment to the issue of the institutional reform. And I have heard the calls for the Commission to take the more proactive role. I think my colleagues Benifei, Mr. van Lanschot and also Mr. Lukas Mandl was clearly highlighting in how important this is.
And I also would like to thank Madame Garcia Hermida-Veba for reminding us that indeed Europe is the best place to be born, to grow up, to study and to work. And I totally agree with her and therefore I would like to reassure you that we in the Commissions are ready to do what is necessary. But we also have to be realistic. Questions on governance and institutional reform touch upon core elements of the European Union and these questions are very sensitive for the member states as Madame Minister just explained in her introductory remarks. As you know, activating passerelle clauses requires unanimity in the Council.
So we must acknowledge that there are concerns in some member states with regards to moving away from unanimity and we should find the constructive and creative ways to overcome these concerns.
That being said I totally agree with you that this debate is timely. The external challenges that the Union is currently facing are putting pressure on our capacity to act. I think Mr. Gozi and Madam Bischoff were also very clear in their remarks and described the situation extremely well. And of course we are going to discuss in greater detail the process of enlargement. And the decision making with 30 or more member states is likely to become even more difficult.
If we maintain the status quo decision making will be slower and our capacity to act will be weakened. So therefore I very much look forward to continuing our exchanges on this very important topic and I would like to thank you for your remarks and for today's debate. Thank you very much.
Thank you very much Commissioner. Now I pass the floor to on behalf of the of the Council to Deputy Minister for European Affairs Marilena Raouna.
Speaker 2
President honorable members Commissioner thank you very much for this very engaging debate. Thank you very much to honorable member Simon Sven. I don't see him but hey Simon. This was actually many of the issues that we touched upon when I had my hearing at the beginning of the Cyprus presidency at the AFCO committee which was extremely extremely fruitful and useful for us as presidency. These are the kinds of debates that undoubtedly we need at this moment of great shift that we all acknowledge and as we evolve as a European Union towards an even closer union.
And thank you for reminding us that this is the greatest political project there has ever been. And while we remember that we also reflect together in the framework of this temple of democracy about how we improve and how we move forward as a European Union. I think the discussion has also confirmed that the issues related to EU governance are particularly important for all of us. And at the same time I think we've all acknowledged that these are very sensitive and they're very complex and that is why they merit discussion. This is a matter that as the Commissioner said requires unanimity at the Council.
And while we are navigating this environment that is defined by instability and technological disruption in the morning I was on a debate about AI and cybersecurity energy uncertainty and global competition we need to always remember that we possess as a Union extraordinary strength. And despite the confines that there are at times we have also within the framework of the treaties we have also delivered time and again. The examples are many. I enumerated them some of them in my opening remarks whether that is supporting over the past four years Ukraine in fighting Russian aggression whether it is responding to the war in Iran and the repercussions whether it is migration and many other crises.
This is the space we have used for greater integration, and this is what we need right now. Work on internal reforms, on EU internal reforms is clearly needed to make the European Union more strategically autonomous, more competitive, more secure, defense ready, while also preparing our Union for future enlargements. We need to do the necessary internal groundwork, we need to do the necessary reforms in parallel with the enlargement process to address the key questions that concern priorities, policies, and above all our capacity as a Union to act. And while we are having this discussion on governance, we also should not lose sight about what is already happening. Reforms are also about deepening the single market, they are about having an ambitious and balanced multiannual financial framework, advancing military mobility, and creating the framework that will allow our innovators and our businesses to thrive.
And these are already ongoing. I will end with this. Nothing is more valuable for the European Union right now than our unity, and this should inform our work across the board. Thank you.
Sabine Verheyen
Vielen Dank Frau Ministerin, die Aussprache ist hiermit geschlossen. Wir kommen zum nächsten Punkt der Tagesordnung, die Erklärung des Parlamentes zum Anschlag auf Bürger in Modena, Schutz des öffentlichen Raums und Gewaltprävention in der EU. Ich möchte die Mitglieder darauf hinweisen, dass es bei dieser Aussprache nur eine Rednerrunde der Fraktionen geben wird und deshalb weder spontane Wortmeldungen noch blaue Karten möglich sein werden. I give the floor first to Fulvio Martusciello for the EPP.
Fulvio Martusciello
Qualche giorno fa, in una tranquilla città italiana, un italiano di origine marocchina ha ritenuto di voler colpire senza alcun preavviso una serie di suoi connazionali. Ha accelerato con la macchina, li ha investiti buttandoli per l'aria, dopodiché poi è scappato. Questo persona è stato fermato, nonostante fosse armato di coltello, da un italiano e da altri due egiziani che l'hanno disarmato evitando che potesse colpire altre persone. Un paese maturo cerca di ragionare con la testa, non con la pancia. Se ragionassimo con la pancia, ovviamente grideremmo immediatamente alla sua espulsione, alla perdita di qualsiasi diritto di cittadinanza italiana.
E sappiamo bene che per un italiano la perdita di cittadinanza non è possibile se non in presenza di una sentenza passata in giudicato per la commessa di determinati reati. Ma non è questo il tema. Il tema è che un paese maturo capisce che vanno dati segnali. E il segnale è quello di dare la cittadinanza agli egiziani che lo hanno fermato, che lo hanno soccorso, dimostrando cioè che chi è capace di venire in Italia, di integrarsi, di comportarsi come si comportano la maggior parte delle persone che vivono in questo paese, poi viene premiato. L'accoglienza è il primo segnale che si può dare a coloro che vengono in Italia.
Il ministro Tajani ha proposto la medaglia al valor civile per l'italiano che si è buttato nella mischia e ha disarmato questa persona.
Anche questo è un grande segnale. Perché vedete, l'eroe è un uomo come gli altri, ma che decide di fare qualcosa che va oltre la propria persona. Ci sono tanti eroi nascosti nel nostro paese, tante persone che svolgono il loro lavoro consentendo ad altri di poter essere felici. Ecco, cogliamo la positività da questo che è accaduto, regalando al nostro paese un segnale di maturità.
Speaker 195
Se anche solo metà delle cose che una parte della destra va dicendo da tre giorni fosse vera, allora il governo italiano dopo quasi quattro anni dovrebbe interrogarsi se è in grado di garantire sicurezza e gestione dell'immigrazione. Invece quanto accaduto a Modena sabato scorso rappresenta una ferita troppo approfondita nella coscienza della mia città per essere svenduta al mercato della polemica. Il primo pensiero va ai feriti, ai loro familiari, a cui ci stringiamo con affetto, con la speranza che possano rimettersi e le ferite del corpo e dell'anima suturarsi, per quanto umanamente possibile. Il primo ringraziamento va invece a quei cittadini, italiani ed extracomunitari, che hanno bloccato e consegnato l'aggressore alle forze dell'ordine, a dimostrazione che civismo e umanità non hanno nazionalità, colore e religione. La nostra riconoscenza va poi a polizia e carabinieri, così come a medici e infermieri, compresi quelli accorsi agli ospedali appresa la notizia senza attendere nemmeno la convocazione di servizio.
In pochi minuti ogni ferito era in ambulanza o in elisoccorso verso gli ospedali grazie all'efficiente sistema pubblico di emergenza-urgenza dell'Emilia-Romagna. Infine, un grande abbraccio commosso ai modenesi che a migliaia sono scesi in piazza già domenica insieme al sindaco Mezzetti, al presidente De Pascale, per dire no alla violenza e alla paura, ma anche no all'intolleranza e allo sciacallaggio. Non vogliono strumentalizzazioni, pretendono sicurezza, verità e giustizia per l'atto criminale commesso. Già domenica mattina il Presidente della Repubblica Sergio Mattarella si era recato a Modena per testimoniare vicinanza alle vittime e alla città ferita, con lui la Presidente del Consiglio Giorgia Meloni. Io li ringrazio di nuovo entrambi, le istituzioni, tanto più nelle tragedie, devono stare unite.
Così come ringrazio il vicepremier Tajani, già presidente di questo Parlamento, intervenuto in consiglio comunale ieri. Ad oggi, come ha detto il ministro degli Interni italiano Piantedosi, non ci sono evidenze che il gesto rappresenti qualsivoglia forma di attentato terroristico. Io non ho ragione per andare oltre le affermazioni del ministro e attendiamo con fiducia le indagini della magistratura. Quanto accaduto ha scosso le coscienze e la paura ha invaso tutti. Dunque si alzi il livello di sicurezza a partire dalla protezione degli spazi pubblici e si faccia tutti di più anche per la salute mentale.
Ma dalla paura e dalle tragedie, da ultimo il terremoto quattordici anni fa, la mia terra è abituata a uscirne unendosi, a dispetto di chi la vorrebbe dividere. Si parli pure di Modena, ma lo si faccia con grande rispetto.
Speaker 194
Ed è una scena che purtroppo, ahimè, abbiamo già visto troppe volte in Europa. Però anche davanti a questo terribile attentato, accadimento, chiamiamolo come vogliamo, alcuna parte, una parte della sinistra continua a trovare giustificazioni: disagio sociale, fragilità psicologica, povertà. Lo stesso copione, non si ha mai il coraggio di dire la verità. Perché la realtà è che stiamo accogliendo persone che odiano la nostra civiltà, la nostra cultura e la nostra religione e che ottengono cittadinanze europee senza essersi realmente integrate e che sfruttano le nostre libertà contro di noi. Allora basta, le cittadinanze devono poter essere revocate per chi dimostra odio verso il nostro paese e i nostri valori, perché un'Europa che continua ad accogliere chi la vuole distruggere è destinata a scavarsi la fossa da sola.
Stefano Cavedagna
Dovete bruciare bastardi cristiani, queste sono le parole dell'attentatore di Modena che diceva di voler bruciare il vostro Gesù Cristo. Ai feriti e a tutta Modena va la nostra solidarietà e ovviamente un pensiero ed un abbraccio. Abbiamo però già sentito i soliti benpensanti dire che si tratterebbe solo di un pazzo che va compreso, che ha la cittadinanza italiana e che addirittura sarebbe causa di un problema sanitario. Solo un pazzo certo compie atti del genere, ma non si può ridurre tutto alla pazzia. Se avesse usato queste parole al contrario un cristiano o un attivista politico staremmo parlando della sua religione, della sua nazionalità, della sua fede politica, non staremmo parlando di salute mentale.
Un italiano vero non definirebbe mai gli italiani cristiani bastardi. Quindi non solo deve pagare, ma deve possibilmente pagare nel suo paese, perché se non siamo chiari su quello che è accaduto rischiamo che possa riaccadere. Questo è uno dei frutti di quella cultura immigrazionista che per quanto ci riguarda non ha motivo di esistere. E allora cara vecchia Europa, difendi te stessa invece di parlare delle regole sulle auto elettriche, la tua identità, i tuoi popoli da un odio religioso che qualcuno sta continuando ad importare e salvati da quegli ipocriti che stanno alla sinistra di questo parlamento che invece di parlare della realtà stanno parlando di razzismo.
Speaker 197
Thank you, the next speaker is Elisabetta Gualmini on behalf of Renew.
Elisabetta Gualmini
Cari colleghi, sono una modenese innamorata della mia città. Sabato ero a Modena con la mia famiglia. Potete immaginare lo shock per il gesto folle, terribile, criminale di Samile El Qudri. Un abbraccio enorme ai feriti e un grazie gigantesco ai cittadini eroi che hanno bloccato il criminale. Ad oggi il movente sarebbe una profonda malattia psichiatrica e non legami terroristici, vedremo.
Ma come una sveglia che suona l'allarme, come il pilota automatico, è partita la macchina dell'odio, della propaganda, è partito il piacere viscido e peloso di gettarsi a capofitto in un dramma colossale, sai mai che tiro su qualche voto. È partito il piacere razzista e lucidamente discriminatorio di etichettare, di appiccicare lo stigma dello straniero, magari a chi straniero non è, sai mai che qualcuno si spaventa. È partito il piacere cinico e opportunista di approfittarsi di una disgrazia terribile per trarre vantaggio, un vantaggio di parte, sai mai che guadagno qualche like. Per fortuna la realtà è più forte degli slogan, la realtà è complessa e multiforme e noi in Emilia-Romagna siamo abituati a guardare in faccia i problemi, a capirne le cause e a trovare le soluzioni. In Emilia-Romagna noi non ci esercitiamo ad alimentare l'odio, ma ci esercitiamo ad alimentare la speranza.
Grazie.
The next speaker is Cristina Guarda for the Greens.
Cristina Guarda
A Modena ci sono persone la cui vita è sconvolta per sempre. A loro un dibattito in Parlamento europeo non serve a un granché, tanto più se è propaganda. E questa lo è. Lo so io e lo sapete voi. Anche il ministro dell'Interno Piantedosi lo ha detto chiaramente: non è stato terrorismo né radicalizzazione, ma una drammatica, gravissima crisi psichica fatta di isolamento e abbandono.
Intanto l'Italia destina alla salute mentale solo il 2.7% della spesa sanitaria. Siamo ultimi del G7. A Modena egiziani, pakistani, italiani hanno fermato insieme l'aggressore. E di questo Salvini non parla mentre chiede la revoca delle cittadinanze, perché le origini contano solo quando fa comodo, spariscono quando smentiscono la vostra retorica divisiva, razzista. Trasformare il dolore delle famiglie e il profondo dramma di una comunità in un allarme migratorio è un atto politico grottesco a cui dobbiamo dire basta.
Grazie.
Pasquale Tridico
Grazie, Presidente, colleghi. Il Movimento 5 Stelle esprime vicinanza alla comunità di Modena colpita da un atto gravissimo che ha sconvolto il Paese. Nel momento della paura Modena non ha visto italiani contro stranieri. Ha visto persone salvare altre persone. Ha visto cittadini diversi per origine, storia e provenienza rischiare la propria vita per proteggere quella degli altri.
La sicurezza dei cittadini non si difende con gli slogan. Per questo sarebbe un errore usare il dolore per costruire propaganda identitaria. La comunità non si difende trasformando ogni tragedia in uno scontro permanente tra noi e gli altri. La si difende rafforzando ciò che ci tiene insieme. La destra invece sceglie lo sciacallaggio politico, trasforma le tragedie in propaganda per alimentare paure.
E lo fa mentre governa il Paese. Questo è paradossale. Quello che è accaduto ci ricorda anche che non possiamo continuare a ignorare il tema della fragilità psichica finché non esplode drammaticamente. Questo è il risultato anche di anni di tagli di austerità sulla sanità. È il frutto proprio di questo che la destra è protagonista: una politica miope che smantella la prevenzione e poi si stupisce quando il sistema implode.
Quello che è accaduto a Modena è anche un monito per cambiare il modo di fare politica. E Modena che ha reagito con forza e dignità merita rispetto.
Thank you very much. Die Aussprache ist jetzt hiermit geschlossen. Das Protokoll der gestrigen Sitzung und die angenommenen Texte sind nun verfügbar. Gibt es Einwände? Das sehe ich nicht.
Die Protokolle sind dann somit genehmigt. Wir kommen nun zum nächsten Tagesordnungspunkt. Hier geht es um die Erklärung der Kommission zur Erläuterung des Aktionsplans für Düngemittel und ich gebe zunächst unserem Kommissar Christophe Hansen für fünf Minuten das Wort. The floor is yours.
Christophe Hansen
Vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin, honorable members. First of all, thank you for giving me the opportunity to present the so-called fertilizer action plan adopted just a few minutes ago in the college by the European Commission, so we can say this is really hot off the needle.
And fertilizers are not only an agriculture issue. It is a question of Europe's food resilience, strategic autonomy, and capacity to act. And fertilizers are essential for agriculture productivity and directly affect crop growth, plant health, yields, and crop quality. And fertilizers are also a major input costs for our farmers, especially for cereals and other arable crops. And the prices are constantly increasing.
Farmers need reliable access to affordable fertilizers. Insufficient or overly expensive fertilizers lead to problems with food affordability in Europe and food security globally. Over the past years, the EU fertilizer market has faced persistent volatility. After the 2022 peak related to energy crisis following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, prices eased but never returned to the pre-COVID levels. They rose again along 2025 and the Middle East crisis aggravated the situation.
Europe's direct dependence on imports from Middle East is limited, but fertilizers are global commodities. Nitrogen fertilizer prices are about 70% higher than the 2024 average and significantly higher than pre-COVID levels. Fertilizer affordability is now at its lowest point since 2022. And this is already changing farmers' behavior. Some reduce fertilizer use, switch the crops to lower nitrogen needs, or even worse, they reduce their cultivated areas.
For the 2026 harvest, most needs are covered, but concerns are growing for 2027. By summer, farmers must decide what they will plant and what they will fertilize. And we must acknowledge our own structural vulnerabilities. Around 30% of our nitrogen demand is imported, 70% of our phosphate needs rely on imported phosphate rock, and 40% of our potash needs are met through imports. And today, availability of fertilizers in the EU is not the core problem yet.
The European market remains supplied for this agriculture season and EU food security is not at risk. The concerns, though, are the affordability, the predictability, and the resilience. And farmers, we know, need predictability when they make decision in this summer on their next planting season. With the fertilizer action plan, we want to tackle immediate short-term needs of farmers to provide relief for certainty for upcoming sowing season. But we want to treat the underlying problems also by providing longer-term structural solutions.
The plan focuses on increasing availability and affordability in the short term while strengthening Europe's open strategic autonomy through domestic production and affordable fertilizers, diversification, nutrient management, and decarbonization, and enhanced transparency and dialogue across the supply chain. And the key is that the EU needs a new and better functioning single market, especially for EU-made, especially for bio-based fertilizers.
And in the short term, the Commission will provide targeted exceptional support to the most affected farmers, mobilizing the EU budget to reinforce the CAP agriculture reserve by a substantial amount. We will propose a targeted CAP package, including also a new liquidity scheme, flexibility for advance payments and support for fertilization efficiency, so that Member States can use all funds available under their CAP strategic plans. And this will be complemented by stronger advice for farmers on nutrient management. Member States will also be able to use the temporary state aid framework adopted in response to the Middle East crisis. And we should, however, not depend only on chemical fertilizers.
We have more organic and recycled solutions available too. And they have an important potential we can tap into. We will, therefore, facilitate the use of digestates with the necessary environmental safeguards. Preparatory work is already underway with the aim of providing practical solutions by the next growing season. And we want also a proportionate implementation of the Nitrates Directive when it comes to so-called calendar farming.
And the Commission will provide further clarifications to Member States, which will allow them to adapt these rules on the agronomic reality on farming and on climate conditions in their country. In the long term, the Commission will address regulatory and market barriers and help create lead markets for bio-based and low-carbon fertilizers, while also reinforcing domestic production and improve sustainable nutrient management. Farmers have a key role to play too and must also be part of the business case for homegrown fertilizers. In the context of the upcoming ETS review, and without prejudging it, we will examine options to ensure that any additional flexibility for industry comes as well with responsibility. Responsibility to decarbonize their production and responsibility to produce what Europe needs.
So, increased production of bio-based and circular fertilizers and securing the availability and affordability of homegrown fertilizers in Europe. We also need to make sure that these products, despite their higher price, are taken up by farmers. By giving the right incentives, by combining forces between CAP, carbon credits and ETS revenue. By making farmers part of the business case for nutrient recycling. And such win-win approaches ensure availability and affordability for farmers, uptake of European fertilizing products and thus ultimately benefiting homegrown industry as well.
And we will assess preparedness options including stockpiling and other instruments where these can strengthen the resilience. And as all players are part of the chain, solutions depend on partnerships. We will strengthen market monitoring and early warning, propose a framework to ensure the availability of up-to-date data and keep the Fertilizer Market Observatory as the central platform for market intelligence that informs all. Internationally, the European Union will continue to work through G7 and G20 to keep trade open, improve transparency and avoid export restrictions on food and key agricultural inputs, while exploring also Global Gateway partnerships on ammonia production and bio-based organic fertilizers.
A central innovation of the plan is the EU Fertilizers Value Chain Partnership, bringing together fertilizer producers, farmers, and Member States. And it is a structured forum for policy dialogue and practical coordination to improve predictability. Fertilizer producers and farmers have a common interest in sustainable EU-made fertilizers. And the partnership is about predictability: predictable supplies for farmers, predictable demand for producers, and predictable policy conditions for investment. Honorable members, in short, this plan is about immediate support and long-term strength.
It is about affordability, predictability, strategic autonomy, and resilience. And above all, it is about Europe's farmers, fertilizer producers, food affordability in Europe, and global food security. And I look forward to your contributions to this very timely and important discussion. Thank you.
Thank you very much, Commissioner. As we are already late in time, I really ask you to respect the speaking time that is allocated to you. It's also a question of fairness. So I give the floor now to Carmen Crespo Díaz for two minutes, please.
Carmen Crespo Díaz
Gracias, presidenta, comisario. El Grupo Popular está muy satisfecho con la presentación de este plan. Creo que pone el acento sobre garantizar fertilizante asequible, disponible y seguro, y dar respuesta real. Sobre todo estamos preparando el presente y estamos preparando el futuro. Apoyamos que se plantee avanzar en el RENURE, pero pedimos también impulsar alternativas como la bioestimulación.
Creo además que también tenemos que revisar la Directiva de Nitratos, porque no refleja la realidad de las regiones mediterráneas, donde hay sequía, desertificación y dificultades. Por tanto, estos aspectos son fundamentales. Y nos parece muy interesante el plantear abrir nuevos mercados y corredores del amoníaco verde con África y Oriente Medio. No podemos depender tanto del gas. El futuro es importante que lo vayamos cambiando paulatinamente.
Pero mientras tanto, por parte de Medio Ambiente, en este caso por la vicepresidencia Ribera, depende muchísimo otros elementos fundamentales que son complementarios a este plan. Y me refiero a eliminar el impacto de la ETS en los fertilizantes. Y me refiero a que el CBAM en estos momentos también influye directamente y por tanto sea el momento de que no existe aún una alternativa europea suficiente y esto se tiene que eliminar el impacto del CBAM de forma importante. Y también suspender los aranceles sobre fertilizantes esenciales. Si esto no es así, la dificultad será mayor.
Y por tanto, por parte del comisario Hansen se ha hecho un esfuerzo especial en un plan que aplaudimos y ahora le falta que la vicepresidenta, la señora Ribera, también con estos aspectos cumplan. Y además de ello, los Estados miembros. Esto no queda aquí. Es un tema de alimentación que nos afecta a todos y todos tenemos que reaccionar. Por tanto, los Estados miembros tienen que reaccionar y tienen que poner encima de la mesa medidas contundentes para que esto sea una realidad.
Si no es así, la alimentación no está garantizada y la siembra de este año está dificultosa en muchas plantaciones. Muchas gracias.
Dario Nardella
Signora Presidente, signor Commissario Hansen, questo piano di azione sui fertilizzanti che la Commissione sta presentando deve segnare un cambio di paradigma reale. I fertilizzanti non sono una merce qualunque, sono un input strategico per la sicurezza alimentare e la autonomia strategica, e non possiamo ricordarcelo solo nelle crisi. Nel 2024 l'Unione Europea ha importato due milioni di tonnellate di ammoniaca e quasi sei milioni di tonnellate di urea.
Una dipendenza strutturale che la guerra in Medio Oriente e le tensioni sulle rotte commerciali hanno reso ancora più evidente. L'urea, l'ammoniaca, i fosfati non sono semplici commodities, sono materie prime strategiche come lo è il gas e sappiamo tutti com'è andata a finire. Gli agricoltori sono in ginocchio e così i consumatori si devono aspettare degli aumenti del 10-15% su frutta, verdura, pasta, pane. La FAO ha lanciato l'allarme per il rischio di 45 milioni di persone a rischio fame a causa della guerra. Per questo il piano deve prevedere quattro cose: il riconoscimento formale dei fertilizzanti come input strategici, un aumento della produzione e dello stoccaggio, la diversificazione delle fonti di approvvigionamento e un legame chiaro con la transizione energetica.
C'è poi il tema del digestato, ne abbiamo parlato. Con le dovute garanzie ambientali può sostituire parte dei fertilizzanti chimici importati restituendo nutrienti al suolo in una logica di economia circolare. È il punto in cui convergono autonomia, sostenibilità e reddito degli agricoltori. Per concludere, noi socialisti e democratici crediamo che senza fertilizzanti accessibili non vi sia agricoltura competitiva. Senza agricoltura competitiva non vi sia autonomia strategica.
L'Europa deve passare da una politica dell'emergenza a una politica della sovranità e deve farlo adesso. Non possiamo aspettare una nuova crisi. Buon lavoro commissario.
Thierry Mariani
Le seul plan d'action que les pour les engrais que la Commission devrait mettre en œuvre, c'est celui de faire baisser les prix et pas de rajouter de la bureaucratie à la bureaucratie. Car depuis 2021, l'Union européenne accumule les erreurs stratégiques sur les engrais en imposant des sanctions contre la Russie et le Bélarus. Ces pays représentent 20 % de l'offre mondiale en azote et 40 % pour la potasse. C'est pas la même chose que faire des sanctions sur le le gaz ou sur le pétrole où effectivement ces pays sont contournables. Contre le Bélarus, les sanctions ont commencé bien avant la guerre en Ukraine, en 2021, avec pour conséquence l'explosion des prix, des circuits de contournement toujours plus efficaces et à la sortie des bénéfices pour ce pays qui en réalité ont augmenté puisque ils ont simplement redéployé leurs circuits avec des prix plus élevés.
Dans le même temps, les Américains, eux, n'ont jamais, jamais sanctionné les engrais russes et ont levé toutes leurs sanctions sur la potasse du Bélarus en 2025. Des engrais qu'ils nous revendent maintenant à prix d'or. Alors ces choix nous pénalisent bien plus que tous les problèmes que qui ont été évoqués par ailleurs. Et aujourd'hui, ce sont nos agriculteurs européens qui paient le prix exorbitant de ces choix et ne s'en sortent plus, mais aussi les pays les plus pauvres qui se retrouvent menacés par les pénuries et la famine alimentaire. Levez toutes ces sanctions absurdes qui n'ont même pas pénalisé les deux pays sur ces produits.
Si vous voulez faire baisser les prix, voilà une mesure claire. Les récoltes et les famines de demain en dépendent.
Speaker 207
Grazie presidente, signor commissario, colleghi. La nuova strategia europea sui fertilizzanti contiene certamente alcuni elementi positivi, alcuni dei quali frutto anche della costante spinta del nostro gruppo politico.
Accogliamo positivamente la maggiore flessibilità concessa agli Stati membri per derogare alla direttiva nitrati in attesa della sua revisione, così come il fatto che finalmente si apra la strada al digestato zootecnico, come abbiamo chiesto sin dall'inizio di questo mandato. Un prodotto che rappresenta già oggi una risorsa strategica dell'economia circolare europea, capace di sostituire i fertilizzanti minerali e ridurre la dipendenza esterna. Per questo servono norme certe, tempi rapidi e applicazioni concrete già dalla prossima stagione agricola. Eppure noi riteniamo che si possa fare di più e con maggiore coraggio, quel coraggio che il settore agricolo europeo chiede con forza. Gli agricoltori europei hanno avanzato richieste chiare e concrete.
La sospensione dei dazi sui fertilizzanti importati da paesi terzi è stata un fatto positivo, ma è tempo di mettere mano concretamente all'applicazione del CBAM e del sistema ETS sui fertilizzanti, perché oggi non possiamo continuare ad aumentarne i costi mentre le nostre imprese sono schiacciate dall'aumento dell'energia, dall'instabilità politica e dalla perdita di competitività. In questo quadro le compensazioni annunciate e ancora per il momento indefinite possono rappresentare un sollievo temporaneo, ma gli agricoltori hanno bisogno di risposte più forti e di risposte immediate, e noi siamo qui per costruirle.
Speaker 208
Kiitoksia puheenjohtaja. Kiitän komissaaria kauan odotetun lannoitestrategian esittelystä. Valitettava tosiasia on se, että ratkaisuja lannoiteriippuvuuteen, heikkoon saatavuuteen ja korkeaan hintaan lähdettiin hakemaan aivan liian myöhään. Parlamentin agrivaliokunta pyysi komissiota tarttumaan tähän ongelmaan jo edellisellä kaudella, joten ehdotus voi auttaa pidemmällä aikavälillä, mutta akuutin kriisin edessä eväät ovat aika vähissä. Ja se tulee pienentämään kylvöaloja myös tulevina kasvukausina.
On hyvä, että biokaasun ja biometaanin mahdollisuuksia lisätään, mutta samalla tilat tarvitsevat investointitukea. Kilpailukykyrahastoa ja Horisontin tutkimusrahoitusta on suunnattava enemmän maatalouteen. Biopohjaisten lannoitteiden yhdenmukaistaminen ja innovaatioiden vapaampi liikkuminen EU-markkinoilla tukee myös pitkän aikavälin ponnistuksia ja siitä kiitos komissiolle. Mutta mistä saamme apua nyt tähän akuuttiin kriisiin? Esimerkiksi meillä Suomessa kylvötyöt ovat vasta aluillaan, mutta jo 20 prosenttia viljelijöistä on ilmoittanut vähentävänsä kylvöalaa.
Siksi kriisivarauksen vapauttaminen eniten kärsineille pitäisi olla mahdollista jo nyt. Myös joustavuutta ennakkomaksuihin on nyt löydettävä ja rahoittajilta tarvitaan ymmärrystä viljelijöille, jotta ruokaturva olisi taattu. Tarvitsemme bioenergian parempaa konkreettista hyödyntämistä kohti uusiutuvaa, omavaraista ja monipuolista energiantuotantoa. Komission on kannustettava jäsenmaita ja toimijoita omien raaka-aineiden käyttöön eikä estettävä sitä. Nyt elintarvikesektorin hätää ei voi enää sivuuttaa.
Kiitos.
Thomas Waitz
Danke Frau Vorsitzende, Herr Kommissar. Nach der brutalen Niederschlagung der Demokratiebewegung in Belarus durch Lukaschenko haben wir hier debattiert und haben festgestellt: Oh, wir sind von Düngerimporten abhängig. Wir haben debattiert, wir haben Resolutionen verabschiedet, nicht viel ist passiert. Nach dem Einmarsch Putins in die Ukraine, diesem illegalen und kriegsverbrecherischen Krieg, haben wir festgestellt: Oh, das Gas, womit wir selbst Kunstdünger erzeugen, wird als Waffe gegen uns eingesetzt. Wir haben hier Resolutionen verabschiedet, wir haben Debatten abgehalten, nicht sehr viel ist passiert.
Und diesmal sehen wir ein theokratisches Mullah-Regime, das auch überhaupt keine Scham hat, die eigenen Leute zu Tausenden zu erschießen und jetzt die gesamte Weltwirtschaft in Geiselhaft zu nehmen.
Und wiederum stehen wir hier und debattieren und sagen: Oh, wir haben ein Problem, weil wir brauchen Kunstdünger für unsere Landwirtschaft. Ich kann das nicht ganz nachvollziehen. Sind wir jetzt bereit, ernsthaft unsere Abhängigkeit infrage zu stellen, ernsthaft etwas dagegen zu tun? Unsere Biobäuerinnen und Biobauern zeigen seit Jahrzehnten, wie man Lebensmittel ohne Kunstdünger erstellt, und zwar hochwertige Lebensmittel ohne diese importierten Düngerstoffe. Die brauchen wir im Biolandbau nicht.
Innovative agrarökologische Betriebe zeigen, wie man durch Gründünger mit Leguminosen und mit einer Verwendung von Wirtschaftsdünger den Kunstdüngereinsatz minimieren kann. Und was tun wir? Gut, dieser Vorschlag des Kommissars hier, der benennt durchaus einige der schwierigen Punkte, der benennt durchaus einige Probleme, aber es ist eine Symptombekämpfung. Wir müssen endlich an den Punkt kommen, massiv unsere Agrarförderungen umzustellen und jene landwirtschaftlichen Betriebe zu unterstützen, die eben nicht mehr abhängig sind von importierten Kunstdüngern. Nur so können wir Ernährungssouveränität garantieren, nur so können wir strategische Unabhängigkeit garantieren und die Lebensmittelversorgung unserer Bevölkerung und nicht mehr erpressbar sein von internationalen und brutalen Akteuren.
Danke schön.
Per Clausen
Så står vi her igen med en handlingsplan, som EU-Kommissionen har offentliggjort få minutter før debatten. Det er svært ikke at få den tanke, at man ikke er ret begejstret for at give os mulighed for at læse ting i dybden, før vi diskuterer det. Det er noget, der tyder på, at det er den taktik, som Kommissionen foretrækker at benytte sig af, og jeg vil bare sige, at det lugter ikke meget bedre end den gødning, vi diskuterer her. Men også planen lugter, fordi den synes hverken at tackle Europas langsigtede afhængighed af importeret miljøskadelig kunstgødning eller at sætte beskyttelsen af vores miljø i højsædet. I stedet er det mere af det samme.
Jeg synes faktisk, det minder om at behandle en alkoholiker med billigere alkohol i stedet for afvænning. Det er selvom vi faktisk godt ved, hvordan vi laver bæredygtige alternativer. Det har Kommissionen jo også selv nogle bud på. Men hvorfor så ikke komme i gang med at få de alternativer på banen i stedet for at fortsætte med mere af det samme? Så jeg synes faktisk, vi har brug for en handlingsplan for omstilling af det europæiske landbrug i stedet for den her handlingsplan.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Ivan David on behalf of ID.
Ivan David
Vážená paní předsedající, chápu starost o dostupnost hnojiv, která je zásadní pro potravinovou bezpečnost. Statková hnojiva jsou dostupná v nedostatečném množství pod tlakem na omezení chovu skotu. Produkce umělých hnojiv je závislá na ceně energií, tu se podařilo zvýšit protiruskými sankcemi a dovozem drahého zkapalněného plynu. To vedlo k nekonkurenceschopnosti unijních producentů. To Evropská komise v uvozovkách řešila cly na dovoz umělých hnojiv z Ruska a Běloruska, což zvýšilo ceny hnojiv pro zemědělce, které se promítají do cen potravin.
Po útoku klíčového spojence Evropské unie na Írán došlo logicky k zablokování Hormuzského průlivu, vedoucí k omezení dovozu a dalšímu růstu cen. Komise navrhující snížení spotřeby umělých hnojiv v rámci Green Deal má určitě radost. Východisko je zrušení protiruských sankcí a odchod z Íránu, a nebo vysvětlete občanům, proč jste jim zdražili potraviny.
Stefan Köhler
The next speaker is... Bitte, Herr Köhler, Sie haben das Wort.
Sehr geehrte Vizepräsidentin, sehr geehrter Kommissar Hansen, Europa steckt in einer Krise. Das hören wir schon lange und mittlerweile scheint mir der Eindruck einer Dauerkrise, und unsere Landwirte, sie stehen mittendrin. Der Krieg in der Ukraine und jetzt der Iran-Konflikt, sie bedrohen unsere Landwirtschaft akut.
Mit der Blockade der Straße von Hormus sind die Düngerpreise in die Höhe geschnellt, teilweise bis zu 50 %. Für die Ernte 2027 drohen sinkende Erntemengen. Wir haben es eben schon gehört, der Anbau wird zurückgefahren, Versorgungsengpässe und eine Preisexplosion im Supermarktregal. Heute Vormittag haben Landwirte vor dem Europaparlament protestiert. Auch aus meiner Heimat Bayern sind Landwirte gekommen und ich habe mit ihnen gesprochen.
Und die Message war klar: Wir brauchen bezahlbaren Dünger und eine gesicherte Versorgung. Danke Christophe, dass du die Situation erkannt und schnell einen detaillierten Aktionsplan geliefert hast. An wichtigen Stellen, zum Beispiel bei der Finanzierung, bleibt es aber leider noch unkonkret. Diese Lücke füllt sich wahrscheinlich erst in den kommenden Monaten. Aber dieser Sommer wird ein Sommer der Entscheidungen.
Die Maßnahmen müssen bei uns Landwirten und vor allen Dingen auf den Feldern ankommen. Noch können wir die Weichen stellen, denn sonst wird der fehlende Dünger von morgen zum Hunger von übermorgen. Vielen Dank.
Cristina Maestre
Gracias, presidenta, señorías. El campo europeo tiene tres problemas con los fertilizantes. Uno, la dependencia hacia terceros países. Dos, los precios: los fertilizantes nitrogenados cuestan hoy un 70 % más que hace dos años, y lo paga el agricultor y lo pagan los ciudadanos. Y tres, el modelo, o todo lo contrario, la falta de un modelo estable, coherente, con medidas estructurales y sostenidas en el tiempo.
Por ejemplo, se le pide al campo que sea más circular, pero las normas que tenemos penalizan los productos circulares y los biofertilizantes, mientras tanto el abono químico de síntesis juega con otras reglas distintas. Se bendice el hidrógeno y el amoníaco verde, pero falta apoyo por parte de la Comisión Europea y la regulación es muy compleja y burocrática. El plan que presenta hoy el comisario Hansen y la Comisión Europea en su reunión de hoy va en la buena dirección, nos parece bien y lo apoyamos, pero entendemos que además de las medidas más a largo plazo, urge poner en la bandeja o en la mesa las medidas urgentes. Por ejemplo, la suspensión arancelaria que ya están, mantenerlas y ampliarlas, garantizar la previsibilidad de la siembra y elegir o exigir transparencia en los precios en la cadena de distribución. Muchas gracias, presidenta.
Ondřej Knotek
Thank you, Madam Chairman, Mr. Commissioner. Mineral fertilizers are vital for EU food production and autonomy. Farmers call at the same time for cheap fertilizers. So our answer shall be to produce affordable fertilizers in Europe. EU fertilizers industry must be therefore recognized as a strategic pillar of EU autonomy.
Decarbonization speed in EU fertilizer sector must go hand in hand with economic viability of new technologies and with global reality. Also, European fertilizers producers shall not be punished if the related grids for greener technologies are not yet available. Sector-specific benchmarks must be put in place to address individual aspects of different production sites across EU. Full carbon leakage measures must be granted without any exemption. And these measures, let's say, would help EU fertilizers to have some competitiveness.
But if we want to make EU production of fertilizers cheaper, we must consider exclusion of fertilizer sector from the ETS, also rework the methane regulation and diversify gas supplies to Europe to reduce gas price. So, Mr. Commissioner, your plan has some good elements, but still needs massive improvements. And please do not forget that our farmers need cheap European fertilizers, not necessarily green fertilizers.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you. The next speaker is Bert-Jan Ruissen. Sorry, there was a blue card from Mr. Siepel. Do you expect a blue card from Mr. Siepel?
Thank you, colleague, for accepting the blue card. You said that they need cheap European fertilizers, not necessarily green fertilizers. Would you agree with me that in the best case scenario, they would get cheap European green fertilizers? And if so, should we not do anything in our power to make this possible?
Ondřej Knotek
If the green fertilizers, for example through green hydrogen, were already cheaper, the market would already took a place to care. So you still need to remember that many fertilizers are produced through natural gas, through fossil technologies. You can work with that. You can reduce the footprint. You can also diversify the gas sources to reduce the gas price.
But simply green technologies, they have some step-in possible speed. If you go too fast, it's not cheaper, it's not more sustainable. It's maybe more green but not sustainable. So we must be very careful. It's about strategic autonomy.
There's a follow-up question.
Lukas Sieper
Actually two. Thank you, Ms. President. The first thing is, what's the difference between sustainable and green when it comes to the production of fertilizers? And secondly, I think you misunderstood my question. I said, should we not do anything in our power to make them cheaper?
Because this is at least through subsidiaries, through certain legislation, we can influence the market. We do it every day. This is our main job here, apart from other things in the European Parliament. So should we not enact policies that lead to the fact that green fertilizers are cheaper than non-green fertilizers?
Ondřej Knotek
So to explain the reason between green and sustainable, let's say that green is only one third of sustainable. You have also economical pillar and you have also socially acceptable pillar. That's to your first question. To your second question, it's simple. Two plus two is four.
You want to make two plus two three. So it's not possible, yeah. You have some global reality and if you don't reflect it, you can maybe afford it, but it will be too expensive and it will let's say make the fertilizers industry going outside the EU. And this is what we do not want. Thank you.
Now the next speaker is Bert-Jan Ruissen.
Bert-Jan Ruissen
Dank u wel, voorzitter, geachte commissaris, beste collega's. Meststoffen voor boeren betaalbaar houden en de afhankelijkheid van import van kunstmest beperken. Dat zijn twee belangrijke doelen van het voorliggende meststoffenactieplan. Een terecht streven in deze turbulente tijd met aanhoudende energieprijzen. Toch is dit actieplan een gemiste kans.
De maatregel die het meest effectief het meest effect kan hebben, ontbreekt namelijk. Namelijk het vol inzetten op circulariteit. Ik doel op het hergebruiken van nutriënten uit dierlijke mest. Het is niet uit te leggen dat boeren dierlijke mest moeten afvoeren en vervolgens dure kunstmest moeten aankopen om gewassen van de nodige nutriënten te kunnen voorzien. Wat verruimingen rond digestaat zijn niet voldoende.
Wat nodig is, is een grondige wijziging van de verouderde nitraatrichtlijn. Commissaris, alstublieft, talm niet langer, kom zo snel mogelijk met voorstellen om de nitraatrichtlijn aan te passen.
Asger Christensen
Mange tak, og tak for ordet. Jeg har taget støvlerne på i dag, igen, fordi det er et meget, meget alvorligt emne, vi diskuterer, både for landmændene, men også for vores forbrugere. Gødning er en forudsætning for høje udbytter og stabile fødevarepriser. Derfor er gødning ikke kun et spørgsmål om landbrug, det er også et spørgsmål om sikkerhedspolitik, det er et spørgsmål omkring Europas fødevareforsyningssikkerhed. Når energipriserne de eksploderer, som de har gjort nu, så stiger priserne på gødning og andre produkter voldsomt.
Gennem det forgangne år har gødningspriserne lagt et enormt pres på økonomien. Det presser landmændene, og det kommer til at gøre maden dyrere for familierne rundt i hele Europa. Hvis vi ikke sikrer adgang til gødning, risikerer vi lavere udbytter, højere fødevarepriser, større usikkerhed omkring Europas fødevareforsyningssikkerhed. Organisk gødning er helt centralt, at vi får udviklet nye metoder til at anvende det bedre, end vi gør nu. Gødning produceret på vedvarende energi skal også fremmes.
Derfor kan det ikke understreges nok, at Europa har brug for billig energi, sikker produktion til en gødning, som landmændene de kan betale prisen for. Tak for ordet.
Sabine Verheyen
Vielen Dank, Herr Christensen, ich möchte Sie aber noch mal darauf hinweisen, es wird in diesem Hause wahrscheinlich nicht regnen und Symbole, um politischen Ausdruck zu machen, sind leider am Rostrum verboten, also ja, wenn der Regen kommt, können Sie gerne Ihre Gummistiefel weiter tragen. Die nächste Rednerin ist Cristina Guarda.
Cristina Guarda
Thank you, Chair. Nice to see you again. La crisi dei fertilizzanti è innanzitutto una crisi fossile, perché è quella la loro materia prima. Bene quindi che la Commissione dimostri di poter resistere alle peggiori pressioni lobbistiche, finalmente. E va bene, possiamo pure discutere di stoccaggi strategici, nuove forniture, aiuti temporanei o tecnologie miracolose che richiedono investimenti enormi, ma se non riduciamo la dipendenza dal fossile e dai fertilizzanti di sintesi, stiamo semplicemente preparando la prossima crisi.
Oggi l'Europa importa il 90% del gas e fino al 45% dei fertilizzanti azotati, è questa dipendenza che colpisce agricoltori e famiglie. E se vogliamo davvero un sistema alimentare resiliente, dobbiamo costruire autonomia attraverso economia circolare, recupero dei nutrienti e soprattutto agroecologia. Se vogliamo combattere la povertà alimentare, poi, il problema non è soltanto produrre cibo a basso costo, sono gli stipendi, letteralmente da fame. Grazie.
Luke Ming Flanagan
Thank you, thank you, Commissioner. The Commission's words today on a fertilizer strategy directly contradict their cumulative actions over the last three years. Under the guise of simplification, environmental actions that would have created a more resilient agriculture were gutted and torn apart to appease industrial agriculture in successive mini-reforms of CAP since 2022. The current model of intensive agriculture has locked farmers into dependencies on imported inputs over which they have no control, mainly feed, fuel and fertilizer.
Other options exist that include organic farming, crop rotation, and incorporating clover into grasslands that we should be incentivizing and transitioning toward in order to protect our food sovereignty. Your goal of simplification is insulting and treats farmers like they are simple and incapable of carrying out practices that would free us from dependence on expensive inputs. The discussion today is focused on how to ensure adequate fertilizers to continue the business-as-usual model of agriculture, a model that is failing both farmers and the environment. And I'll finish by saying this: the real discussion that must be had is how we move to a more sustainable model of producing food that respects planetary boundaries, one that respects reality. Thank you.
Sabine Verheyen
There is a question, a blue card from Mr. Bernhuber. Do you accept it, Mr. Flanagan?
Speaker 226
Herr Kollege, ein ehemaliger Lehrer von mir hat gesagt: "Wo Mist ist, da ist Christ, wo Künstinger ist, seine Jünger." Und es gibt ein Gesetz, das unsere Schüler in der Schule lernen, das ist das Gesetz des steigenden Ertragszuwachses. Sie tun so, wie wenn man ohne Düngung Pflanzenschutz Pflanzen erzeugen kann, Nahrung erzeugen kann. Ihnen muss aber auch bewusst sein, dass vier Milliarden Menschen davon abhängig sind von Lebensmittelproduktion, die abhängig ist auch von mineralischen Düngern. Das sind Fakten, die auf dem Tisch liegen, und ich glaube, dass es auch wichtig ist, dass man nicht nur mineralischen Dünger schlecht redet.
Wir brauchen den, um Lebensmittel zu erzeugen. Ich glaube, das sind auch Fakten, die Sie wahrnehmen, oder glauben Sie, wir schaffen das alles mit organischem Dünger?
Luke Ming Flanagan
A bit like a heroin addict that's addicted to heroin, they need it today, but you should aim for a future where you won't be dependent on something that isn't sustainable and will ultimately destroy you. We need it because you made us dependent on it. We need to find a path out of that. Otherwise, we are dependent on forces outside our control, people like Vladimir Putin, and now your party are making us dependent on a man who holds a chainsaw as part of his political movement when it comes to supplying beef in Europe. So I won't take any lectures from you.
Speaker 223
Thank you. Follow up? Okay, thank you. Then the next speaker is Arno Bausemer.
Arno Bausemer
Ja, Frau Vorsitzende, Herr Kommissar, meine Damen und Herren. Der Kollege hatte seine Gummistiefel dabei, ich habe die imaginäre Mistforke heute mit. Nachhaltigkeitsstandards, Dokumentationspflichten, CO2-Bilanzierung, Herkunftsnachweise und Berichtspflichten. Jeder fleißige Landwirt bekommt Panik bei diesen Begriffen. Leider sind alle diese Schreckenswerkzeuge des Green Deals auch Teil des heute diskutierten Düngemittelaktionsplans.
Man kann sich drehen, man kann sich wenden, wie man will: Landwirte wollen keinen grünen Dünger, Landwirte wollen bezahlbaren Dünger. Und dieser bezahlbare Dünger wird nur immer dort hergestellt, wo die Energiepreise günstig sind. Wir haben in Europa sehr hohe Energiepreise. Haben Sie das vielleicht noch nicht mitbekommen? Ist Ihnen das entgangen?
Deutschland ist hier dank der grünverrückten Wirtschaftspolitik der letzten Jahre der traurige Spitzenreiter. Milliardenpakete für die korrupte Regierung in der Ukraine, dazu Willensbekundung zur Aufnahme in die EU, und gleichzeitig kürzen Sie die Beihilfen für Landwirte in Milliardenhöhe. Glauben Sie denn ernsthaft, dass die Landwirte, die heute auch draußen stehen, sich das weiterhin gefallen lassen? Nein. Nein zum Irrweg der grünen Planwirtschaft.
Unsere ESR-Fraktion stärkt unseren Landwirten den Rücken. Wir werden dieses geplante Dünger-Debakel ablehnen. Vielen Dank.
Herr Bausemer, there is a green card, there is a blue card, Entschuldigung, nicht green card, there is a blue card von Lukas Sieper. Akzeptieren Sie die?
Bitteschön, Herr Sieper.
Vielen Dank, Herr Bausemer. Ich bin immer wieder wirklich beeindruckt von der Tiefe und der Kreativität Ihrer Gedanken. Das möchte ich einmal hier zu Protokoll geben. Herr Bausemer, Sie haben ja gesagt, dass die Landwirte lieber billigen Dünger möchten als grünen Dünger.
Und da frage ich mich doch, haben Sie sich eigentlich mal mit denen unterhalten und glauben Sie nicht, dass die Landwirte vor allen Dingen wollen, dass es der Natur gut geht? Und dass sie deswegen im weitesten Sinne für alles sind, was der Natur zuträglich ist und dass sie vielleicht nur deswegen Angst vor diesen ganzen Richtlinien und Regularien haben, weil es gewisse politische Kräfte in Europa gibt, ohne jetzt Namen zu nennen, die ihnen permanent Angst davor machen.
Arno Bausemer
Herr Sieper, im Gegensatz zu Ihnen kenne ich sehr viele Landwirte, war selber in einem Familienbetrieb aktiv. Und glauben Sie mir, kein Landwirt lässt sich von überhaupt irgendjemandem Angst machen. Landwirte wollen in Ruhe gelassen werden, die wollen ihre Arbeit machen, die wollen nicht reguliert werden, die wollen nicht beschränkt werden und die wollen vor allem eins, was hier eigentlich mal seit 50, 60 Jahren mal Usus war: Marktwirtschaft. Sie wollen keine Planwirtschaft. Und wir sprechen das aus, was die Leute wollen.
Ich habe Sie draußen heute nicht gesehen, ich habe viele andere von Ihnen heute draußen nicht gesehen. Warum nicht? Sprechen Sie mit den Landwirten und dann lernen Sie was dazu.
Lukas Sieper
Also wirklich, Sie enttäuschen mich nicht, Herr Bausemer. Noch nie wurde ich von Ihnen enttäuscht, was diese Kreativität angeht, die Sie an den Tag legen. Ich frage mich, woher Sie wissen wollen, wie viele Landwirte ich kenne, aber das mal nur so am Rande. Ich glaube, Sie verstehen das falsch und ich glaube, Sie haben diesen Menschen nicht richtig zugehört. Ich glaube, Sie benutzen diese Menschen nur für Ihren eigenen politischen Opportunismus und Ihren eigenen Machterhalt.
Aber ich frage noch mal: Glauben Sie nicht, dass jeder Landwirt ein originäres Interesse am Erhalt der natürlichen Lebensgrundlage hat, ja oder nein?
Arno Bausemer
Natürlich hat jeder Landwirt Interesse daran, das ist ja die Lebensgrundlage, die wir haben. Deswegen ist es auch völliger Unsinn, dass immer dargestellt wird, zum Beispiel, dass Viehhalter jetzt die Umwelt mit CO2 belasten oder sonst irgendwas. Jeder Landwirt braucht die Natur, um wirtschaften zu können, natürlich. Aber es kann nicht sein, ich komme zum Beispiel aus der Region Sachsen-Anhalt in Deutschland, da gab es vor zehn Jahren so ein EU-System, wo man nicht mehr die Elbdeiche betreten durfte, die Elbwiesen, weil gesagt wurde, ja, da könnte ja irgendwie, keine Ahnung, der Boden zertreten werden, wo seit Jahrhunderten Landwirte arbeiten. Das ist einfach schräg.
Die Leute, ich sag's mal auf Deutsch, wollen nicht verarscht werden. Und das macht diese EU leider. Wir müssen den Landwirten helfen, wir dürfen ihnen keine Knüppel in den Weg werfen. Und da rufe ich Sie auch gerne auf, nicht nur kreativ zu sein, nicht nur sich Sachen auszudenken, sondern mitzumachen. Danke.
Vielen Dank, Herr Bausemer, ich weise aber darauf hin, dass es auch im Deutschen adäquatere Worte gibt. Die nächste Rednerin ist Katarína Roth Neveďalová.
Katarína Roth Neveďalová
Ďakujem vám pekne. Pán komisár, v prvom rade ďakujem veľmi pekne za predstavenie návrhu. Oceňujem veľmi vysoko, že ste sa poponáhľali a že napriek tomu, že pôvodne to malo byť v júni, ste predložili už v máji tento návrh. Aj to hovorí o tom, aká je vážna táto situácia s hnojivami v Európskej únii. Potrebujeme hnojivá, aby sme mali potraviny v Európskej únii.
Páči sa mi návrh, že chcete zvýšiť poľnohospodársku rezervu a financie pre poľnohospodárov a verím, že spoločne sa nám podarí aj do budúcej poľnohospodárskej politiky v ďalšom období získať viac peňazí, aby poľnohospodári mali aspoň nejakú istotu. Návrh na využitie digestátu považujem za veľmi správny. Napríklad v prípade Slovenskej republiky si vieme určite predstaviť používanie takéhoto hnojiva, pretože máme bioplynové elektrárne, ktoré vedia niečo takéto vyrobiť. Väčšie využívanie organického odpadu predpokladám a dúfam, že tým myslíte aj väčšiu podporu odpadu z maštalí a z rôznych vlastne priestorov, kde sa chová rôzny typ dobytka alebo zvierat, takže to určite môže byť veľmi dobrý nápad takisto.
Navrhovala by som zrušenie zákazu dovozu hnojív z Ruska, z Bieloruska, alebo minimálne tých častí, ktoré potrebujeme pre hnojivá, tých prvkov, ktoré nemáme v Európskej únii. Kolegovia hovorili o ekologickom hnojení. Ja si myslím, že to je veľmi dobrý nápad, avšak ekologické znamená, že je nižšia výťažnosť, menej sa vyrobí a máme tam väčšiu náročnosť na vyrobenie takýchto potravín a takých hnojív, takže možno to nie je riešenie, ale uvidíme, čo Európska komisia urobí s implementáciou. Ďakujem veľmi pekne.
The next speaker is Jessica Polfjärd.
Jessica Polfjärd
Tack fru talman, kommissionär Hansen. Återigen står våra bönder inför stora utmaningar. Omvärldsläget med konflikten i Mellanöstern har lett till ett allvarligt läge med skenande kostnader för både gödsel och diesel. Det hotar vår livsmedelsförsörjning, vår livsmedelssäkerhet och våra lantbrukares framtid och den europeiska konkurrenskraften. Den situation vi befinner oss i nu, den är allvarlig och riskerar också att få långtgående konsekvenser om vi inte agerar nu.
Kortsiktigt behövs stöd som säkerställer att våra lantbrukare kan fortsätta att producera mat utan att straffas och själva bära den ekonomiska bördan. Det är bra med en actionplan, men vi behöver också långsiktighet. Vi måste se till att skapa incitament för att minska EU:s importberoende av gödsel och istället bli mer självförsörjande och kunna producera mer inom den europeiska marknaden. Idag så saknas det fungerande alternativ för både gödsel och stora delar av jordbruket är inte det här varken hållbart eller långsiktigt, därför man har inga andra alternativ. Många jordbrukare frågar sig idag om det är värt att fortsätta.
Vi måste ifrån det här huset se till att det finns hopp för europeiska och svenska jordbrukare att fortsätta att odla mat. Tack fru talman.
Eric Sargiacomo
Madame la Présidente, cher Commissaire, votre plan d'action sur les engrais répond en partie aux difficultés de nos agriculteurs. Toutefois, que de temps perdu depuis le 24 février dernier, début de la guerre sur le détroit d'Ormuz. Face à des prix des céréales en berne, ils avaient besoin d'un signal fort pour compenser l'augmentation des prix des engrais et des carburants. J'ai écouté avec attention votre discours, je n'ai entendu aucun chiffre. Aimer les agriculteurs, c'est bien, les preuves d'amour, c'est mieux.
Au-delà du court terme, nous devons également augmenter nos capacités de production et de stockage stratégique. La taxe carbone aux frontières doit nous y aider, mais nous devons étudier d'ores et déjà sa suspension pour une année, le temps d'être dans une meilleure position. Le plan d'action contient d'autres propositions pertinentes comme la diplomatie commerciale et le recours à l'agroécologie, légumineuses et digestats. Pour autant, il passe à côté d'un point essentiel : comment nos agriculteurs pourront supporter l'effet des quotas carbone sur le long terme si on les laisse exposés à une concurrence déloyale ? C'est pour cela que nous devons augmenter aussi le niveau des prix d'intervention de la PAC.
Merci.
Csaba Dömötör
A van gazdasági ágazat, amelyet több oldalról is sanyargat a mostani energiaválság, akkor az a mezőgazdaság. Az, hogy mind az olajárak, mind a gázárak jóval magasabbak a háború előtti szinthez képest, önmagában is durván növeli a termelési költségeket. De nemcsak a mezőgazdasági gépekbe töltött üzemanyag ára szállt el, hanem a műtrágyáé is, átlagosan 50 százalékkal a válság előtti szinthez képest. Súlyosbító körülmény, hogy a kőolajjal ellentétben itt nincsenek stratégiai készletek.
A Bizottság korábban plusz adókat vetett ki a műtrágyaimportra. Tudomásunk szerint a ma bemutatott akciótervben ezt nem fogják visszavonni. Lehetővé teszik viszont, hogy az egyes tagállamok 50 százalékos támogatást nyújthassanak a gázolaj és műtrágyaköltségekre. Nagyon reméljük, hogy az új magyar kormány is él majd ezzel a lehetőséggel. Ez az ügy nemcsak a mezőgazdasági ágazatot érinti.
Az élelmiszerek ára a tét, minden család asztalára kerülő élelmiszerek ára. És hogyha nem történnek gyors lépések, akkor az élelmiszer-infláció ránk dönti az ajtót, és sokkal súlyosabb lesz, mint amit eddig bármikor láttunk. Köszönöm.
Georgiana Teodorescu
Thank you, Chair. Noua strategie UE pentru fertilizatori nu trebuie să fie doar o listă de bune intenții, ci un plan de securitate națională și europeană. Traversăm o criză sistemică pe care, din păcate, am mai trăit-o. Declanșarea războiului din Ucraina a expus dureros dependența noastră toxică de materii prime precum potasiul, provenite din state ca Rusia sau Belarus. Cu toate acestea, pare că nu am învățat nimic.
Astăzi, fermierii noștri sunt sufocați de importuri masive, de prețuri record și de speculă pe piața internațională. Datele oficiale din analiză ne arată clar: vulnerabilitatea noastră structurală crește de la o lună la alta. Nu putem vorbi despre suveranitate alimentară fără suveranitate în producția de fertilizatori. Soluția pe termen lung nu este subvenționarea dependenței, ci recâștigarea autonomiei strategice a Europei. Trebuie să sprijinim urgent deschiderea și redeschiderea combinatelor de fertilizatori pe teritoriul Uniunii.
Aceasta nu este doar o problemă agricolă. Producția de fertilizatori ține direct de securitatea geopolitică a Uniunii Europene. Vă mulțumesc.
Barry Cowen
Thank you, Chair. Commissioner, you know as well as any of us the pressure farmers are presently under. Many of the measures mentioned in this strategy are necessary, they're timely and forward-looking, I commend you for them. But there is unfortunately a clear omission, and it goes to the heart of whether this strategy is serious about relieving the pressures farmers face today. The Strait of Hormuz has been closed for nearly 12 weeks with no sign of reopening.
The UN Food and Agriculture Organization has repeatedly warned of the consequences for farmers, for food supply and for prices. We're staring down the barrel of a crisis. And yet this strategy says nothing about easing CBAM on fertilizers, even at the 1% rate in comparison to 10, 20 and 30% for other sectors or other products. It's not just a missed opportunity, Commissioner, it's one measure that would make the difference right now, and that is unfortunately absent. I would use this opportunity as well to call on my own government in Ireland to make use of the measures mentioned and available on the aid schemes under the temporary framework, and to mobilize CAP to get advance payments moving to farmers who can't unfortunately wait as this crisis worsens.
We need and we all need to act fast as possible.
Thank you. The next speaker is Marie Toussaint.
Speaker 239
Monsieur le Commissaire, vous venez aujourd'hui nous présenter un plan d'action pour les engrais dont le prix explose. Mais derrière les enjeux des coûts se cache une réalité brutale. Nous avons laissé le poison entrer dans notre alimentation. Ce poison, c'est le cadmium. Il vient justement des engrais qui s'accumulent dans les sols, s'infiltrent dans les cultures et atterrissent dans notre pain, nos céréales, nos pommes de terre.
En France, la contamination a presque doublé en dix ans.
Les adultes sont exposés, les enfants sont exposés. En 2019, l'Europe a décidé de réduire le recours à ces engrais toxiques, mais avec combien d'exceptions ? Les États membres peuvent aujourd'hui librement décider d'importer de n'importe où des engrais pleins de cadmium sans date butoir. La France veut d'ailleurs attendre encore 12 ans avant de se libérer de ce poison, va-t-on la laisser faire ? Monsieur le commissaire, votre plan d'action ne peut pas être seulement un plan pour faire baisser les prix des engrais chimiques.
Il doit être aussi un plan de santé publique, de protection des sols, de protection de nos enfants. Alors n'attendons plus que d'autres vies soient gâchées et agissons sans plus tarder.
Volker Schnurrbusch
Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, meine Damen und Herren, unsere Nahrungsmittelsouveränität ist wichtiger denn je. Es gilt also unsere heimische Produktion zu steigern. Doch wie soll das funktionieren, wenn Düngemittel unbezahlbar werden ? Durch weltweit einmalig hohe Energiekosten, durch Kostentreiber wie CBAM, durch unrealistische Umweltauflagen. Das bringt unsere Betriebe an die Existenzgrenze, viele Landwirte müssen aufgeben.
Wie soll unsere chemische Industrie mehr Ammoniak herstellen, wenn sie wegen EU-Auflagen gezwungen wird, in Drittländer abzuwandern ? Wenn die Kommission nun Mittel aus dem Notfallfonds bereitstellt, ist das eine kurzfristige gute Hilfe. Wichtiger wäre es aber, die Ausnahmeregelungen in ETS und CBAM zu verlängern. Als Sofortmaßnahme sollte außerdem die Nitratrichtlinie endlich überarbeitet werden, damit mehr Gärreste verwendet werden können. Aber bitte setzen Sie nicht auf Korridore für grünes Ammoniak aus Afrika und dem Nahen Osten, wie zu lesen war.
Das sind Wunschträume wie grüner Stahl oder grüner Wasserstoff. Lösen Sie sich von grünen Utopien und erkennen die Wirklichkeit an, denn unsere Bauern dürfen nicht wieder enttäuscht werden. Danke.
Krzysztof Hetman
Dziękuję bardzo, pani przewodnicząca, panie komisarzu, szanowni państwo. Ta dzisiejsza debata i ten plan przedstawiony przez Komisję Europejską nie jest tylko i wyłącznie o problemach z dostępnością w przystępnych cenach nawozów dla naszych europejskich rolników czy o dramatycznej sytuacji naszego rodzimego przemysłu nawozowego. To jest debata o tym, że zarówno europejskie rolnictwo, jak i europejski przemysł traci całkowicie konkurencyjność przez przeregulowanie całkowicie systemu. Przez to, że tonie on pod ciężarem europejskiej biurokracji. Dziś coraz trudniej jest prowadzić zarówno działalność gospodarczą, czy rolniczą.
Naprawdę nie potrzebujemy dzisiaj już półśrodków. Potrzebujemy natychmiast zawiesić system ETS, bo to da oddech zarówno dla przemysłu nawozowego, jak i da możliwość dostępu do nawozów o przyzwoitych cenach dla europejskich rolników. Unia Europejska to najwspanialszy projekt, jaki narodził się tutaj w Europie. Ale tracimy go. Tracimy go przez technokratów i biurokratów.
I żeby było jasne, nie mam tu na myśli pana komisarza Hansena, bo jego uważam jako osobę jedną już z nielicznych w Komisji Europejskiej, której zależy na tym, żeby coś zmienić. Naprawdę rośnie nam eurosceptycyzm, populizm i nacjonalizm. I jeśli dzisiaj nie staniemy po stronie europejskich rolników i europejskiego przemysłu, to ten najwspanialszy projekt pod nazwą Unia Europejska po prostu przegra. Dziękuję bardzo.
Thank you, the next speaker is Maria Grapini.
Maria Grapini
Domnule comisar, stimați colegi, industria europeană de îngrășăminte este foarte puternic afectată de prețurile mari la energie și o știm de foarte mult timp. Din această cauză foarte multe producții de îngrășăminte în Uniunea Europeană s-au închis, așa cum este și Azomureș din țara mea, din noiembrie 2025 au închis porțile și au plecat oamenii acasă. Problema este de menținut într-o stare de incertitudine. Trebuie să punem capăt importurilor, da, în loc să încurajăm importurile și să crească producția de îngrășăminte în state terțe, importând și poluare, mai bine încurajăm producția internă de îngrășăminte. Pentru că până la urmă trebuie să tratăm producția de îngrășăminte ca o infrastructură critică europeană.
De ea depinde și producția și securitatea alimentară. Dar nu putem să prăbușim producția de îngrășăminte din România, din România și din Uniunea Europeană. Domnule comisar, e nevoie să modificăm directiva RED III pentru a elimina hidrogenul utilizat pentru fabricarea amoniacului destinat producției de îngrășăminte deoarece nu se pot îndeplini condițiile. Sunt multe motive, n-am timp să le spun pe toate, dar infrastructura, de exemplu, dedicată transportului hidrogenului este inexistentă și n-are cum să se întâmple transportul. Infrastructura de transport electricitate nu este dimensionată pentru a asigura necesarul de până la 35% din energie verde.
Așadar, avem nevoie de o producție de îngrășăminte în Uniunea Europeană pentru agricultură.
Mireia Borrás Pabón
Gracias, presidenta. Comisario, hace justo un año muchos advertimos en esta cámara que imponer aranceles a los fertilizantes mientras se mantenían los impuestos climáticos iba a disparar enormemente los costes del campo europeo y eso es exactamente lo que está ocurriendo hoy. Lo hemos visto, el resultado está ahí fuera, cientos de agricultores manifestándose frente a este mismo edificio porque fertilizar hoy su explotación agraria les cuesta un 70% más que hace tan solo dos años. Y el problema no es solamente la guerra, el problema no es solamente la dependencia exterior, el problema es sobre todo que Europa ha decidido cargar sobre su propia industria unos costes energéticos y medioambientales que el resto del mundo no tiene. Para que se entienda bien, por cada euro que paga un competidor extranjero en impuestos al CO2, el productor europeo paga 15, 15 veces más.
Pero esto sí, después le pedimos que compitan y que vendan al mismo precio. Ustedes le llaman a esto política climática, nosotros lo llamamos suicidio industrial. Hoy tenían una oportunidad de oro para corregir el rumbo, pero en cambio este plan llega tarde, sin dinero garantizado y sin afrontar los principales problemas que siguen penalizando nuestra producción. Así que, señor comisario, mientras debatimos aquí, Europa pierde la capacidad de alimentarse a sí misma y hay un responsable: ustedes.
Dario Nardella
Onorevole Borrás Pabón, lei ha detto che questo piano arriva tardi e non serve a niente. Io credo al contrario che sia una buona base con la quale lavorare e più che rifiutare strumenti con i quali cercare di affrontare l'emergenza dovremmo fare delle proposte concrete. Io non ho sentito proposte concrete da lei, ma in particolare le chiedo: le forze più di destra criticano il CBAM perché preferiscono essere dipendenti da gas e fertilizzanti esteri, ma la proposta di CBAM serve proprio a rendere equivalente il prezzo del carbonio tra importazioni e produzioni dell'Unione Europea. Perché avete queste idee contraddittorie?
Mireia Borrás Pabón
Gracias por su pregunta, señor Nardella. Usted dice que no tenemos aquí ninguna propuesta. Yo creo que constantemente estamos diciendo las propuestas que sí solucionarían todos los problemas que ustedes les crean a nuestros agricultores. En primer lugar, eliminar el mercado de impuestos al CO2, eliminar el sistema de ETS, eliminar el CBAM, porque todo esto son costes, como le he dicho, que tiene que asumir el productor mientras el resto del mundo no tiene que asumir esos costes. Quince veces, no sé si me ha escuchado, quince veces más tienen que pagar nuestros productores en comparación con lo que tienen que pagar los productores del extranjero.
Si a usted esto le parece competir libremente, yo creo que debería revisar cómo se compite libremente para que realmente nuestros productores puedan ser rentables. Y por último, lo hemos dicho cientos de veces, eliminar el Pacto Verde Europeo. Si no le parece suficiente propuesta, yo creo que está muy claro. Muchas gracias.
Anna Zalewska
Panie komisarzu, chcę pana zapytać, kto panu napisał to wystąpienie? Tak dawno nie słyszałam tylu propagandowych sformułowań nowomowy europejskiej, która kreśli bliżej nieokreślony, mglisty plan na najbliższe dziesięciolecia, bo nie wybrzmiało tutaj nic konkretnego. Kiedy pan powiedział nam, aż zadrżałam, że oto mamy świeże informacje, jak Komisja Europejska chce pomóc rolnikom. Myślałam, że powie pan, jakie pieniądze, od kiedy i ile dla kogo na już, na ten tydzień, na następny, żeby wyrównać cenę drożejących nawozów. Myślałam, że wreszcie po wielu latach, bo prosimy o to od czasu wybuchu wojny na Ukrainie, zawiesicie ETS dla wszystkich europejskich firm produkujących nawozy.
Wreszcie, że przyjdzie pan ze sformułowaniem, że trzeba zmienić taką dyrektywę za tydzień, takie rozporządzenie za miesiąc, a pan mówi, że kiedyś, może, jakoś. A jednocześnie odbieramy już produkty z krajów Mercosur, które karmione są rosyjskimi tanimi nawozami. Naprawdę do roboty.
Christine Singer
Frau Vizepräsidentin, Herr Kommissar, Gunststandorte in Europa bedeuten auch Verantwortung für unsere Ernährungssouveränität. Regionen mit fruchtbaren Böden, ausreichenden Niederschlägen und mit hoher Ertragsfähigkeit müssen wir verantwortungsvoll für die Lebensmittelproduktion nutzen. Uns muss klar sein, wenn wir keine tragfähige Lösung für die massiv gestiegenen Düngemittelpreise finden, werden Lebensmittel aus der EU deutlich teurer werden. Und gerade in geopolitisch unsicheren Zeiten ist eine eigene gesicherte Lebensmittelversorgung von strategischer Bedeutung. Und es ist den europäischen Landwirten auch nicht zu erklären, dass sie immer höhere Anforderungen erfüllen müssen, während gleichzeitig Handelsabkommen wie Mercosur vorläufig in Kraft treten und schon nach zwei Wochen Fragen zur Einhaltung zentraler Produktionsstandards in Brasilien im Raum stehen.
Genau deshalb müssen wir die europäische Landwirtschaft stärken, etwa durch wettbewerbsfähige Energiepreise, die gezielte Nutzung verfügbarer Gasmengen für die heimische Düngemittelproduktion und für den Erhalt sowie den Ausbau europäischer Produktionskapazitäten. Denn die Versorgungssicherheit Europas beginnt mit unseren heimischen Landwirten. Danke schön.
Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, unsere wichtigste Aufgabe muss doch sein, die Abhängigkeit von Lukaschenko, Putin und von den Golfstaaten bei Düngemittelimporten zu verringern. Das ist zentrale Aufgabe. Und wer jetzt Zollsenkungen fordert oder die Abschaffung von CBAM, der ruiniert letztendlich auch die europäische Düngemittelindustrie, das muss doch klar sein. Wir müssen sie stärken und nicht schwächen.
Martin Häusling
Umstellen langfristig bei der Stickstoffproduktion auf erneuerbare Energien kann ein Weg sein. Was wir auch brauchen, und ich glaube, wir haben da ein Problem, weil manche organischen Düngemittel sind halt in der EU ungleich verteilt. In manchen Regionen haben wir zu viel, in anderen zu wenig. Wir müssen die organischen Düngemittel in der Europäischen Union besser verteilen. Aber eine Sache fehlt mir so ein bisschen in, Herr Kommissar, in Ihrer Vorlage.
Wir müssen auf agrarökologische Maßnahmen setzen. Zehn Prozent der Fläche mit Leguminosen, Ackerbohnen, Erbsen, auch Soja anzubauen, Luzerne, das wäre ein Weg wirklich, um unsere Böden besser zu machen, um Stickstoff reinzubringen und nachhaltig Landwirtschaft zu betreiben. Ich verstehe eins nicht, wie man jetzt auf die Idee kommen kann, dass wir die Nitratrichtlinie abschaffen. Was hat das damit zu tun? Das wäre ein absoluter Rückschritt.
Vielen Dank.
Dimitris Tsiodras
Ευχαριστώ, κυρία Πρόεδρε. Συνάδελφοι, οι Ευρωπαίοι αγρότες και καταναλωτές βρίσκονται όλο και περισσότερο αντιμέτωποι με τις συνέπειες του πολέμου στη Μέση Ανατολή. Τον Απρίλιο του 2026, τα αζωτούχα λιπάσματα κόστιζαν 70% περισσότερο σε σύγκριση με το 2024. Αυτό σημαίνει υψηλότερο κόστος παραγωγής για τους αγρότες μας και υψηλότερες τιμές για τους καταναλωτές. Το σχέδιο δράσης για τα λιπάσματα που παρουσιάζεται σήμερα είναι ένα σημαντικό βήμα για την αντιμετώπιση του αυξανόμενου κόστους τους, αλλά χρειάζονται ακόμη περισσότερα βήματα.
Βραχυπρόθεσμα χρειαζόμαστε πιο στοχευμένα ευρωπαϊκά μέτρα στήριξης των αγροτών, αξιοποιώντας όλα τα διαθέσιμα ευρωπαϊκά εργαλεία. Επίσης τα λιπάσματα συνδέονται άμεσα με την επισιτιστική ασφάλεια και τη δυνατότητα των καταναλωτών να έχουν πρόσβαση σε προσιτά τρόφιμα. Γι' αυτό το λόγο πρέπει να ενισχύσουμε την εγχώρια παραγωγή και να μειώσουμε την εξάρτησή μας από εισαγωγές. Αλλά χρειαζόμαστε και μια συνολική συζήτηση για τον αντίκτυπο που έχουν νομοθετήματα όπως το CBAM και το ETS και σχεδιασμό για την αντιμετώπιση των πιθανών συνεπειών τους. Και τέλος, η Κομισιόν πρέπει να προχωρήσει ακόμη πιο γρήγορα στην υλοποίηση αυτών που συμφωνήθηκαν στο Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο του Μαρτίου ώστε να μειωθούν οι τιμές ενέργειας.
Δεν πρόκειται για τεχνικά ζητήματα, αλλά ζήτημα ενίσχυσης των αγροτών και μείωση των τιμών που πληρώνει ο καταναλωτής. Σας ευχαριστώ.
Speaker 195
Grazie, ben ritrovati, buon pomeriggio colleghe e colleghi, ha facoltà di intervenire l'onorevole Bonaccini, prego.
La situazione geopolitica in cui ci hanno trascinato le scelte irresponsabili di Trump e Netanyahu sta già presentando il conto agli agricoltori, alle famiglie, alle imprese europee. Tensioni nel Golfo Persico, blocco dello stretto di Hormuz hanno fatto esplodere i prezzi dei fertilizzanti azotati necessari per mantenere rese produttive adeguate e garantire sicurezza alimentare. Di fronte a questo scenario, il piano d'azione che oggi presentate è un primo passo, però da solo non basta. Servono risorse vere, dalla mobilitazione della riserva PAC a nuovi ecoschemi e misure ad hoc dello sviluppo rurale per sostenere i settori più colpiti e accompagnarli verso un utilizzo più efficiente delle risorse. E per aumentare la nostra autonomia strategica, dobbiamo accelerare sull'utilizzo di fertilizzanti biologici di qualità e made in Europe come il digestato, una richiesta che finalmente trova spazio nell'agenda della Commissione.
Come Parlamento siamo pronti a fare la nostra parte, ma servono misure concrete nel più breve tempo possibile per i nostri agricoltori. Grazie.
Barbara Bonte
Beste commissaris, beste collega's, de crisis inzake kunstmest is een crisis die Europa voor het grootste deel zelf heeft gecreëerd. Onze boeren worden vandaag geconfronteerd met torenhoge kunstmestprijzen, onzekere bevoorrading en een Europese kunstmestindustrie die het steeds moeilijker heeft om het hoofd boven water te houden. En dit komt natuurlijk door een overdaad aan klimaatregels, torenhoge energiekosten en geopolitieke schokken die nooit deftig zijn opgevangen. En wat doet de commissie nu? Ja, een actieplan voorstellen met daarin ja, veel mooie woorden, veel mooie beloftes, maar ik zie helaas 0,0 structurele concrete maatregelen.
Voor mij is dit een gemiste kans. Too little, too late. Beste commissaris, er is nood aan echte doortastende maatregelen. Maak het onze kunstmestproducenten niet langer onmogelijk door hen te pesten met klimaatregels, geef boeren meer ruimte voor het gebruik van dierlijke mest en herzie daarom meteen, meteen en zonder uitstel de nitraatrichtlijn die sterk verouderd is. Onze boeren smeken erom.
Het is vijf na twaalf. Boeren smeken om hulp, help hen.
Beatrice Timgren
Tack fru talman. Har ni hört talas om urea? Många européer har inte det, men urea är ett väldigt viktigt gödningsmedel och viktigt för våran livsmedelsproduktion. Men nu står Europa inför en kris på grund av leveransproblem i Hormuzsundet, vilket riskerar att göra det dyrare för våra bönder. Men det här beroendet av osäker import, det var förutsebart.
Europa har egna resurser, men vi har massor utav byråkrati, långa tillståndsprocesser och ideologiska beslut som gör oss fortsatt beroende. Vi fortsätter att exportera utsläpp och importera sårbarhet. Utöver att stärka vårt självförsörjande så borde också gödningsmedel undantas från CBAM. Det fanns med från början, men har strukits ur handlingsplanen och det här riskerar att göra det dyrare för våra bönder och för våran mat. Tack.
Benoit Cassart
Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, l'Europe doit sortir de ses contradictions. Alors que nous demandons à nos agriculteurs de produire de manière plus durable, nous laissons s'éteindre à petit feu le secteur de l'élevage, principal fournisseur d'engrais naturels. Alors que l'Europe ouvre ses portes à des produits low cost qui poussent nos prix agricoles vers le bas, nous taxons les engrais via le CBAM, ce qui fait grimper les coûts de production de nos agriculteurs. Ces incohérences deviennent insupportables et nécessitent des choix politiques courageux. D'autre part, la directive nitrates a plus de 25 ans.
Elle doit être modernisée pour intégrer les innovations agricoles, à commencer par le digestat issu de la biométhanisation qui constitue une alternative efficace et durable aux engrais chimiques. Monsieur le Commissaire, il y a urgence. Ce plan d'action sur les engrais doit être chiffré pour être à la hauteur des défis agricoles, énergétiques et géopolitiques auxquels nous faisons face. Merci.
Pär Holmgren
Tack fru talman. EU är ju tyvärr extremt beroende av omvärlden när det gäller konstgödsel försörjning så är det ju hundra procent beroende av import. Men som vi vet finns bönder i Europa som inte drabbas lika hårt av de här skenande priserna av redan dyrt konstgödsel. Det är ekologiska kretsloppsbaserade cirkulära alltså de som helt enkelt inte använder konstgödsel. Jag förstår och det gör alla i det här rummet vi kan inte ställa om hela EU:s jordbruk redan imorgon till ekologiskt och hållbart men vi måste ju ändå kunna börja ta ordentliga kliv i den riktningen.
Och det här handlar ju inte bara om pengar och ekonomi det handlar om klimatanpassning jordhälsa miljöpåverkan från jordbruket och så vidare. Och i förlängningen så stärker ju det här situationen för Europas bönder inte minst genom att bli mindre sårbara och beroende av omvärlden och fossila bränslen. Ofta så blir jordbruksdebatter någon form av krisdebatt den här gången handlar det om gödselfrågan nästa gång om jag vågar göra en prognos framåt sommaren så kommer det kanske handla om extremväder och följden av det för matproduktionen i Europa. Tack så mycket.
Onorevole De Meo prego.
Salvatore De Meo
Grazie presidente. La strategia sui fertilizzanti presentata oggi è un primo segnale importante e necessario per i nostri agricoltori. Parliamo di aiuti finanziari anticipi sulla PAC nuove regole per il mercato dei concimi biologici e del digestato misure concrete per dare respiro alle nostre aziende in un momento così difficile. Oggi più che mai è fondamentale sostenere e rafforzare la produzione europea perché dobbiamo ridurre le dipendenze dall'estero e incentivare alternative innovative e sostenibili per non essere vulnerabili ad ogni crisi geopolitica. Tuttavia questo piano non basta il caro energia e i costi delle materie prime stanno schiacciando le nostre aziende e l'Europa deve reagire se vuole essere credibile.
L'agricoltura non va lasciata sola servono risposte immediate anche sul piano delle tecniche di evoluzione assistita. Abbiamo bisogno di scelte rapide e di una visione chiara capace di garantire prezzi giusti e una maggiore autonomia all'Europa. Sostenere i nostri agricoltori significa difendere l'Europa la sua autonomia e la sua capacità di produrre cibo di qualità.
Mohammed Chahim
Dear colleagues honorable members commissioner global crisis and energy shocks yet again showed how vulnerable our system really is because fertilizers production depends heavily on natural gas. Rising energy prices quickly lead to rising fertilizers prices putting pressure on farmers food production and consumers. And that is I think why this fertilizer plan matters. The plan aims to bring energy costs down through investing in renewable energy cleaner technologies and more stable energy supplies. And the idea is very simple if suppliers and producers can access affordable energy farmers can access more affordable fertilizers.
The plan also supports low carbon and circular circular fertilizers made from recycled nutrients and renewable hydrogen reducing dependencies on imported resources because that's the biggest problem with Europe. Fortunately innovation and sustainability are key to produce EU fertilizers that do not rely on the dominant global suppliers. In the end this plan is not only about fertilizers it's about protecting our farmers stabilizing prices strengthening food security and building a more resilient Europe. Thank you very much.
Gilles Pennelle
Pour assurer notre sécurité alimentaire. Nous connaissons la crise actuelle, elle est très grave. L'Union européenne porte une immense responsabilité dans la flambée du prix des engrais. Nous avons sanctionné le gaz russe, nous n'avons tiré aucune leçon de la crise de 2022, nous n'avons rien fait pour créer une filière souveraine de production d'engrais. Et puis nous avons, à cause de cette religion de la décarbonation, taxé, taxé et taxé, le fameux CBAM.
Grazie onorevole Penelle.
Je rappelle que mon groupe est le seul à ne pas avoir voté cela. Alors quand j'entends certains collègues aujourd'hui qui critiquent le CBAM, je les renvoie à leur vote il y a quelque temps. Alors merci Monsieur le Commissaire de se pencher sur ce dossier des engrais, mais vous proposez des mesurettes. Nos agriculteurs nous l'ont dit ce matin devant le Parlement, ceci ne suffira pas, ils ne peuvent même pas acheter actuellement leurs engrais pour les prochaines récoltes. Alors nous, nous réclamons la suspension immédiate du CBAM sur les engrais.
Nous demandons d'urgence de recréer une filière souveraine de production d'engrais et de développer la filière hydrogène bas carbone basée sur le nucléaire afin de sortir des importations du gaz naturel que nous connaissons bien. Tournons le dos aux idéologies de la décroissance, retrouvons la puissance, aidons nos agriculteurs.
Speaker 261
Grazie signora Presidente, Commissarius, voorzitter, het nieuw actieplan meststoffen van de Commissie toont hoe ver Brussel nog van de boerenpraktijk afstaat. We zitten midden in een meststoffencrisis en wat doet de Commissie? Ze weigert de achterhaalde nitraatrichtlijn uit 1991 open te breken. Terwijl de Commissie blijft weigeren miljarden uit CO2-heffingen en klimaatgrensbela-sting terug te laten vloeien naar boeren of bemestingsfonds, dwingt de Commissie veehouders in Nederland en België zelfs om hun dierlijke mest af te voeren en tegelijkertijd peperduur kunstmest aan te voeren. Dat is absurd.
Renure en digestaat inzetten is helaas nog niet voldoende. Al anderhalf jaar eist een meerderheid van dit Parlement op ons initiatief meer ruimte voor dierlijke mest, een volledige herziening van de nitraatrichtlijn. De Commissie blijft treuzelen. Wat mist is boerenverstand. Stop met de jacht op onze veehouderij, geef boeren ruimte via technologische neutraliteit.
Gebruik de circulaire rijkdom die al op ons erf ligt, onze eigen dierlijke mest. Voor onze boeren, voor onze oogsten, voor onze voedselveiligheid. Dank u wel.
Ciaran Mullooly
The European Union is facing one of the most serious food security challenges in modern times, nobody doubts this now. The war in Ukraine, instability in the Middle East, and rising oil, gas, fuel and fertilizer costs are directly threatening food production across Europe. Farmers in Ireland, Commissioner, they tell me clearly that the economics of sowing crops simply do not add up at the moment. If farmers cannot afford fertilizer and fuel, food production will inevitably fall and food security will be put at risk. This is why the European Union must act immediately.
We need to reduce and suspend all self-imposed tariffs, levies and duties on fertilizer imports. I know that these measures have been well-intentioned, Commissioner, what you have brought forward today, but food production must come first. I say to you, Commissioner, I think you get this because you're from a farming background. The problem is not the long term, I think your solutions will work in the long term. The problem is the short term, next winter.
Last winter, they bought the fertilizer in advance before the CBAM came in, they had stocked up. Now they have a problem. And I ask you genuinely to give us solutions which will deliver immediate and practical relief next winter and next spring for our farmers. Thank you very much.
Céline Imart
Merci Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, je salue votre volonté de bâtir un plan engrais utile pour les agriculteurs.
Flexibilité de la directive nitrate, réduction de restrictions aux importations, deux exemples de mesures qui vont dans le bon sens. Mais ce plan porte malheureusement les cicatrices de blocages et divisions au sein de la Commission, où certains priorisent une obsession climatique déconnectée du terrain, où d'autres expliquent que suspendre le MACF nuirait aux producteurs européens d'engrais, comme si une industrie pouvait être protégée en faisant disparaître ses premiers clients. Sans agriculteurs solvables, pas de marché. Sans exploitation viable, pas de souveraineté. Sans mesures immédiates, les grandes stratégies deviennent de beaux textes posés sur des fermes qui ferment.
Oui, il faut produire davantage en Europe et réduire nos dépendances. Mais ce ne sont pas de futurs corridors commerciaux d'engrais verts, aussi vertueux soient-ils sur le papier, qui vont permettre aux paysans de passer la prochaine campagne. La suspension du MACF engrais était indispensable pour donner à nos agriculteurs une bouffée d'oxygène maintenant, et malgré votre bonne volonté, ce plan ne leur apportera pas. Merci.
André Franqueira Rodrigues
Obrigado, Senhora Presidente. Senhor Comissário, temos hoje novamente os agricultores à porta deste Parlamento e com razão. Há mais de um mês, quando deflagrou o conflito no Irão, pedimos ações imediata. Sabíamos todos que a questão não era apenas geopolítica. A verdade é que a Europa está demasiado exposta, a agricultura europeia depende fortemente de fertilizantes importados.
Em Portugal, o preço da ureia duplicou, enquanto na produção de milho há relatos de um aumento do custo superior a 300 euros por hectare. Falar de produção europeia de fertilizantes é positivo, mas isto não baixa a fatura dos agricultores agora. Os agricultores não podem esperar pelo futuro, a campanha agrícola não espera, precisam de apoios e de soluções já. Precisam de financiamento, de instrumentos de crise. Se a política agrícola é comum, a resposta em tempo de crise também tem de ser comum e tem, Senhor Comissário, de ser rápida.
Muito obrigado.
Speaker 265
Ja, dankeschön, Frau Präsidentin. Was wir heute hier wieder vor unserer Tür erleben, ist geschätzt das zehnte Mal, dass europäische Landwirte hier vor unserem Haus demonstrieren. Und sie haben ja völlig recht, wenn man sich die Lage anschaut. Sie haben völlig recht, sie demonstrieren für ihre eigenen Rechte und sie haben es schwer. Und wenn wir heute hier vom Pflanzenschutzmittel sprechen, dann reden wir nicht nur über Landwirtschaft.
Wir reden über Energiepreise, wir und wir reden über Versorgungssicherheit. Und wir reden darüber, ob EU-Europa ihre eigenen Landwirte eigentlich noch ernst nimmt oder ob sie sie nur noch veräppelt. Dem Pflanzenschutz ist energieintensiv, ist der Gaspreis teuer und der Strompreis teuer, machen die Fabriken zu, das bedeutet, dass wir uns auf der anderen Seite abhängig machen von Importen. Genau wie der europäischen Energiepolitik haben wir das alles schon einmal teuer bezahlt. Die Kommission verspricht nun einen Aktionsplan, auch das haben wir schon oft gehört in den Tagen.
Und es wird zu wenig sein, grüne Überschriften einfach zu liefern, sondern ehrliche Energiepolitik, stabile Gasversorgung und niedrige Strompreise, weniger Bürokratie und keine ideologische Verteuerung. Dankeschön.
Paolo Inselvini
Siamo nel bel mezzo di una crisi energetica senza precedenti, e per questo è arrivato il momento di abbandonare le ideologie green ed essere pragmatici. Oggi il prezzo dei fertilizzanti è fuori controllo e i costi si scaricano sempre sugli agricoltori. È necessario abolire immediatamente ETS e CBAM sui fertilizzanti, ma soprattutto, ed è stata prima un'apertura che apprezziamo, è arrivato il momento di utilizzare subito il digestato agricolo, e non solo attraverso una sperimentazione, perché il digestato non è un problema ambientale ma è una delle soluzioni. Vuol dire meno dipendenza dalle importazioni, meno costi per gli agricoltori e un'economia circolare reale. Non possiamo infatti continuare a parlare di sostenibilità mentre si blocca, o per ideologia o per burocrazia, uno degli strumenti più efficienti che le nostre campagne stanno già producendo.
È arrivato il momento di chiudere con la pagina disastrosa del Green Deal e sostenere chi rende davvero l'Europa più verde e allo stesso tempo più sovrana.
Grazie onorevole Bizzotto.
Emma Ytterell
Sol, jord och vatten, ja många tror att det är allt som behövs för att producera mat och livsmedel, men det behövs näring i form av gödning, och det börjar bli rejält dyrt nu. Våra lantbrukare förtjänar bättre än att deras livsförsörjning och framtid avgörs av diktaturer eller populister. Vi är fortfarande för beroende av importerad fossilbaserad gödning. Ryssland är fortfarande en av de största leverantörerna av ammoniak och kalium. Vi kan inte längre acceptera att vår livsmedelsproduktion är så här sårbar för Ryssland eller alla andra länders nycker.
Det är inte bara en lantbruksfråga, det är en fråga om strategisk motståndskraft och livsmedelssäkerhet. Så var är Europas produktion? Vi har pratat om den här frågan så länge just nu. Varje dag utan tillräcklig produktion i Europa är ett misslyckande. För att minska beroendet av fossil och importerad gödning, det är inte bara ett val mellan miljö och konkurrenskraft, det är lösningen på båda de problemen, och det är vad Europas lantbrukare både förtjänar och behöver.
Tack.
Daniel Buda
Grazie onorevole Buda.
Domnule comisar, apreciem sincer eforturile dumneavoastră în această direcție, dar Europa nu își poate permite ca fiecare criză geopolitică să se transforme automat într-o criză pentru fermieri. În aprilie 2024, prețurile globale ale îngrășămintelor pe bază de azot au fost cu 40% peste nivelul din decembrie 2023, iar pentru fermieri aceasta nu este o statistică pe hârtie. Este diferența dintre a semăna sau a renunța, dintre a fertiliza corect sau a accepta recolte mai slabe, dintre a rămâne pe piață sau a închide ferma. Vedem din nou planuri de acțiune, strategii și foi de parcurs ale Comisiei Europene. Pe hârtie, sigur, totul arată bine, dar fermierii nu își fertilizează câmpurile cu strategii, nu își salvează recoltele cu promisiuni pentru 2030.
Și în timp ce ne întrebăm cum salvăm industria europeană și cum protejăm fermierii, tot noi adoptăm reguli care împing costurile și mai sus. Înțelegând și subliniez, înțelegând rațiunea adoptării CBAM-ului, nu putem ignora faptul că acesta a dus azi la creșterea costului îngrășămintelor importate cu peste 10-15%. Astăzi avem o criză a îngrășămintelor, mâine vom avea costuri de producție imposibil de susținut, poimâine vom avea mai puțină producție. O Europă care nu mai produce nu va fi nici verde, nici competitivă și nici suverană, va fi doar dependentă. Întrebarea reală este cum protejăm producția europeană astăzi.
Realitatea este că mai multe fabrici de îngrășăminte din Europa au fost deja închise sau și-au redus drastic producția. De aceea consider că, în primul rând, Comisia Europeană trebuie să-și concentreze eforturile pe relansarea acestei industrii strategice înainte ca Europa să devină complet dependentă de importuri. Mulțumesc.
Ewa Zajączkowska-Hernik
Produkcja nawozów w Unii Europejskiej jest obecnie około 19% niższa niż w 2019 roku, a ceny nawozów wzrosły o 70% w ciągu ostatnich dwóch lat. I to wszystko przez Zielony Ład. Płacą za to rolnicy i płacą za to wszyscy konsumenci, a Komisja powinna nam tylko odpowiedzieć na pytanie, kto na tym zarobił, bo na pewno nie rolnicy, którzy teraz protestują pod Parlamentem Europejskim. Ursula von der Leyen uzależnia Europę od importu w każdej dziedzinie. Ubiera to w słodkie słówka o ekologii, a w praktyce kasuje europejski przemysł i uzależnia rolników od importowanych nawozów.
Walczycie z Rosją, a według danych Eurostatu to Rosja odpowiada za około 30% importu nawozów do Unii Europejskiej. Walczycie ze śladem węglowym, a stawiacie na import nawozów zza siedmiu gór i zza siedmiu mórz zamiast wspierać produkcję nawozów tu na miejscu w Europie. Część moich przedmówców mówiła o tym, że ETS należy odrzucić, ale przecież to wy głosowaliście za tym, żeby ten ETS wprowadzić. Wy po prostu robicie z ludzi idiotów. Posłuchajcie rolników, którzy teraz protestują.
Odrzućcie Zielony Ład, odrzućcie CBAM i odrzućcie podatek ETS. Jeżeli tego nie zrobicie, prędzej czy później zostaniecie rozliczeni. Dziękuję.
Sorry, sorry, we have a blue card for you from Ms. Wiesner. It's okay for you? Okay, please. Please, you have the floor.
Emma Ytterell
So here we go again. I still don't understand. Fertilizers are dependent on oil and gas. Oil and gas prices go up, fertilizer prices go up. And what do you want to do?
Continue using fertilizers from oil and gas. How will that solve Europe's fertilizing problem? How will that make fertilizer cheaper for our farmers? We need the green policies, we need the Green Deal to transition to the sustainable, the cheap fertilizers. But you are rejecting all of the alternatives.
How will that lower the cost for fertilizers?
Ewa Zajączkowska-Hernik
Jak zwykle bohatersko walczycie z problemem, który najpierw sami tworzycie, a potem próbujecie znaleźć rozwiązanie, żeby ten problem wyeliminować. Ceny nawozów wzrosły dlatego, że wprowadziliście Europejski Zielony Ład. Ceny nawozów wzrosły dlatego, że europejska produkcja staje się niekonkurencyjna i przez to, że właśnie powstał Zielony Ład i CBAM i ETS, bardziej opłaca się importować nawozy niż produkować je na miejscu w Europie. Naszym celem powinno być to, żeby rolnicy zabezpieczali nasze bezpieczeństwo żywnościowe, a żeby to robili, musimy produkować nawozy tu lokalnie w Europie i musimy zrobić wszystko, żeby rolnikom to ułatwić, a nie da się tego zrobić bez odrzucenia parapodatków takich jak ETS czy CBAM.
Emma Ytterell
Fertilizer prices went up because the Hormuz Strait was closed and we are dependent on oil and gas and this Hormuz Strait to produce the fertilizers. That's why the prices went up. The ETS price went down during this time. This is why we have this crisis. Why don't you want to take us out of these dangerous dependencies?
I don't understand that.
Kiedy Cieśnina Ormuz została zamknięta? Kiedy Cieśnina Ormuz została zamknięta? A kiedy został wprowadzony Zielony Ład? Od kiedy następuje podwyżka cen nawozów? Niech sobie pani najpierw odpowie na te pytania, a potem zajmie się merytorycznymi pytaniami.
Okay, thank you. Andiamo avanti, ha facoltà di intervenire l'onorevole Goerens, prego.
Charles Goerens
Merci Madame la Présidente. Ça urge. Le renouvellement des contrats de livraison de fertilisants pour le reste de l'année et la campagne 2027 est devenu un vrai casse-tête. Pour ce qui est du plus long terme, des réponses plus robustes seront indispensables pour réduire la vulnérabilité de l'Union européenne en la matière, et pas seulement dans le domaine des fertilisants dont dépend l'Europe. Pour le dire clairement, en matière de dépendance structurelle de l'agriculture européenne, j'aimerais recourir à deux métaphores.
En ce qui concerne les matières azotées dont le soja, les vaches européennes broutent dans les plaines du Rio de la Plata. Par ailleurs, ce qui fait pousser nos céréales se trouve dans le sous-sol des déserts du Moyen-Orient notamment. Consciente qu'il importe de travailler sur la sécurité de l'approvisionnement sur le long terme, la Commission pourrait-elle me préciser comment elle entend utiliser le Global Gateway pour sécuriser nos livraisons d'engrais tant que nous ne sommes pas à même de les produire nous-mêmes ? Quant au développement des capacités de production des fertilisants dans l'Union européenne, c'est toute notre politique d'industrialisation que nous devons repenser face à des États-Unis qui ne veulent plus de nous et la Chine qui veut nous étouffer au plan industriel. Merci, ce qui me fait espérer, c'est l'écoute attentive de notre commissaire responsable pour l'agriculture.
Valérie Deloge
Monsieur le Commissaire, la question des engrais est devenue un sujet stratégique majeur pour l'Europe car derrière les engrais, il y a notre souveraineté alimentaire, notre indépendance énergétique et l'avenir de notre agriculture. Les tensions au Moyen-Orient et le blocage du détroit d'Ormuz nous le rappellent, une vérité très simple. La dépendance, c'est la vulnérabilité. En 2022, la flambée des prix des engrais a failli faire plier des exploitations entières. Ce sont les mêmes agriculteurs qui subissent aujourd'hui les conséquences d'une dépendance que vous avez vous-même choisie.
Des solutions concrètes existent. Les méthaniseurs permettent de valoriser les résidus agricoles pour produire du digestat, un fertilisant local et renouvelable. Quelques entreprises européennes résistent encore, elles maintiennent une filière engrais malgré la hausse des coûts et une réglementation qui décourage davantage qu'elle ne soutient. Préservons-les et renforçons-les car si elles disparaissent, nous n'aurons plus rien à sauver. Mais l'Europe accumule les erreurs.
Farm to Fork a fragilisé notre production sans alternative viable. Le Mercosur ouvre nos marchés à des productions qui ne respectent ni nos normes ni nos exigences environnementales. La Commission le reconnaît elle-même en créant des omnibus pour corriger ses propres erreurs. Sur le nucléaire, elle a fini par admettre qu'elle en avait besoin. Dans dix ans, faudra-t-il un omnibus agricole pour réparer les erreurs commises aujourd'hui avec la PAC et les engrais ?
Je vous remercie.
Nina Carberry
Madam President, Commissioner, this plan will be judged by one test. Will it lower fertilizer costs and secure availability for farmers? The geopolitical crisis in the Middle East has put our gas and fertilizer dependence into spotlight once again. And while it may not be the defining crisis in agriculture today or tomorrow, plans for 2027 could be put into major jeopardy if fertilizer prices don't come down and supply is further disrupted. But perhaps the bigger elephant in the room is the looming CBAM tax.
This is something entirely within the Commission's control. Waiting until the end of this year to assess the impact of CBAM on agricultural commodity prices will be too late. So flexibility on state aid, emergency measures, boosting domestic production are all very welcome. But would the Commission be open to suspending CBAM if and when this crisis deepens? And we need commitment in long-term financing because simply making advance payments while cutting the next CAP will not work.
Thank you.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Thank you, thank you so much, sorry, it was translation. Commissioner, I thanks a lot, such proposed fertilizer plan is very good one. But of course, we need to discuss not only strategic plans, but also how can we address and react to today's crisis. Because, because situation is very unusual. And of course also fertilizers should be excluded from, from, you know, from sanctions as water, as food, you know, you have no chance to sanction water, sanction food and sanction medicine.
Fertilizers belong to the same goods, they are strategic one and we need to, to find ways how can we, you know, solve problems keeping in mind targeted sanctions, but not to sanctioning fertilizers as such. Of course also it would be good to, to discuss issues about state aid now. In Lithuania we have two big factories which are producing ammonium and, and, and phosphates. But we need to, to also address issues because situation is urgent, we need urgent action plans.
Okay, grazie, Onorevole Tynkkynen.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Arvoisa puhemies, ilman lannoitteita ei ole ruokaa. Siihen kiteytyy lannoitteiden merkitys maailmalle. Kun tarkastellaan euroja, maatalouden kustannuksista lannoitteet ovat yksittäisenä kustannuksena suurin. Tähän puolestaan kiteytyy lannoitteiden hinnan merkitys ruoantuottajille. Jos emme turvaa lannoitteiden saantia ja kohtuuhintaisuutta, emme hallitse ruokapöytäämme.
Kaikesta tästä huolimatta Eurooppa on kehittänyt itselleen lannoiteriippuvuuden. Olemme riippuvaisia tuonnista. Enkä tarkoita nyt, että olisimme riippuvaisia Norjan kaltaisesta maasta. Me olemme lannoitteissa olleet riippuvaisia Venäjästä. Tätäkö on eurooppalainen omavaraisuus?
Se mikä meille on elintärkeää tulisi pitää omissa käsissämme. Tarvitsemme enemmän omaa lannoitetuotantoa. Ruokapöytiimme ei tule tarjoilla enää yhtään uutta riippuvuutta. Euroopan on viimein opittava ruokkimaan itse itsensä. Kiitos.
Billy Kelleher
Grazie, Onorevole Keller.
Farming is in crisis, Commissioner, as you well know, and there is a significant challenge with regard to sustainability of farming. We speak regularly about intergenerational solidarity and the need to bring new young people into farming. And of course at the heart of it is the fact that input costs have increased dramatically in recent years, the price of fuel and most importantly, the price of fertilizer. And that is having a profound impact on profitability and on farming practices and crop rotation. But equally on top of that, this is now going to fall into consumers right across the global in terms of food inflation.
So the short-term obligations on us to address immediately, and that would be the issue of the suspension of CBAMs, the emissions trading scheme, and any other areas of policy that are putting burdens and costs on fertilizer in the short term. In the medium term, we obviously have to expand our own internal capacity to ensure that we have adequate fertilizer. And of course the longer term is to address the whole issue of the types of fertilizer we use. But in the short term, Commissioner, the plan you've outlined I welcome, but we do have to suspend anything that puts additional costs on the price of fertilizer to farmers and increasing food to consumers.
Petras Gražulis
Grazie, Onorevole Grazulis.
Gerbiami Komisijos nariai, gerbiami Europarlamentarai.
Noriu atkreipti jūsų dėmesį į labai keistą Europos politiką trąšų atžvilgiu. Sankcijų nėra trąšoms, nei rusiškoms, nei baltarusiškoms. Tačiau tik pernai metais padidinom muitą. Bet tranzitui per Lietuvą iš Baltarusijos sankcijos yra. Kodėl?
Ar jūs žinot, komisare, kodėl? Už tai, kad tai labai naudinga Putinui, Rusijai. Nes dabar juda visos baltarusiškos trąšos ne per Lietuvą, o per Rusiją į Ust Lugos uostus. Tai labai dideli pelnai ir didelės pajamos Rusijai. Kodėl jūs tarnaujat Rusijai?
Kodėl jūs vykdot Putino politiką? Jūs galit atsakyt? Jeigu jūs nuimtumėt sankcijas, ką ir reikalauja Amerika, baltarusiškoms trąšoms, jos atpigtų ir atpigtų visai Europai. Kodėl jūs to nenorit? Neklausykit Putino.
Nedarykit taip, ko reikalauja, kad darytumėt Putinas.
Speaker 279
Με τις νέες εκρηκτικές αυξήσεις ως και 50% στα κατά βάση εισαγόμενα λιπάσματα μέσα σε λίγους μήνες εξαιτίας του ιμπεριαλιστικού πολέμου στη Μέση Ανατολή, σχεδόν τριπλάσια από το 2022, η Κομισιόν με τις κυβερνήσεις πουλούν τώρα φύκια για μεταξωτές κορδέλες. Κρύβουν σκόπιμα ότι κάνουν πλάτες σε ΗΠΑ-Ισραήλ στο πολεμικό σφαγείο στη Μέση Ανατολή αλλά και στην Ουκρανία. Η πολιτική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης επέβαλε εξοντωτικούς δασμούς στα ρώσικα λιπάσματα και πρώτες ύλες για να γεμίσουν με τα ταμεία των αμερικάνικων μονοπωλίων με το πανάκριβο αμερικάνικο LNG. Είναι η ΚΑΠ της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης που σφίγγει σαν θηλιά τους βιοπαλαιστές αγροτοκτηνοτρόφους με πανάκριβο κόστος παραγωγής και εξευτελιστικές τιμές στα προϊόντα τους για να θησαυρίζουν τα μονοπώλια και να στραγγίζει ο λαός. Καμιά θυσία για τα κέρδη και τους πολέμους των ιμπεριαλιστών που οδηγούν σε εκτόξευση τιμών και υπολειψία αγροτών.
Οι αγρότες με τον αγώνα τους απαιτούν κατάργηση ΦΠΑ, πλαφόν στις τιμές, επίταξη αγροεφοδίων, αφορολόγητο πετρέλαιο και εγγυημένες τιμές.
Sunčana Glavak
Hvala vam lijepa, poštovani povjereniče. Pozdravljam akcijski plan. Kratkoročne i dugoročne mjere, jasno je što prije svega kratkoročne mjere donose. Treba se ublažiti trenutni pritisak na poljoprivrednike, spriječiti nestašice ili nagli rast cijena. Međutim, voljela bih da odgovorite kada će države članice zapravo dobiti taj informativni paket, odnosno ciljani paket koji ste najavili.
Netko je već danas spomenuo generacijsku obnovu. Prošloga tjedna imali smo u Hrvatskoj izbor za najboljeg mladog poljoprivrednika, 11. godinu zaredom. I dakle ta generacijska obnova nužna nam je. Međutim, ono što oni poručuju jeste da nisu potpore same po sebi dovoljne i ako one nemaju stabilnost i predvidivost. Tako da vas molim da razmislite o tome.
Teško je planirati sjetvu, teško je planirati ulaganja i proizvodnju kada ne znate koliki će vam biti troškovi. U svakom slučaju, ono što jest zajednički nazivnik ja mislim svim političkim skupinama jest zaštititi proizvodnju i prehrambenu sigurnost u Europi, jer to nije samo pitanje poljoprivrede, ono je pitanje i naše strateške autonomije. Hvala vam lijepa na odgovorima.
Beata Szydło
Grazie onorevole Biszlo.
Pani przewodnicząca, szanowni państwo. Rolnictwo musi być konkurencyjne, aby było konkurencyjne ceny nawozów muszą być tańsze, a zakłady azotowe muszą produkować taniej.
Aby tak było, muszą spaść ceny gazu. Gaz jest podstawowym surowcem do produkcji nawozów azotowych. Ale gaz to nie tylko główny składnik związany z ceną nawozów. Na to składa się także ETS i CBAM. Konieczne jest zawieszenie CBAM-u, konieczne jest zawieszenie ETS-u.
Ale tu na tej sali słyszałam wielokrotnie prorosyjską narrację. To właśnie Rosja przez lata uzależniała Europę, Polskę od gazu, od ropy, od węgla. Dziś ci politycy wychodzą tu w Parlamencie Europejskim i krytykują politykę Unii Europejskiej. Może uczciwiej byłoby, jakby przestali zarabiać w euro, a zaczęli zarabiać w rublach. Ale z nawozami musimy coś koniecznie zrobić.
Grazie, grazie a tutti. Purtroppo non è stato possibile accogliere tutte le richieste di intervento per ragioni di tempo. Diamo ora la parola a nome della Commissione al commissario Hansen, prego.
Christophe Hansen
Thank you very much, Madam President, honorable members. I would like to conclude by thanking you first of all for all your valuable contributions today and maybe highlight a few points that you have raised as well. And I would first mention what Elsi Katainen has said about the decision that our farmers are about to make. I spoke recently to a French farmer, he has 400 hectares and he said, well, if the situation remains like it is, I will not plant half of my fields. And that would lead us, if many would do the same, to a situation where unfortunately our food security would be at risk, even if it's with the higher costs.
So I think that is the situation we all have to avoid together. And I have heard your proposals and questions very clearly on the affordability for farmers, the predictability for the producers, the concrete support, the ETS, digestates, on CBAM and on Europe's strategic dependencies. You don't agree on all the points, but I would like to say a few things when it comes, for example, to the diversification of our supply chains. We have already before this crisis and before this fertilizer action plan, we have reduced the MFN duties from other third countries like Trinidad Tobago and others in order to bring down the prices and to diversify our suppliers. And also I have noted the question on the Global Gateway by Mr. Goerens and I would like to link this by the question from Mrs. Toussaint on the cadmium content.
And I think we have possibilities in the Global Gateway, for example, to help reduce the cadmium content, which is in the interest of our health, our consumers' health, but which is as well can create partnerships with new and better and more sustainable suppliers. And I think this has to be used and there is of course the possibility. And our proposals of today will help us to sharpen as well the implementation. So the fertilizer action plan is a practical framework for action now and a strategic agenda for the years ahead. And in the short term, we will mobilize targeted financial supports.
Mr. Sarvamaa has asked, Mr. Köhler has asked, what money are we speaking about? I can tell you what the money is already, what we have left in the agriculture reserve, this is a little bit more than 200 million. So this is all in. And I believe we can at least double this amount.
This will of course as well depend on the budgetary authority, so it will depend on the Parliament and the Member States if we indeed reach this doubling at least. So there you are in in the boat to help us as well. Then we have as well the liquidity tools, the CAP flexibility, the state aid possibilities, better advice on nutrient management and practical solutions for digestates with the appropriate safeguards. And in the longer term, we will strengthen domestic production, support the bio-based and low-carbon fertilizers and improve the single market for inorganic fertilizers. On CBAM, there I could hear that there was the discussion one way or the other.
You have to know that we import around 40% of our fertilizers. And that so and we have the 60% is our domestic production. When you speak to the fertilizer industry, if we would suspend the CBAM, this would be prolonging their unfair competition with third countries. There would be more closures like the one Mrs. Grapini mentioned, for example, in Romania, but there have as well be other examples. And this is of course in the long term damaging even more our sovereignty and I think that needs to be avoided.
On the same time, the additional costs coming in by CBAM have to be compensated in a way or another and that is what we are working on. And then on the ETS, the forthcoming review will be an important opportunity as well to support the industrial decarbonisation, including in the fertilizer value chain, while also keeping Europe's production capacity and farmers' needs firmly in view. And the EU fertilizers value chain partnership will help us turn this approach into a concrete policy dialogue between the farmers, producers and the Member States. And some of the changes ahead will require legislation and I count on this house as well to work with us constructively and as well swiftly. Our farmers deserve as well these swift replies.
And above all, it is about Europe's farmers, about our fertilizer producers and food affordability and food security for all our citizens. So I'm counting on a good cooperation to realise the measures that we have presented and discussed about the practical details. Thank you very much.
Pina Picierno
Grazie, grazie a lei Commissario, la discussione dunque è chiusa e proseguiamo con il nostro ordine del giorno con due annunci. Il primo, conformemente l'articolo 251 paragrafo 4 del regolamento, informo l'aula che non è pervenuta alcuna richiesta di mettere ai voti la rettifica annunciata in plenaria lunedì 18 maggio. La rettifica si considera pertanto approvata e sarà pubblicata sulla pagina web della plenaria. Il secondo annuncio riguarda il gruppo del PPE che ha comunicato alla presidenza la decisione di modifica relativa alle nomine nelle commissioni. Questa decisione sarà inclusa nel verbale della seduta odierna ed entrerà in vigore a decorrere dal presente annuncio.
Proseguiamo col nostro ordine del giorno che reca il question time. Diamo dunque il benvenuto all'alto rappresentante dell'Unione per gli affari esteri e la politica di sicurezza, vicepresidente della Commissione Kaja Kallas per il tempo delle interrogazioni che verte sul tema strategia dell'Unione Europea per affrontare l'attuale crisi in Medio Oriente. La durata prevista per il question time come sapete è di 60 minuti.
Avete a disposizione un minuto per formulare un'interrogazione e due minuti per la risposta. Per il primo turno di oratori sarà possibile porre un'interrogazione supplementare di 30 secondi con altri due minuti per la risposta. Vi ricordo che l'eventuale interrogazione supplementare è concessa soltanto se correlata strettamente all'interrogazione principale e non consiste in una nuova interrogazione. Chi intende formulare l'interrogazione è invitato a registrarsi fin da ora utilizzando la funzione catch-the-eye sul dispositivo di voto. Stanno già arrivando le richieste, siete stati velocissimi, dopo aver inserito appunto la tessera.
Durante il tempo delle interrogazioni i deputati interverranno dal proprio scranno, invito tutti gli oratori a rispettare naturalmente il tempo di parola assegnato. I deputati potrebbero aver bisogno di alcuni minuti per registrare la loro richiesta per porre appunto l'interrogazione tramite il dispositivo di voto e quindi vi chiedo, per coloro che non l'hanno fatto, ma mi pare l'abbiano già fatto tutti, di presentare appunto la richiesta. Dunque, sono già arrivate le prime richieste di intervento. Iniziamo dunque dall'onorevole Andrius Kubilius.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Gerbiama Kaja Kallas, gerbiamas posėdžio pirmininke, išties mano būtų du paprasti klausimai. Vienas klausimas, ar jūs jau galite pasakyti, kad jūsų pasiūlytas asociacijos sutarties suspendavimas gali toliau būti taryboje išjudintas iš vietos? Ir antras klausimas, ar iš tiesų jūs galite patikinti, kad Europos Sąjunga nedalyvaus šitame taip vadinamame taikos suformuotoje taikos taryboje? Ačiū.
Kaja Kallas
Now it's working. Good day everybody, thank you very much for your questions. So, I haven't made the proposal of suspension of the association agreement. We did the analysis on the basis of association agreement with Israel and that analysis came to the conclusion that Israel is breaching the human rights under this association agreement. But there is no support for the suspension of the association agreement.
What comes to the board of peace, then reading the charter of this board of peace, it's impossible to join that board of peace because the board of peace that was foreseen in the United Nations Security Council resolution was considered to be for Palestine, it was considered to be temporary and it had a clear pathway for Palestinians, Palestinian ownership in the end. It is not in the current board of peace and it doesn't respect also the equality of states principle that we usually have when joining the international organizations. Thank you.
Ok, andiamo avanti dunque, ha facoltà di intervenire l'onorevole Terheş. Please.
Cristian Terheş
Muchas gracias, señora Kallas. El Consejo Europeo designó formalmente en febrero a la Guardia Revolucionaria Islámica como organización terrorista, por fin. Sin embargo, desde 2016 la Unión Europea ha gastado más de 124 millones de euros en operaciones, se dice que humanitarias, sobre territorio controlado directamente por este mismo régimen iraní, que ha demostrado sus crímenes asesinando a decenas de miles de sus compatriotas. Hamás, Hezbolá, los hutíes, todos son instrumentos de una misma arquitectura de desestabilización dirigida desde Teherán, que hoy bloquea el estrecho de Ormuz y con ello amenaza el suministro energético de Europa. Mientras tanto, hay gobiernos europeos como el de Pedro Sánchez que no solo se niegan, como otros, a apoyar a Estados Unidos, sino que se han alineado directamente con los enemigos contra nuestros principales aliados.
Han rechazado ampliar hasta han rechazado ampliar el mandato de misiones como Aspides en el golfo de Adén invocando una inexistente desescalada frente a un régimen que la Unión Europea acaba de acaba de catalogar como terrorista. ¿Qué vamos a hacer? ¿Qué vamos a hacer respecto a estos miembros, estos miembros de la Unión Europea que se portan así en situaciones de crisis? Gracias.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you, thank you for your question. To be very clear, we are not supporting any terrorist organizations and yes, it's true that we have designated the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization. So to be very clear, we are supporting giving humanitarian aid to help the people in different countries and and of course also trying to help the civil society in different countries. Now, the other question you had, I mean, my remit is external policy, not different member states and their policies. I mean, member states have different approach to different questions.
So if your question was about our operations in the region, then yes, we have operation EUBAM Rafah managing the border crossing point between Egypt and Gaza. We have also EUPOL COPPS that is ready to train the Palestinian policemen, but we don't have authorization from Israeli side, so we can also help with the building up the justice reform. Then we have also naval operations when it comes to Operation Aspides, for example, where different member states are also participating and that is dealing with the freedom of navigation, escorting the ships and and the whole of the mandate is actually covering also the Strait of Hormuz. The operational plan is not covering, so if we want to extend that, then we need to change the operational plan, but it is true that we are active in the region. Thank you.
Cristian Terheş
Yes, the problem is el problema el problema está realmente en que no es que sea que la Unión Europea esté haciendo algo, que por supuesto está haciendo cosas, sino que haya algunos miembros de la Unión Europea que lo que están es actuando en contra de las actuaciones de las actuaciones de pacificación por parte de Occidente, de Europa y de Estados Unidos, y que realmente lo que están es ayudando objetivamente a Hamás, ayudando a Hezbolá, ayudando a los hutíes y ayudando a Teherán finalmente. Y me refiero concretamente al gobierno socialista de España.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you. It is true that we have 27 member states with 27 democracies and also 27 different opinions. On operations that we are working with, it doesn't mean that all the member states are giving their input. I mean, it's sort of coalitions of the willing as well. I mean, some are contributing more, some less, but we have to work in this environment where we are.
So really, I mean, different member states are giving their input as much as possible as they see fit and it's up to the member states of course to decide how they try to contribute to these actions. Thank you.
Ok, grazie e andiamo avanti. Ha facoltà di intervenire ora l'onorevole Terheş. Ora è il suo turno.
Cristian Terheş
It's always me this time. Thank you. Dear Commissioner Kalas, the European Union's response to the crisis in the Middle East has too often projected hesitation instead of leadership. Diplomacy without power, as you know, is merely empty talks. So the first question that I have to you is how EU is engaging to help the United States and Israel to diffuse the situation and to make sure that the Iranian people will be free again.
The second question: the situation in the Middle East affected all the transit corridors in the region, mainly the Strait of Hormuz. Now more and more Europeans are realizing the importance of the so-called middle corridor. But if EU is not engaging with Georgia and Azerbaijan just, you know, refused recently to engage anymore with the European Parliament, how are we going to ship stuff from Central Asia to Europe? Last but not least, I'm sure you're aware in the UNRWA schools, many of the books used there are using materials that are incited hatred towards Jews. Many of these books are printed with EU money.
What is the European Commission doing to make sure that these books are not printing such materials in the future? Thank you.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you, a lot of questions, different questions. So first, crisis in the Middle East. It's true that diplomacy without hard power, military power, is much weaker than with this military power. And that's why actually we are doing more for our own defense, increasing the defense expenditure so that we would also be not only economic power but also military power. We are using the tools that are in our toolbox as an economic power to influence things.
We are in constant contact with the Gulf countries, with the regional partners, also Pakistan that is involving is part of these discussions to see how we can contribute. And when it comes to Iran, then we have the expertise in negotiating the nuclear, for example. We have the experts, we have also offered these experts to negotiate on the nuclear issue and not only the nuclear issue but also we have other issues that we that concern Iran. And you mentioned also the difficult situation of of the people in Iran. We have seen the executions going up from 2024, it's 68% actually increase in in executions.
We see that people who are protesting against the war are also being targeted. So of course we can't speak about everything publicly but we also supporting the civil society in Iran.
What comes to the Central Asia, I totally agree with you that we need to work with them to also have the diversification of trade routes. I think everybody has learned from this that don't put all the eggs in one basket. And we have a Central Asian ministerial that we are actually currently organizing. We had that last year, especially about the transport corridors and things that we can do together in order to have different approach or different trade routes that we can use in terms of crisis. Thank you.
Thanks. It's okay. No, do you want to follow up? Please.
Speaker 285
Yeah, I'm just following up with the third question about the UNRWA schools in Israel. Thank you.
Kaja Kallas
Yes. Of course, the incitement of hate is a big issue everywhere in the conflicts. I mean, if we look at the long-term perspective, if we want to have a sustainable and long-term peace, then we also need to deal with these issues that is not, you know, the hate does not go to children and they don't grow in this. Because otherwise, you know, we will have this conflict spurring up again. It's just not simply, you know, it's just the truce, not a really long-term peace.
So on the reforms that we are demanding the Palestinian Authority, because we are supporting them, one of the reforms is also the progressive and full revision of textbooks by the end of 2026, so and through all school years, from first to 12th grade. Thank you.
Okay. Thank you. Andiamo avanti, l'onorevole Loiseau.
Nathalie Loiseau
Madame la Haute Représentante, il y aurait beaucoup à dire dans ce débat. D'abord sur la responsabilité écrasante du régime iranien et de ses vassaux dans l'embrasement du Moyen-Orient, mais aussi sur l'absence flagrante de stratégie américaine et sur notre impuissance européenne. Tout cela est tristement vrai. Mais je voudrais vous parler d'autres victimes de la situation actuelle, qui sont présents dans la région depuis 2000 ans, qui ne menacent personne, mais à qui on s'en prend sans cesse. Je voudrais vous parler du sort des chrétiens au Liban et en Terre sainte.
Aujourd'hui, une religieuse française attaquée en pleine rue, le quartier arménien témoin d'humiliations et de harcèlements à répétition à Jérusalem, la ville du tombeau du Christ. Des prêtres, des moines, des portails d'églises sur qui on crache, des villages chrétiens rasés au Sud-Liban, des populations déplacées, des crucifix vandalisés. De quel droit ? Dans quel but ? Qui peut croire que la lutte légitime contre le Hezbollah passe par l'humiliation gratuite des chrétiens en Orient et que fait l'Union européenne ?
Kaja Kallas
Thank you. I agree with you that the freedom of religion is one of the underlying principles. And that's why what we see also in Israel, what we see in different parts of humiliating, like you say, also the religious customs of different religions. I mean, this is unacceptable. That's very clear.
Of course, we are raising these issues also with our Israeli counterparts and our counterparts from from different countries where these things are happening. Also antisemitism is is a big issue that we are also seeing. So we are opposing any provocation and unilateral attempts to to really change the status quo of of East Jerusalem and also especially its Old City, also the sacred spaces for everybody. This is what we are condemning, the harassment and anti-Christian aggression in in Jerusalem. That is what we do.
We have the tools in our hands, which is condemning these acts. We are not present on the ground so that we can actually, you know, defend. But this is of course what you can also do, to voice and say that, you know, this is unacceptable. I think that's also quite powerful coming from this house. Thank you.
OK. Do you want to follow up? Yeah, please.
Nathalie Loiseau
Merci, Madame Callas. Vous avez tellement raison que c'est notre rôle de parlementaires européens de dire que c'est inacceptable. Et je constate en ce moment qu'une partie de cet hémicycle qui est tellement prompte à défendre soi-disant les chrétiens d'Orient quand ça les arrange est totalement absente de notre débat cet après-midi. Les chrétiens d'Orient méritent le respect de tous, tout le temps. Ils ont besoin que nous servions leur cause chaque fois qu'ils sont menacés, pas que nous nous en servions seulement quand cela nous arrange.
I absolutely agree with you. You know, we had these discussions in the Foreign Affairs Council and then one certain member state was always bringing up attacks on Christians when it happened in Syria, but never when it happened in Israel. So I was also pointing out that we should have the same worry for all the Christians wherever they are in the Middle East. Thank you.
Hannah Neumann
High Representative, it's good to have you here, but the Middle East is burning and the European Union is still mostly watching from the sidelines. You often said it yourself, you want the European Union to be a geopolitical actor, yet on Israel, the gap between our words and our actions keeps growing. We have leverage, but we hesitate to use it. You mentioned yourself, last year your services concluded that the current Israeli government is in breach of its human rights obligations under the EU-Israel Association Agreement. Since then, the situation only got worse: in Gaza, in the settlements, and now the Knesset passed a bill that introduces the death penalty for Palestinians only, which is, bluntly said, apartheid legislation.
So to build on the question of my colleague from S&D, which member states are blocking the suspension of the Association Agreement? And what is your own agenda to move from concern to consequences in this regard?
Kaja Kallas
Thank you. You know very well how Europe functions. We have put from the Commission measures on the table for the for the Council to decide. Some of them require qualified majority, and we don't even have qualified majority for that.
Some require unanimity and we don't have unanimity either. So so that's that's where we are. Now when it comes to the suspension of the association agreement, that needs everybody's agreement. And and we don't have that. We just simply even couldn't have a qualified majority.
My question is always, would it actually make the situation better? It will definitely close our channels to talk to the Israelis that I'm doing all the time. Yes, you can say that, you know, raising these issues, it's not really delivering results because it's it's not. I mean, the situation is not better. But is it better when we stop this?
When it comes to the capital punishment, of course, we were voicing also what we think about this. But then we also need to treat all our partners in the same way because we have a list of countries that we have association agreement with. Many of them have actually capital punishment and many of them are also executing people. So we should also look into these association agreements if we are, you know, to suspend this with Israel. But there is no willingness from the member states' side.
It's not a one person decision. It's it's not even a Commission decision. It's a European Council decision and all the member states need to be on board. Of course, I'm not giving you the list of these member states because it's not good practice. We have the confidentiality of our discussions as well, but, you know, it's clear that not everybody's on board.
Hannah Neumann
Maybe it's about time to move beyond good practice on this one. But we face a similar credibility problem on Iran. The EU has finally listed the Revolutionary Guard as a terror organization, but its network still continue to work in Europe. They sit in consulates, they run business, and they intimidate and harass Iranians, but also Israelis living here. So I'm wondering what have you and member states done in the last three months to enforce the listing?
And what will you do next to drain the IRGC's money, influence, and reach inside Europe?
Kaja Kallas
Thank you. You're touching a very important point. It's true that we designated the Revolutionary Guard as a terrorist organization. Now the implementation of it is resting with the member states. And there we see very much, you know, difference how member states are implementing.
By the way, this is also the same when it comes to other actors like, you know, sanctions on Russia and and all of these players that we are. How we can, you know, really improve it? I think there's a role for free media to actually point out those member states and and, you know, if you have information about the Revolutionary Guard actually benefiting from, you know, member states' protection or even them acting in certain member states, I think the best way is to make it public so that people also know. And then there's also pressure on those member states to actually implement the decisions that we have made on the European level. Thank you.
Manon Aubry
Merci, Madame la Présidente. Madame Kallas, ça fait deux ans que Benjamin Netanyahu massacre le peuple palestinien, entrave l'aide humanitaire, affame la population, étend illégalement son occupation en Cisjordanie et pilonne la bande de Gaza et maintenant le Liban. Et la semaine dernière, vous nous annoncez des sanctions. Alors on se disait, enfin, il va y avoir des sanctions contre Netanyahu qui fait l'objet d'un mandat d'arrêt de la Cour pénale internationale, contre ses ministres Smotrich et Ben Gvir qui théorisent le génocide.
Mais non. Les seules sanctions que vous prenez, c'est contre quatre organisations et trois personnes. Pardon, Madame Kallas, mais de qui vous moquez-vous ? Comment pouvez-vous vous regarder dans le miroir ? C'est ça la réponse de l'Union européenne aux 73 000 morts, au génocide en cours ?
Il y a plus d'un million de citoyens qui ont signé une initiative citoyenne européenne qui demande la suspension de l'accord d'association. Il y a même des hauts responsables de l'Union européenne, votre prédécesseur Josep Borrell, qui le demande. Alors je vous demande solennellement aujourd'hui. Il n'y a pas besoin d'unanimité pour suspendre la partie commerciale de l'accord. Alors quand allez-vous faire cette proposition concrètement et la mettre sur la table ?
Kaja Kallas
Yes, thank you very much. So, it is true that we finally got the sanctions on the violent settlers through because they were blocked for two years. And you can say it's not enough, and it's clearly not enough because this is continuing, but it's at least, you know, the blockage that we got over. Again, I'm not making the decisions alone. So I'm really trying to get the unified position by the 27 member states.
And the problem with ministers is that, you know, it was proposed, but they were not included because the member states didn't agree to include those ministers. So, I mean, you can, you can of course look that what else didn't we do, but we also did at least something. Of course, the situation is still terrible. And the problem is that we don't have that leverage over Israel even with those measures that are on the table right now because we are not united and of course United States is also supporting Israel with everything or whatever they are doing, which is very hard considering also our transatlantic relations at the moment. So one could put things on the table to, you know, feel better about myself, but if I know that it's not going through, then what's, what's the point?
We need to work on those things that we can get agreement on. Thank you.
Manon Aubry
Madame Kallas, vous dites que vous n'avez pas de levier sur Israël et pourtant vous avez dit un tout petit peu plus tôt que vous parlez tous les jours et sans cesse avec les Israéliens. J'observe que la parole des Palestiniens ne compte pas. Et j'observe aussi que ces pudeurs de gazelle que vous affichez sur votre incapacité à mobiliser les États membres, vous n'aviez pas les mêmes pudeurs de gazelle quand il s'agissait de prendre des sanctions à raison contre la Russie de Vladimir Poutine. Alors je vous pose cette question : est-ce que la vie d'un Palestinien vaut-elle moins que la vie d'un Ukrainien ? Je vous le dis avec colère parce que vous voyez depuis deux ans, on en a marre de ces palabres et ce qu'on veut, c'est des actes et des sanctions et vous resterez dans l'histoire comme ayant du sang, le sang des Palestiniens sur les mains tant que vous n'avez pas mis un terme à cette complicité.
Kaja Kallas
Well, you really need a crash course how European Union works. Because, you know, this is like you don't know that how the decisions are made. So because on Russia everybody is agreeing. So how does it work actually? Can she yell at me and so I can, so I reply or okay.
So, I mean, we have, we have the measures and of course we are also supporting the Palestinians the most in the world actually. If we look at the numbers, then total funds available for 2025 to 2027 for Palestine including UNRWA are 1.2 billion euros.
We are the biggest supporters of Palestinians. We are the ones organizing also the events for two-state solution. We just had an event where for the first time, the Prime Minister of Palestine actually met with the High Representative of the Board of Peace. They had never met before. So we are trying to do a lot for the Palestinians.
And and of course I'm talking to my Israeli counterpart, because he also needs to hear from me what is the general opinion and and the thoughts that I'm hearing from you, what I'm hearing from member states. But the problem we have is the way we work, which means that, you know, in order to do decisions, we need either qualified majority and we have put some measures on the table to agree on qualified majority, or we need everybody agreeing, what we don't have at the moment. And with Russia-Ukraine, everybody's agreeing to things and we can push these forward. So so again, you know, I'm I'm I'm asking also you to see how much we are trying to help the Palestinians on the way as Europeans. Thank you.
Pina Picierno
Grazie. Ho evitato prima di interferire, però onorevole Aubry, è del tutto inaccettabile sostenere che l'Alto Rappresentante è complice di crimini di guerra e ha le mani sporche di sangue. Quindi invito tutti a tenere questo dibattito, anche quando riguarda argomenti molto sensibili che coinvolgono l'emotività e l'impegno profondo dei parlamentari, cerchiamo di tenere il dibattito dentro un perimetro accettabile, condivisibile e rispettoso dei nostri rappresentanti in seno alla Commissione europea. Ecco. Andiamo avanti, ha facoltà di intervenire l'onorevole Pasquale de la Parte.
Nicolás Pascual de la Parte
Thank you very much, High Representative. I have two questions. I mean, when there is actually currently international efforts in order to organize a kind of a multilateral mission to secure the maritime, the free navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, and you have said also that indeed we have actually deployed in the region some naval missions as it is the case for UNIFOR, for ASPIDES or for ATALANTA. How do you intend to to insert these European missions in the region with international efforts underway led by two European countries? And the second question is related to Iran.
Do you intend to somehow to help the secular and democratic opposition to the regime to organize and to unify themselves in a kind of broad platform in order to be more efficient and to push forward a democratic agenda? Do you have regular contacts with them? Thank you very much.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you. Thank you for your question. It's true that we have Operation ATALANTA, we have Operation ASPIDES in the region already. And I've been, I had a meeting with the European defense ministers, I had a meeting with the European foreign ministers. And I was really calling, we have the operation, European operation already in the region.
The only thing, it has a mandate, only thing it needs is change in operational plan. So not much, if everybody agrees. And we can, you know, use it immediately. Of course, all the member states want to use it when conditions allow. But right now, the problem with this operation is that it has too few ships.
Now, what I've been telling to the ministers is that, you know, separately all of us are small and weak, because, you know, one has one ship, the other other one has one ship, but if we put it together in our Operation ASPIDES, then we are actually a credible force.
Then nobody can say that Europe is weak because together we are strong. Then the other thing is that if we are right now trying to strengthen our cooperation with the Gulf countries, then, you know, this operation Aspides could also be a credible security provider in the region if we do this together. Now, there is a French-UK initiative. We can also contribute via the operation Aspides to this mission that is also engaging countries from outside Europe. So my point is that let's do these things together because if we look at the geopolitical picture, we need to be united, united in this.
Now, on your second question, the problem, of course, right now, we have the programs, we are supporting Iran, you know, civil society. We can't be really public about this and also these people in Iran are really afraid because literally, like I said, the level of executions has gone up by 68% since 2024, how many people they are executing. So these people are also afraid. But we have the tools when it comes to economic sanctions. And, you know, regimes also change when it is weak enough so that the power structures like the army and police actually change, you know, course.
They are not repressing the people anymore because of whether they don't get the, the salaries or whatever, so because of the sanctions. That's why these tools also work. Thank you.
Okay. Okay, ora ha facoltà di intervenire l'onorevole Jalloul Muro.
Hana Jalloul Muro
Yes. Now? Okay. Thank you. Dear Miss Kalas, since you took office as High Representative, the Middle East has undergone a complete transformation.
The fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria, the genocide in Gaza alongside to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, the violent settlers, all of this contradicting our two-state position. Violence in Lebanon between Hezbollah that are destroying the country and also Israel, which is destroying the country, occupying it and displacing a lot of people. And the war against Iran that has a consequence, direct consequence was till now attacks to the Gulf countries and global economic crisis. We are all against the militias in the Middle East, but certainly we cannot support any military intervention without the backing of international law. So I would like to ask you for concrete issues.
When will the EU Middle East strategy be published? What specific policies will you launch related to upholding international law? How will the Gaza facility will operate? As far as we know, UNRWA has not yet received EU funding. Alternatives considering following the end of the UNIFIL.
And will you work to activate blocking status to protect our European judges investigating war crimes in the region? We just knew how they withdraw the sanctions against Francesca Albanese in the US. Thank you.
Kaja Kallas
It is the EU Middle East strategy is in the working plans, but it's no point of drafting it right now when there's so much uncertainty. You know, it depends very much how this war ends on all the fronts. But we have been engaging with the Gulf partners really, and it's actually in their interest as well that we are part of the security architecture of the region, because what everybody agrees is that, you know, the security architecture will be completely different after this war is over. And clearly, the Gulf partners have also seen that we are reliable, credible allies, and we need to be part of the future build-up as well. Now, of course, when it comes to the international justice system, why is it so important that it's held up?
Thank you very much.
It's because of the accountability. Again, when we talk about the war in Ukraine, when we talk about, you know, Gaza, when we talk about all these wars, then people also need to see accountability. That if there or, you know, people in the West Bank, for example, if they see that their family has been killed, their homes have been destroyed, they need to see somebody held accountable. And that's why the justice system is extremely, extremely important. It's also very important for us and to have long-term peace, because if there is accountability, there is less revenge and retaliation that keeps on happening in this region.
And if you can just repeat your questions in the follow-up, because I couldn't take it all down. Thank you.
Hana Jalloul Muro
Yes, my other questions was about the Gaza facility and why till now it seems that UNRWA has not yet received EU funding. And if this is my last turn, I would like to say that because it is very important accountability, this is why we need you to activate, to work to activate the blocking statute. You know, it's very important because our judges, our ICC judges, are the ones who are fighting against the impunity of the Israeli government and to hold them accountable for what they have done in Gaza and Lebanon. Thank you.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you. I'm actually not aware that UNRWA hasn't received our, you know, input, because the information that I get is that we are the only supporters of UNRWA and Palestinian Authority as well. When we are talking about the revenues that are withheld with Israelis, Israel, that, you know, belong to Palestine actually, then we are of course raising this all the time to really put them in a position that they would release these revenues for Palestine because it's their taxpayers' money. When it comes to the blocking statute, then so far, you know, this is clearly some, you know, the tool that is in our hands. It is Commission initiative in this case, but the member states have not, I mean, many member states have not asked for this.
A few, a few have. So the point is of those countries that the judges are also coming from, that we need to use these tools, and then some countries are saying that we can also actually work with these, helping these judges to operate with other tools. So that's why we don't have an agreement on the blocking statute, and that's why we haven't put that on the table. Thank you.
Ok, thank you, procediamo ora con l'onorevole Nemec.
Matjaž Nemec
Spoštovana visoka predstavnica, Evropa še naprej se skriva za diplomatskimi besedami. Verjetno se z mano strinjate, ko še na terenu umirajo nedolžni civilisti, vojni zločinci ostajajo nekaznovani, izraelski apartheid briše palestinski narod in bombardira Libanon. EU ne more biti svetovni mirovnik in posrednik, če uporablja dvojna merila, tista, ki so v Afriki, v Aziji, v Evropi in drugod po svetu. Če želimo ohraniti moralni kompas, se moramo odločno postaviti na stran pravice, kljub temu da je predsednica komisije Ursula von der Leyen razglasila, da je tradicionalni sistem, temelječ na pravilih, končan in se EU ne more več zanašati na ta sistem. Spoštovana visoka predstavnica, kaj nam ostane, če ne mednarodno pravo?
Kaj nam ostane še, če ne bomo sprejeli sankcij proti Izraelu? Kam bo Izrael še nadaljeval s konflikti? In v kolikor mi tega ne bomo naredili, potem se bodo zgodbe nadaljevale na Bližnjem vzhodu, v Afriki, v Aziji, v Evropi. Spoštovana, rekli ste, da nimate vzvodov, ampak dajte predlog na mizo, da se bo jasno videlo, katere države članice ne podpirajo sodelovanja z izraelsko republiko oziroma državo. Hvala lepa.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you. International order is under heavy strain. That's very clear. We see international law being breached every day. And now the question is how do we approach this?
When we look back in history, then, you know, League of Nations was established so there wouldn't be any wars. And, you know, it didn't fail because the principles were wrong. It actually failed because the founders of of this organization didn't keep to those principles. So the United Nations was established with the UN Charter. And UN Charter is actually very clear.
I think everybody agrees to it. But again, I come back to my previous point when I answered your colleague, that it lacks accountability. So I think also these times where we are living now, we have to use it in order to develop international law further, to also have, you know, accountability so that nobody feels that they are above the law. Because if you just start the wars and nothing happens to you, you just, you know, send soldiers to kill other soldiers or, you know, brothers, fathers, and sons of one country to kill other fathers, brothers, and sons of another country and nothing happens to you, then, you know, other aggressors will learn the lesson. So what we need to do now, and I see a lot of appetite for Europe when I go across the world.
They are saying that you are the only ones who are actually standing up for the international law right now, so we are also willing to align with you when, you know, you are developing this further. And we need to use that. When it comes to the proposals, the proposals are on the table, but we don't have, you know, we have counted, we don't have the votes. So is it better that we put it to the vote so everybody sees that we are divided when we know that we are? Thank you.
Matjaž Nemec
I will use my option, I mean, to ask another additional question. I will speak in Slovenian. Pravite, gospa visoka predstavnica, da nimate številk. Pravite, da nimate podpore. Ampak imamo jasno težavo v implementaciji mednarodnega prava v lastnih vrstah, torej v tej ideji, ki bi bila zgrajena na paktu miru.
In zato vam predlagam, zato da se boste sprostila pritiskov, ki ste jih deležna, da preprosto ta pritisk prenesete na države članice. Dajte na glasovanje sankcije proti Izraelu, zato da se jasno vidi, kje lahko državljani vplivajo na lastno politiko, zato da se sprejme tisto, kar je mednarodno pravo in da se ga tudi implementira.
Hvala lepa.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you. But if we don't have support for that, how do we then stick to it? Then it's actually the opposite. So yes, if I push this and I deliver or transfer the pressure to the member states, I feel better about myself, but does it bring any result? It's not bringing any result.
So it's not about how I feel, because I need to bring all the member states together. And at the moment, we don't have that. We are testing with different things, and we got the violent settlers, which was also blocked because it's clearly, you know, getting worse. So the public opinion of different member states is also changing in order to put the pressure on those member states to really go forward. But I mean, I'm not doing this in order to feel better.
I'm doing this in order to achieve results. Thanks.
Ok, andiamo avanti, onorevole Tinkinen.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Grazie. Dear President, the oppression of the Iranian people is undeniable. Their desperate plea for help in the face of overwhelming brutality from the Islamic regime is also undeniable. An entire people have been cut off from the internet for months, silencing their voices. In this internet blackout, they are intimidated, imprisoned and executed.
This is an actual open-air prison. The EU's reaction has been disgraceful. Instead of helping liberate the people and getting rid of the Islamic regime, Europe has decided to take the path of weakness. European leaders want to get back to diplomacy with these fanatics, even if that condemns the Iranian people to live under oppression forever. My question to the High Representative Gaja Kallas is, how do you see that EU's diplomatic approach towards the regime has concretely helped the oppressed Iranians?
Thank you.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you. Has the war that has been started helped the oppressed Iranians? I mean, we clearly see since the 28th of, was it the end of January when it started? So, you know, the situation actually for the Iranian people has gotten worse because of the military action. So that's not helping either.
We need to have a diplomatic solution. I mean, it's impossible to erase Iran from the ground and it's not our intention because the people of Iran, you know, with their culture and all this deserve a chance. And we use the tools that are in our toolbox. So, and we are trying to have the diplomatic results and in the end there has to be a diplomatic solution because the war is just bringing more chaos to not only the Iranians but everybody because of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. We see the rise of the energy prices that everybody's feeling.
We see the fertilizers that are not coming through. 54% of fertilizers going to Sudan, for example, are coming from the Strait of Hormuz, or via the Strait of Hormuz. So if they don't have the fertilizers this year, there's going to be famine next year. Is it better because of this war in the region? I will put two question marks there.
Thank you.
Thank you, Mrs. Joveva. There is no reply at this stage of round.
Irena Joveva
Thank you. Hvala. Gospa Kallas, vaše obrazne mimike, ko recimo dobivate vprašanja glede dvojnih standardov Evropske unije, ne ostanejo neopažene in to ni mišljeno kot kritika, ker imam osebno recimo jaz veliko raje to kot neko prisiljeno politično korektnost. Ampak problem je, da imajo številni evropski državljanke in državljani občutek, da Bruselj postaja bolj utrujen od vprašanj o Gazi kot pa od lastne politične nemoči. In komisija, v kateri sedite tudi vi, se bo menda sestajala s talibani v imenu pragmatične diplomacije.
Hkrati pa pri izraelski vladi ves čas poslušamo predvsem, česa vse Unija ne more storiti, če prav je, če mene vprašate, bolj pošteno reči noče. Zato vas sprašujem, če verjamete, da je treba politično vplivati celo na talibane, zakaj ta ista logika izgine pri Benjaminu Netanjahuju? Se pravi, kje je danes tista dejanska rdeča črta Evropske unije ali pa vaša? Zato ker posledic tega, da imamo vse te črte nekako pomešane, ne čuti več samo Gaza, čuti jih vsa regija in v bistvu tudi vedno bolj Evropa. Hvala.
High Representative Kallas.
Kaja Kallas
I'm not sure I got your question. I got your criticism, though. Thank you for that. But when it comes to Taliban, then of course I'm aware of the situation. It's not my services directly that are dealing with these issues and it's more the issue of migration.
But I agree with you that if we have put, you know, conditions in place that we don't engage, then if these conditions are not changed, then why are we changing our posture? I mean, we should keep the same line. So I totally agree with you there. But maybe you can specify your question again because I'm not sure I got the full point of it. Thank you.
Oh, sorry, you don't have the right anymore. No, actually, for the second round, there is no follow-up question. Very sorry. I will now ask Mr. Steer, 672, Mr. Steer.
Davor Ivo Stier
High Representative, you have been asked time and again to put forward proposals to the Council even if you know that they will not get an approval, but just to show how the member states are voting and how are divided. I believe that that will not show us in a stronger position. Nevertheless, I would like to ask you what other measures can be conducive and that can be also supported by this Parliament in order to get a unified position of the European Union.
Kaja Kallas
We have really analyzed, you know, all the, you know, tools that we have in our hands and put also forward proposals that could go through, some of them requiring the qualified majority. But even those haven't gone through really. So we have already done the measures that the Commission can do on our side when it comes to suspension of funds and such things. But it doesn't have that effect on Israel that especially when America is supporting them in all the way, all the steps that they are taking in this, not criticizing like we are criticizing.
So really, I mean, things are changing as well. We see the public opinion that is reflected in member states. So it's also putting pressure on the member states to come up with, you know, new ideas. There was a new approach or proposal by two member states, but even that doesn't have that effect. So it's also not going through.
So the problems we have, we see the situation on the ground, we want to, you know, improve the situation for the people. We are providing humanitarian aid. We are trying to help the Palestinians as much as we can. We are also helping them with the reforms. We are in constant contact with the, you know, peace board as well in terms of execution of the plans or disarmament of Hamas that could also benefit the region, but we don't see many results at the moment.
And unfortunately, Israel is also going into election period, which is making it all more harder. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Parantouris.
Nikolas Farantouris
Αγαπητή ύπατη εκπρόσωπε, αναφερθήκατε προηγουμένως στη Συρία και θέλω να υπενθυμίσω ότι είναι υποχρέωση της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης να προστατεύει κάθε θρησκευτική και εθνική κοινότητα στη Μέση Ανατολή. Αλλά δυστυχώς στη Συρία οι σφαγές και οι διώξεις συνεχίζονται απέναντι σε εθνικές και θρησκευτικές κοινότητες όπως οι Χριστιανοί, οι Αλαουίτες και οι Κούρδοι. Ποια είναι η λογοδοσία του καθεστώτος απέναντι στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση στο πλαίσιο της διμερούς συνεργασίας που υπάρχει και πώς σκοπεύετε να κινηθείτε από εδώ και μπρος προκειμένου το καθεστώς της Συρίας σήμερα να συμμορφωθεί και να σταματήσει επιτέλους διώξεις απέναντι σε εθνικές και θρησκευτικές κοινότητες που περιλαμβάνουν χιλιάδες συνανθρώπους μας στην περιοχή; Ευχαριστώ.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you. So when the Assad regime fell, we actually decided that, you know, we should give Syria a chance. And we had meetings in Jordan, we had meetings in Saudi Arabia with all the regional partners as well as the international actors like European Union, like United States, to really, you know, give Syria a chance because this means also more stability for the region. Now, of course, we are also asking the inclusivity of the government and also try to help them in different ways so that they can address all these issues. I absolutely agree with you, practicing religion and considering Syria has a very different groups, it has to comprise and give a chance to all of them.
So we had the high-level political dialogue with Syria last week, where we also were addressing all these issues and also asking where they need help. And I'm in contact with the regional partners as well in terms of where they need help, where can we help, where can they help. For example, the reform of their systems so that there is accountability for the crimes committed. And you know, it's it's not easy also for them. You know, we the we can't say that it's all stable and and peaceful.
Like you mentioned, there are, you know, events happening. But I think when we have the choice of of really engaging with them or not engaging with them, then we had the sanctions in place for the Assad regime. When it fell, we took the decision that we are trying to help them also on their path to have inclusivity. Thank you.
Thank you. I will now call Mr. Volgin.
Petar Volgin
Yes. I'm speaking Bulgarian. Госпожо Калас, в Европейския съюз има държави, които казват да още преди да са чули какво ги питат от Вашингтон. Този факт бе потвърден от Марко Рубио, който за съжаление посочи и моята държава България сред тези страни. Пак със съжаление трябва да допълня, че в Европа има и други правителства, подчинени на Вашингтон.
Ръководството на Европейския съюз също не показва, че е склонно да води независима от Съединените щати политика. Да, в момента вие демонстрирате някакво недоволство срещу Доналд Тръмп, но това е недоволство срещу сегашния президент. Ако във Вашингтон управлява друг президент, например Камала Харис, то тогава брюкселският елит отново ще се превърне в пудел на Съединените щати. Моят конкретен въпрос към Вас е: защо Европейската комисия страда от такава липса на принципност? Не реагирахте, не осъдихте отвличането на законно избрания венецуелски президент Николас Мадуро, не реагирахте на абсолютно незаконните атаки на американските и израелските сили срещу Иран.
Как Европейската комисия и кога Европейската комисия ще прояви повече смелост и повече принципност? Благодаря ви.
I was waiting and waiting when you come to the Middle East. I mean, because, you know, the question hour is about Middle East. In your last sentence, I think we reached there, but I was not sure what was the question. Thank you.
Thank you very much. Last speaker, Barry Andrews.
Speaker 117
Yes, it's one hour. I'm very sorry. And we respect a certain order and it's not about privilege, it's just like that. Very sorry.
Barry Andrews
Thank you, President. Yes, I understand all the points you've made about trade and the member states, and I think everybody will continue to campaign for a suspension of the association agreement. In the meantime, we can actually implement the existing law. As you know, settlement goods are treated differently to goods that are made in Israel. They are subject of a tariff.
I asked the EU delegation in Palestine to estimate the value of trade between the settlements and the European Union, and he told me it was 50 million euro. However, we're all very aware of a widespread practice of mislabeling, so that what is presented as settlement goods is in fact made in Israel. The extent of this mislabeling is estimated to be up to 90% in certain goods. Therefore, what I'm asking you to do, HRVP, is to look at this whole question, find out what the real volume of trade is, look at the rules of origin, and explore the question of whether or not we can properly stand over the labeling of goods that are said to be from Israel but are most likely to be from the settlements.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you, thank you for your question and sorry for all those who didn't get to have a question. I try to answer shortly so you all have possibility, but an hour is an hour. On the trade with settlements, so we have really looked into this and of course, you know, it's not entirely my remit, but also our trade people have looked into this. We have the numbers that since 2015, the percentage of the trade from the settlements is around 0.5%. Also, the point that you made, the labeling.
This has been raised by the member states and the problem is that we looked into this and it's very hard to actually see how this, how we could prevent this. Because the circumvention via exports from Israel is difficult to prevent if we don't have the suspension of the trade with Israel as a whole, because we don't have mechanisms to really go after. Yes, it's true if we start to read the labels and see the addresses where it's coming from, but it is a lot of work considering that it doesn't have that impact. That is the assessment currently on the table. Thank you.
Speaker 117
High Representative, yeah, the question time is 60 minutes, it's very strict and we have to obey a certain turn of people. And I am, I can guarantee you that it's made following all the rules that are imposed to us. So the debate is now closed. The next item on the agenda is statement by the Vice-President on the Commission High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Europe's response to reduce US military deployments in Europe, particularly as its eastern flank in the light of the latest US decision. Mrs. Kallas, you have the floor.
Kaja Kallas
Dear President, honorable members, Europe faces the most dangerous security environment since the end of the Cold War. I see the main challenges for European security today in the deterioration of the threat environment and our capability to act on that. First, on the threat environment. Russia is gearing up for long-term confrontation with the West. Whether Putin dares to test European defenses is really dependent on us.
Deterrence only works when it is credible. Showing weakness only invites aggression. Moscow spends around 8% of its GDP on military. It has shifted to war economy, basically tanks, missiles, artillery are pretty much everything that Russia is producing right now. European intelligence services and military officials are clear-eyed when it comes to Russia, that Russia's endgame is not only Ukraine.
It is the threat to whole of Europe. We all know that Russia wants to achieve this. Many of our national intelligence agencies believe that Russia could test the EU's defense readiness within the next three to five years. Already today, we see an increase of airspace violations, cyberattacks, sabotage against critical infrastructure and widespread disinformation campaigns. It is clear that Russia will remain a long-term threat.
And Russia is not acting alone, countries like Iran and North Korea are actively undermining European security. The second challenge concerns transatlantic relations. Since the end of the Second World War, the United States has been the guarantor of European security. Tens of thousands of American troops are currently stationed in Europe. The US military footprint in Europe is the major contributor to NATO's deterrence and defense.
But Washington's geopolitical priorities are shifting. We have known this already for a while. It was anticipated that the US might withdraw troops from Europe because Washington is increasingly shifting its focus towards the Indo-Pacific and the Western Hemisphere. The Pentagon has now halted planned deployments of American troops to Poland and Germany. These announcements are part of this broader trend.
But NATO deterrence remains intact. And NATO will continue to maintain strong presence on its eastern flank because now is not the time to look weak. The presence of American soldiers in Europe is in our interest, but it's also in US interest. The message is clear: Europe must take greater responsibility for its own defense. To keep our country safe, we must continue to strengthen European defense readiness.
And this means increasing defense spending, closing capability gaps and scaling up European defense production. All this comes with costs, but deterring aggression is cheaper than fighting a war. Honorable members, these challenges are not temporary shocks. They are likely here to stay. And they will shape Europe's security for decades to come.
So what must Europe do? First, we must continue to support Ukraine. Ukraine is the first line of European defense. Ukrainians are not only defending their own country, they are also defending Europe and buying Europe time to strengthen its own defenses. We need to increase our economic, military and political support to Ukraine.
Europe already provides the largest share of assistance, but we need to do more. The European Union is doing the heavy lifting, including the 90 billion loan. Second, we must strengthen Europe's own military capabilities. Defense spending is increasing across Europe. That is necessary and welcome.
But Europe still lacks a number of capabilities, which are often too costly or complex for any single member state to procure alone. And that is what we have to focus on. Not only about how much we spend, but whether we spend it wisely. We need to think more European. And third, Europe must strengthen its defense industry.
Money alone does not create security if production cannot keep up. If increased defense spending only leads to longer waiting times, order backlogs, it doesn't work.
And fourth, Europe must deepen and build partnerships with like-minded countries. The more reliable partners Europe has, the stronger and safer Europe becomes. We need stronger cooperation with partners such as United Kingdom, Canada, Norway, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand. And finally, we must improve Europe's decision-making. Today's security environment moves fast.
Too often, Europe does not. Europe's reliance on unanimity often prevents action at the speed required. So, we need to move on that. Dear President, honorable members, the assumptions that shaped our security for decades no longer hold. Europe must take greater responsibility for its own security, not in some times in the future, now.
We need to be really at this point. The good news is that Europe has faced historic turning points before and each time we have emerged stronger and there is no reason we cannot do it again. Thank you.
Thank you. Do I see Mr. Pascual de la Parte? Do I see you coming and running in the alley? So, be careful, don't fall. We like to be on time, but still don't take any risk.
All right. You're going to look for your breath when you're going to talk, but you have one and a half minute, please.
Nicolás Pascual de la Parte
Thank you very much. I think that the point here that is bringing us together is regardless of what the Americans are deciding in this part of Europe, the European Union has to accelerate our preparedness 2030. Regardless of what the Americans do, we have to accelerate and to speed up. Time is of need and of the essence and I think that we have no time to lose. First, we have to decide at what time and at what pace we have to develop our technological and industrial base with a European preference.
And at the same time, we have to start thinking European and not national. We cannot have 27 national fragmented markets. We need an integrated market for the for the for the defense. And the European Union for defense means also to have common command and control structures and that means also an integrated change of command. We need also common capabilities, shared capabilities and that means joint procurement.
And we need as well to have the possibility to develop a political will in in in a unified manner. And that means determination and clear ideas. We have the instruments there, the political and legal instruments approved last year, whether the the new white book on defense, the roadmap and now we are preparing, the Commission is preparing the European strategy for security 2026. Here we need as well our fast reaction forces with a new level of ambitions. 5,000 contingent is not enough.
We need much more to be fast, this rapid reaction force. And at the end of the day, we have to act united and quickly. Again, regardless of what the Americans are deciding concerning their presence in Europe. Thank you very much.
Thank you. I will now call Mene Reuten, alsjeblieft, u heeft één minuut spreken voor S&D.
Speaker 298
President, colleagues, dear High Representative, thank you for what you just said because I agree with what you said. But to the member states, I would ask how much proof do we need that Europe needs to strengthen its own defense and deterrence? Now is the time for bold action, no more incremental improvements. Now is the time for European solutions. We are stronger than the sum of our parts.
Now is the time for European confidence. Our deterrence gap is not just a matter of capabilities, it's also mentality and doctrine.
Many will say this is a wake-up call. It's not. We have been woken up many times before but we dozed off again, hitting the snooze button like a complacent teenager relying on daddy to wake him up. Enough of that. Enough.
But I'm talking to the wrong person because the High Representative and Mr. Kubilius are not the problem. We urgently need real progress on the European Defence Union, including an operational Article 42.7 and real autonomous European pillar of NATO. And mostly, we need to realize that Ukraine's European integration is a security necessity. Member states, stop holding us back and endangering us all. Thank you.
Merci Monsieur Thionnet. Pour les Patriotes, vous avez une minute et demie.
Pierre-Romain Thionnet
Madame la Haute Représentante, vous l'avez dit, le désengagement américain de l'Europe se poursuivra après le mandat de Trump car l'orientation profonde de Washington est claire. L'Europe n'est plus un théâtre prioritaire pour les États-Unis et les forces armées européennes doivent garantir elles-mêmes la dissuasion conventionnelle sur le continent. À cette redirection de long terme vient s'ajouter une crise de confiance et une incertitude dans la relation transatlantique. Or l'incertitude est peut-être le pire ennemi des états-majors et des stratèges. Dans cette situation, nous avons deux impératifs.
D'abord, les États européens doivent être capables de garantir une dissuasion conventionnelle sur le continent, donc accélérer sur la voie de l'autonomie. Mais surtout, la confiance entre alliés du vieux continent doit être totale et durable. C'est pourquoi, alors que l'élection présidentielle française aura lieu dans un an et que mon parti est bien placé pour l'emporter, je souhaite affirmer dans cet hémicycle notre position. Avec nous, la France garantira ses engagements sur le flanc est de l'Europe, de la Baltique à la mer Noire. En Roumanie comme nation-cadre, en Estonie dans le cadre du bataillon multinational ou encore dans l'espace aérien des pays baltes.
Chers collègues, le contexte pardon n'invite ni à la panique ni à la dispersion. Donnons-nous les moyens de dissuader quiconque nous menacerait, et cela même si nous devions être seuls. Ce n'est pas un plan B, c'est une question de vie ou de mort. Je vous remercie.
Thank you Mr. Jaki. You have the floor for one and a half minutes speaking for ECR.
Patryk Jaki
Dziękuję pani przewodnicząca, pani komisarz, pytacie dlaczego Ameryka wycofuje swoje wojska z Europy. Prezydent nawrocki prawie rok temu zapewnił obecność amerykańskich żołnierzy w Polsce. Od tego czasu jednak prawie na każdej sesji tego parlamentu słyszę wulgarną krytykę Ameryki. Wasi politycy dają upust najniższym emocjom codziennie i nawet zorganizowaliście tutaj w parlamencie wulgarną wystawę obrażającą prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych. A premier Tusk pozwolił sobie nawet zakwestionować USA jako sojusznika.
No i macie co chcieliście. I co jesteście z siebie dumni? Czy to przypadkiem nie wy jako pierwsi proponowaliście, że użyję waszego sformułowania, głodzić finansowo państwa, które was krytykują? Przypomnę, jesteśmy silniejsi, więc zablokujemy Polsce, Węgrom pieniądze, bo nas krytykują. I co?
I dzisiaj Ameryka zastosowała dokładnie te same narzędzia wobec was, które wy stosowaliście już od dawna. I jesteście zdziwieni? I teraz tak. Tylko że teraz koszty mogą być znacznie większe, ponieważ możemy stracić konieczną nam pomoc w zdolnościach, których po prostu nie mamy. I wymienię tylko tak: niezależne odstraszanie nuklearne, bombowce strategiczne dalekiego zasięgu, których nie mamy, wywiad strategiczny i rozpoznanie, broń precyzyjna dalekiego zasięgu, to samo jeżeli chodzi o duże lotniskowce czy wielowarstwową obronę przeciwrakietową.
To możemy stracić. A co zyskaliście pytam? Co swoim prymitywnym upustem swoim emocjom, jakieś lajki, bo pokrytykowaliście prezydenta Trumpa w mediach społecznościowych? A co z odpowiedzialnością za bezpieczeństwo 450 milionów obywateli Europy? Od lat marnowaliście europejskie pieniądze na politykę gender, nielegalną migrację czy ideologiczną politykę klimatyczną.
Więc tak naprawdę to was trzeba przerotować, a nie amerykańskich żołnierzy.
Thank you, Mr. Kobosko. You have one minute, please, speaking for Renew.
Michał Kobosko
Thank you, Madam Vice-President, colleagues. It is in the interest of Poland, Europe, and also the United States itself that American troops remain in Europe and continue to train alongside us. It's also important to note that Poland has for years contributed financially to hosting American soldiers. Dear American friends, do you really want to send such a signal at a moment when Russia and Belarus are demonstrating their readiness and, since yesterday, are conducting nuclear military exercises? Today's blame game in Europe, we heard an example just a while ago, today's blame game in Europe over who offended or provoked the Americans is a waste of time and energy.
All democratic and non-pro-Russian forces should stand together. Poland has proven that it's a loyal and reliable ally. Loyal allies expect partnerships, predictability, and mutual respect. Sadly, I must say today to our American friends, your European ally is disappointed. Let's work together to overcome this crisis.
Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Staķis. You have one minute and a half, please.
Mārtiņš Staķis
Thank you, Mr. President, and dear colleagues. I serve as a volunteer in Latvian Armed Forces. My wife also serves, and our son has joined as well. In Latvia and in our region, this is normal. But Europe as a whole face one problem that too many politicians avoid to say out loud.
We simply do not have enough military personnel. Our plan A remains NATO and Article 5, and it must stay that way. Every day we train side by side with our allies from Europe and across Atlantic, and I hope that never change. But the truth is, Europe simply does not have enough soldiers, enough officers, enough instructors, or enough people capable leading operations independently. Our armies are too small.
Without people, there will be no European command centers, no rapid reaction units, no credible European Defense Union. The Baltic states, Finland, Germany, and others are already showing the way. Military service must return in one form or another. Conscription, voluntary systems, or randomized model like we have in Latvia, the form can differ. The principle cannot.
Europe need more people in uniform. And this is not the job of armed forces, this is a job of politicians. Thank you.
Speaker 300
Thank you, Mrs. Demirel, speaking for the Left, you have one minute, please.
Özlem Demirel
Danke schön, Frau Präsidentin. Wenn die USA ihre Truppenpräsenz in Europa reduzieren wollen, dann müsste die Antwort doch eigentlich lauten: Ja, bitteschön, ja, Yankee go home. Das hätte man übrigens auch schon vor Jahrzehnten sagen müssen. Doch statt einer eigenständigen europäischen Sicherheitsarchitektur des Friedens, der Abrüstung und der gemeinsamen Sicherheit mit allen Staaten dieses Kontinents aufzubauen, hielt man fest an die Militärbündnis NATO. Selbst wenn man dafür sicherheitspolitisch von den USA abhängig war, war man schließlich Nutznießer dieser Ordnung.
Und heute, da reagieren dieselben Kräfte so nervös auf die Trump-Administration, die auf der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz noch Beifall geklatscht haben für Rubios unsägliche Rede von der Verteidigung der westlichen Zivilisation.
Doch Ihre transatlantische Partnerschaft hat keine Zivilisation gefördert, sondern Ihren Machtanspruch mit Gewalt in die Welt getragen. Und selbst wenn die europäischen Staaten manchmal nicht Teil der NATO-Kriege waren, waren europäische Basen dafür entscheidend, wie jetzt im Irak. Und deshalb heißt es: Ja, Yankee go home! Und deshalb heißt es: Schließt die US-Militärbasen in Europa und in Deutschland! Und wir brauchen nicht die EU-Militärunion, sondern wir brauchen endlich Frieden auf diesem Kontinent.
Und dafür müssten Sie sich auch einsetzen, Frau Kallas.
Thank you. Mr. Serf from ESN, you have one minute, please.
Hans-Thomas Tillschneider
Angela Merkel hat heute hier einen Verdienstorden bekommen. Sie hat fast alles falsch gemacht, aber in einer Sache hatte sie recht: Friedrich Merz kann es nicht. Deutschland kommt nicht aus der Krise. Die Industrie wandert ab, die Arbeitslosigkeit steigt, die Infrastruktur bröckelt, die Krankenkassen sind pleite, die innere Sicherheit ist verloren und das Sondervermögen für die deutsche Bundeswehr ist wirkungslos verpufft. Aber statt sich um diese Probleme zu kümmern, spielt der Kanzler lieber den Weltpolitiker.
Vor Schülern im Sauerland erklärte er, dass die USA im Irak gedemütigt würden. Trump hat daraufhin, war er so sauer, dass er den Abzug von 5.000 amerikanischen Soldaten aus der Oberpfalz angekündigt hat. Deutschland ist nicht verteidigungsfähig. Wir wollen das ändern. Das erreichen wir aber nicht, indem wir die eigenen Probleme ignorieren und stattdessen den Amerikanern die Welt erklären.
Wir müssen zuerst vor der eigenen Haustür kehren. Wir müssen illegale Migranten abschieben, um unsere Sozialsysteme zu retten. Wir müssen unsere Kernkraftwerke reaktivieren, damit wir unsere Industrie nicht verlieren. Und wir müssen die Bundeswehr besser ausrüsten, damit wir uns auch ohne amerikanische Hilfe verteidigen können. Das wären die Aufgaben für Friedrich Merz.
Er will das ja auch, aber wir sehen, er kann es nicht.
Hélder Sousa Silva
Senhora Presidente, Senhora Alta Representante, há políticas que se fazem por palavras e há políticas que se confessam por gestos. E em matéria de defesa, os gestos não mentem. A redução da presença militar americana no nosso continente, particularmente da Alemanha ao flanco leste, é prova de uma tendência e não de um acaso. Não cabe, por isso, à Europa lamentar. Temos de respeitar, mas essencialmente temos de assumir as nossas responsabilidades.
A aliança transatlântica da NATO continua a ser a pedra angular da nossa segurança e defesa e queremos continuar a sê-lo em pé de igualdade dos dois lados do Atlântico. Mas a parte que nos cabe, essa ninguém fará por nós. Por isso, investir em capacidades é necessário e é urgente. Investir em pessoas, em recursos humanos, é indispensável. Recrutar, formar, reter e dignificar quem veste a farda, eis o verdadeiro teste de prontidão europeia.
Por isso, vejamos assim como esta decisão uma grande oportunidade, uma oportunidade de aumentar as nossas capacidades, mas também essencialmente de aumentar a nossa soberania em matéria de segurança e defesa. Eu vejo esta proposta como positiva. Muito obrigado.
Thank you. Mr. Kremer, you have one minute, please.
Moritz Körner
Are the Americans still prepared to defend Europe? We keep asking that question. But colleagues, it's the wrong one. The real question is not whether America's ready to defend Europe, but whether Europe is actually ready to defend Europe. Because let's be honest, American troop reduction shouldn't come as a surprise.
For years we have known that if NATO is to remain transatlantic, it must first become more European. And that makes sense. We are the second biggest economy in the world. We have the strongest social model on the planet. And we should be ready and honestly proud to defend our European values against outside threats.
And that makes sense. We are the second biggest economy in the world. We have the strongest social model on the planet. And we should be ready and honestly proud to defend our European values against outside threats. And that is why together with a cross-party group of MEPs we are now calling for genuine single market of defense at the heart of a real European defense union.
Not as a replacement for NATO, but as the necessary European pillar for stronger and more equal transatlantic alliance. So colleagues, for the love of God, let's stop hyperventilating about every tweet that comes out of the White House and instead focus on our strength, on building our capabilities, and on defending our continent. Not because of anything Donald Trump says or does, but because Europeans deserve it. Thank you.
Jaroslava Pokorná Jermanová
Vážená paní vysoká představitelko, stažení amerických jednotek z Evropy je studenou sprchou. Buďme ale naprosto upřímní ohledně toho, proč jsme se do této situace dostali. Je to přímý důsledek hluboké diplomatické neschopnosti Bruselu. Po mnoho let se eurobyrokracie nechovala k našemu nejdůležitějšímu bezpečnostnímu partnerovi s respektem, ale s ideologickou arogancí a malicherným moralizováním. Místo budování spolupráce se Brusel posedle soustředil na politické rozdíly a tím úspěšně odcizil našeho hlavního spojence.
Řekněme si nepopiratelnou pravdu. Evropská bezpečnost, NATO a Spojené státy jsou zcela neoddělitelné. Skutečná bezpečnost nespočívá ve fantazii o evropské armádě, kterou prosazuje elita, která není schopna ochránit ani naše vnější hranice. Vyžaduje tvrdý a chladný pragmatismus. Přestaňme s arogantním ukazováním prstem, opusťme federalistické iluze a sjednoťme se s Washingtonem.
Je čas na zdravý rozum.
Adam Bielan
Thank you Mr. Bielan, you have one minute please.
Dziękuję, konkurencja w Europie, również na tej sali, na to kto bardziej obrazi Stany Zjednoczone i jej demokratycznie wybranego prezydenta jest bardzo silna. Ale w tej szkodliwej rywalizacji niewątpliwie w całej Europie wygrywa premier Donald Tusk. Przypomnę, że Tusk bez żadnych dowodów oskarżył prezydenta Trumpa o zdradę stanu. Tak, oskarżył go o wieloletnią współpracę z wrogim wywiadem. Przypomnę, że w USA jest to zbrodnia zagrożona karą śmierci i nigdy się z tych słów nie wycofał.
Tusk jest premierem Polski, kraju któremu jak żadnemu innemu w Unii Europejskiej powinno zależeć na jak najlepszych relacjach z naszym najpotężniejszym sojusznikiem. Szczególnie, że jak twierdzi sam Tusk, w tej chwili grozi nam agresja ze strony Rosji. Nic więc dziwnego, że gdy teraz decydują się losy amerykańskiego kontyngentu w Europie, Tusk nie jest w stanie pojechać na negocjacje do Waszyngtonu, ba on nie jest w stanie nawet zadzwonić do amerykańskiego przywódcy. Lenin nazywał takich jak Tusk pożytecznymi idiotami. Ja w głupotę Tuska po prostu nie wierzę, on robi to z pełną premedytacją.
Prawo i Sprawiedliwość udowodniło, że potrafi budować relacje z USA niezależnie od tego kto urzęduje w Białym Domu, czas na powrót do skutecznej dyplomacji.
Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann
Thank you Mrs. Strack-Zimmermann, you have one minute please.
Frau Vorsitzende, Frau Kallas, ich komme gerade aus dem Trilog Defense Omnibus.
Und meine Damen und Herren, ich kann nur sagen, ich kann eigentlich gar nichts sagen, denn von den drei Paketen, die wir verhandelt haben seit gestern, haben wir eins auf den Weg gebracht, weil der Rat sich nach wie vor hinter nationalen Vorrechten versteckt. Und das steht im Widerspruch zu der Erklärung der Mitgliedstaaten, als sie die Mitgesetzgeber aufforderten, die europäische Verteidigung voranzutreiben. Und das ist ein gefährlicher Vorgang, nämlich eine Kluft zwischen den historischen Worten unserer Regierungschefs und ihrer Fähigkeit, diese mit konkreten Maßnahmen umzusetzen. Das Verteidigungs-Omnibus-Paket wurde nämlich genau deswegen konzipiert, damit Bürokratie abgebaut wird, Genehmigungsverfahren beschleunigt werden, der Rüstungsindustrie Vorrang eingeräumt wird und Europa dabei hilft, seine Produktionskapazitäten auszubauen. Meine Damen und Herren, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, wir können uns das Gequatsche zu Hause nicht weiter erlauben.
Hier haben wir die Chance, etwas zu ändern, und der Rat muss sich bewegen. Wir als Europäisches Parlament sind bereit dazu, alles andere ist scheinheilig.
Thank you, Mrs. Neumann. Yes, please. You have one minute.
Hannah Neumann
Mr. Bielan, Mr. Jaki, one cannot build reliable security on unreliable partners. And by now it should be obvious, Donald Trump is not reliable. You can flatter him, you can appease him, and he will still hit you with tariffs, annexation threats, or troop drawdowns, and none of that will make us safer. The alternative, on the other hand, is clear and simple: strengthen our European defense industry, close our capability gaps, support the eastern flank, and finally act as Europeans and not as 27 nervous clients waiting for Trump's mood of the day. And let us also not forget, America needs Europe too, and US senators know it.
There is no credible US deterrence without bases in Europe. There is no American defense industry without European buyers, and there is no American global power without European support. Despite all of this, the Council still shies away and is blocking every step towards a truly European Defense Union. They are too slow, too national, too late. Dear colleagues, let us finally unite our efforts to prevent war, not wait for war to unite us.
Merci, Mr. Bütikofer. Vous avez une minute, s'il vous plaît.
Marc Botenga
Merci, Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute Représentante. Ben, j'entends ici des gens qui pleurnichent un peu parce que les États-Unis retirent quelques milliers de soldats. Pourtant, en réalité, disons-le, ce qu'on voit, c'est que c'est des gangsters qui partent, hein. Parce que c'était quoi le deal ? Soit vous venez me soutenir en Iran en menant une guerre illégale, je sais bien que vous n'avez pas été capables de condamner la guerre illégale des États-Unis et d'Israël contre l'Iran, mais ça reste une violation de la Charte des Nations Unies, soit je m'en vais.
En gros, ils disaient, ce sont les Européens qui doivent tuer les écolières en Iran. Eh ben, heureusement qu'on a dit non à ça, qu'ils dégagent. Deuxièmement, on a des champions qui disent, ben comme ils partent, alors nous on doit massivement militariser, hein, on doit suivre le modèle américain, hein, plus d'armes, moins de pensions, moins d'écoles, moins d'hôpitaux. Mais c'est du n'importe quoi. On a déjà beaucoup plus d'armes que les Russes.
Et en plus, on lit tous les jours dans les journaux que les Russes sont en difficulté, hein, qu'ils n'ont plus de chars, ils n'arrivent même plus à faire le défilé à Moscou. Ben alors, on n'est pas obligés de choisir. Choisissons une autre voie, la voie de la paix, de la diplomatie. Et pour cela, il y aura une grosse mobilisation à Bruxelles le 14 juin, je vous invite tous, chers collègues, comme ça vous sortez un peu et vous vous mettez du côté des gens qui se mobilisent pour le welfare not warfare. Merci.
Merci, Mr. Niehoff. You have one minute, please.
Hans Neuhoff
Die Vereinigten Staaten ziehen Truppen ab, die sie im Zuge der Ukraine-Krise nach Europa verlegt hatten. Das war politisch angekündigt und daher absehbar.
Wer sich nun sorgt, die USA würden Europa bald ganz im Stich lassen, kann sich beruhigt auf die andere Seite drehen. Großmächte pflegen ihre Vasallen gelegentlich zittern zu lassen. Aufgeben werden die USA ihren Brückenkopf nach Eurasien aber bestimmt nicht. Der wahre Feind Europas ist nicht die Russische Föderation, sondern der islamische Totalitarismus. Er bedroht die offenen Gesellschaften nicht nur von außen, sondern auch von innen, unterstützt von den linksgrünen Zeloten dieses Parlaments.
Die eigentliche Frage lautet daher nicht, ob Amerika bleibt. Die Frage lautet, ob Europa erwachsen wird. Wer strategische Autonomie predigt, darf nicht zugleich seine sicherheitspolitische Mündigkeit in Washington bestellen. Es passt nicht zusammen, sich rhetorisch von den USA zu emanzipieren, praktisch aber immer neue Waffen bei ihnen zu kaufen. Vielen Dank.
Speaker 312
Man hat den Eindruck, manche in Europa haben mit dem Krieg in der Ukraine vollkommen den Verstand verloren. Sie, Frau Kallas, möchten Russland zerschlagen. Der deutsche CDU-Abgeordnete Kiesewetter will, dass Europa auf die Kapitulation Russlands hinarbeitet. Und Nico Lange von der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz frohlockt: Ja, man kann Russland besiegen. Fast scheint es, als wollten einige in Europa den Feldzug ihrer Großväter gen Osten fortsetzen, der durch die deutsche Kapitulation 1945 unterbrochen wurde.
Nach Ihrem Willen soll der Stellvertreterkrieg der NATO in der Ukraine zum europäischen Krieg gegen Russland werden. Es sind diese Maulhelden, die Europas Sicherheit gefährden und die sich selber sofort aus dem Staub machen, wenn ihre verbale Saat aufgeht. Der berühmte Schriftsteller Remarque hat es treffend formuliert: Ich dachte immer, jeder Mensch sei gegen den Krieg, bis ich herausfand, dass es welche gibt, die dafür sind, besonders die, die nicht hingehen müssen. Hören Sie endlich auf damit, einen Krieg herbeizureden. Die Menschen in Europa wollen Frieden.
Daniel Buda
Stimați colegi, timp de decenii, parteneriatul între SUA și Europa a fost coloana vertebrală a lumii libere. Generații întregi au crescut fără frica războiului, deoarece au știut că dincolo de ocean există un aliat care nu abandonează libertatea atunci când aceasta este amenințată. Astăzi însă lumea se schimbă. Dislocarea trupelor americane de pe flancul estic nu este doar o problemă a Europei. Istoria ne-a învățat un adevăr dureros.
Atunci când democrațiile ezită, agresorii capătă curaj. Atunci când aliații se îndoiesc unii de alții, pacea devine fragilă. Flancul estic nu apără doar România, Polonia sau statele baltice, ci și stabilitatea întregii lumi libere. Prezența americanilor nu este doar o desfășurare strategică de trupe. Este dovada că articolul 5 din NATO nu este doar un text într-un tratat, ci o promisiune vie între națiuni, o necesitate a zilei de astăzi.
Iar în același timp, Europa trebuie să înțeleagă un adevăr. O Europă puternică are obligația de a deveni și o Europă capabilă să se apere, într-un parteneriat strâns cu Statele Unite ale Americii. Împreună putem garanta pacea și securitatea lumii. Mulțumesc.
Krzysztof Śmiszek
Nasz największy sojusznik przestał być przewidywalny, a jego pochopne decyzje narażają nasze bezpieczeństwo. Prawica chce przed nim klękać i błagać. My, my musimy być odpowiedzialni i budować własną siłę. Musimy być odważni, a nie tchórzyć, tak jak prawica, także ta polska. Chcemy wielkiej zjednoczonej Europy, nie rozbitego na kawałki kontynentu.
Żądamy Europy wielkiej od Lizbony, przez Berlin, przez Warszawę, aż po niepodległy Kijów. Jako Europa musimy mówić nie tylko siłą argumentów, ale także argumentem siły. Nadszedł czas, abyśmy przestali się bać. To my jesteśmy ojczyzną demokratycznych narodów całego świata. Dzisiaj rano słuchaliśmy ludzi, którzy mieli odwagę marzyć o zjednoczonym kontynencie i którzy potrafili tę wizję urzeczywistnić.
To dzięki takim liderom jak Lech Wałęsa czy Aleksander Kwaśniewski mój kraj, Polska, mogła dołączyć do Unii Europejskiej i NATO, filarów naszego bezpieczeństwa, wolności i rozwoju. Apeluję do amerykańskich sojuszników: miejcie odwagę kontynuować partnerstwo, które przez dekady było fundamentem bezpieczeństwa naszego i waszego. Wiedzcie, że my Europejczycy jesteśmy lojalni, ale wiedzcie też, że z pewnością nie przestaniemy walczyć o bezpieczny kontynent. Nie będziemy brać wolności za pewnik. Wy, amerykańscy sojusznicy, też nie powinniście.
Dziękuję.
Cristian Terheş
Thank you, Mr. Teres. You have one minute, please. Try all to stick to your time.
Thank you. Dear colleagues, the latest US decisions to reduce military developments and deployments in Europe, including cancel troops rotation to Poland and Romania, should be viewed as an opportunity, not a crisis. Since Obama years, Washington has signaled its strategic shift away from Europe, yet most European countries failed to strengthen their own defense. It was President Trump's first term that finally forced Europe to take the defense seriously and move towards higher spending commitment. While Poland and other countries on the eastern flank have dramatically increased their military capabilities and budgets, too many Western European countries continue to underinvest and delay meaningful defense actions.
We must stay committed to NATO and the transatlantic alliance, but friendship with America cannot mean dependency, as the Americans also said. To be strong again, Europe needs to rebuild its own industry, increase ammunition and air defense production, secure its border and achieve energy independence. The message must be clear: to Moscow, that Europe will not be intimidated; to Washington, that we will carry our own fair share; and to our citizens, that peace is protected by strength. Europe must and can stand on its own feet and protect itself. Thank you.
Nathalie Loiseau
Merci, Madame Loiseau. Vous avez une minute.
Donald Trump a raison. Oui, vous avez bien entendu, Donald Trump a raison, il est temps que l'Europe prenne en charge et assure sa propre défense. C'est bien le moins que nous devons à nos concitoyens, être capables de dissuader une agression extérieure et les défendre si nécessaire. C'est le choix qu'a fait la France depuis soixante ans, celui de l'autonomie stratégique, et c'est celui qu'elle propose à l'Europe depuis près de dix ans. Malgré tout, Donald Trump se trompe.
Au lieu d'aider à la mise en place de la défense européenne, il s'acharne à l'entraver. Pire, il fragilise l'OTAN au moment même où la menace russe n'a jamais été aussi flagrante et alors même qu'il n'existe à ce jour aucune alliance militaire aussi robuste ni aussi respectée. Mais assez parlé de Donald Trump.
Mettons-nous sérieusement au travail pour faire du pilier européen de l'OTAN le cœur du réacteur de l'Alliance et pour arrimer l'Ukraine à la défense de notre continent. C'est notre intérêt, c'est notre urgence, il n'y a plus une minute à perdre. Nous avons perdu la certitude que nous pouvons compter demain sur les États-Unis pour nous défendre, alors faisons en sorte qu'on doive compter avec l'Europe.
Merci, meneer Van Lanschot, u heeft één minuut alstublieft.
Reinier Van Lanschot
Europe has been blindsided by Trump many times: threatening Greenland, betraying Ukraine. But for once, Trump is just doing what he said he would. The withdrawal of American soldiers from Germany and Poland should not come as a surprise to anyone who has listened to the US in the past years. At this point, I don't even blame Trump. I blame European leaders who are shocked, shocked, when they should have seen this coming from miles away.
European leaders, when it comes to our security, hope is a bad strategy. Instead, join our network of 40 MEPs acting across party lines to take our security out of American hands and into our own. Let's build the European Defense Union together. For every 5,000 troops Trump withdraws from Europe, we should replace them with 5,000 of our own. Bottom line: we need our own European defense regardless of the latest clown show coming out of Washington.
And that, by the way, is also the best way to strengthen the North Atlantic Alliance.
Ingeborg Ter Laak
Dank u, mevrouw Strak-Zimmermann, u heeft één minuut alstublieft.
Voorzitter, "If you're not at the table, you're probably on the menu", dat zei Mark Carney. En sommige mensen in Europa vrezen dat wij zelf nu op het menu staan. Maar het tegenovergestelde is waar: een sterker Europa maakt ook het bondgenootschap sterker. Echte partners moeten op eigen benen kunnen staan. De afbouw van Amerikaanse troepen laat zien dat Europa meer verantwoordelijkheid moet nemen voor haar eigen veiligheid.
Als wij onze vrede en veiligheid willen beschermen, moeten we nu handelen. Veiligheid is niet iets van luxe, het is echt de kerntaak van de overheid. Daarom moeten we investeren in defensiecapaciteit, innovatie, defensie-industrie. En ja, Europa moet dat heel snel doen. Maar gelukkig hebben we alles in huis om aan die onderhandelingstafel te gaan zitten.
We moeten dit echter wel samen als Europa doen. Dank u wel.
Vasile Dîncu
Mulțumesc, doamnă comisar, reducerea graduală a prezenței americane trebuie să însemne pentru noi începutul unei noi ere în securitatea noastră. Ce ne spunea înainte doamna Strack-Zimmermann este într-adevăr îngrijorător. Trebuie să facem programele noastre de apărare, propriile programe, să le facem ca lumea. Să luăm câteva exemple: programul SAFE. Programul SAFE deja este plin de controverse în multe țări din Europa.
Riscă să devină un mecanism de îndatorare fără integrare industrială reală. A doua problemă: tensiunea dintre urgența militară și transparența democratică. Procedurile accelerate din SAFE tind să elimine controlul parlamentar în acest moment. A treia controversă: dezechilibre industriale între statele membre. Statele mari se vor dezvolta mai mult, statele mai mici vor rămâne dependente.
A patra problemă este lipsa coordonării europene și este cea mai mare problemă. Fiecare stat cumpără separat, negociază separat și stabilește priorități diferite. Și în fine, avem și dependența de furnizori externi care se va vedea foarte bine. Ne trebuie o arhitectură strategică suficient de clară și pentru SAFE. Mulțumim.
Michał Dworczyk
Thank you, Mr. Dworczyk, you have one minute please.
Bardzo dziękuję, pani przewodnicząca, szanowni państwo, symboliczne, że w piątym roku wojny na Ukrainie europejskie odznaczenie za zasługi przyznano kanclerz Angeli Merkel, promotorce Nord Stream i współpracy z Władimirem Putinem.
Jak widać Unia Europejska wciąż nie potrafi wyciągać wniosków z historii najnowszej. Na szczęście państwa nordyckie, bałtyckie czy Polska już dekadę temu miały trzeźwą ocenę sytuacji. Jako wiceminister obrony w rządzie Prawa i Sprawiedliwości aktywnie uczestniczyłem w rozwoju współpracy strategicznej z USA. Nadaliśmy nowy impuls relacjom transatlantyckim. Przyjęliśmy tysiące amerykańskich żołnierzy, utworzyliśmy nowe struktury, zainwestowaliśmy setki milionów euro w infrastrukturę.
Dzisiaj trzeba podkreślić, wzmacniając wschodnią flankę NATO i obecność amerykańską w regionie, zabezpieczaliśmy trwałość całego europejskiego projektu. Dlatego w ostatnim czasie z rosnącym niepokojem przysłuchuję się europejskiej debacie o budowie bezpieczeństwa w kontrze do USA, której praktycznym wyrazem jest ograniczenie współpracy z naszym najważniejszym militarnym partnerem. Skutkuje to rosnącym negatywnym nastawieniem Waszyngtonu do współpracy z Europą. Biorąc powyższe pod uwagę, proponuję, by kolejna debata dotyczyła odbudowy współpracy transatlantyckiej z udziałem sekretarza generalnego NATO. Dziękuję.
Thank you Mr. Oustrevičius, you have one minute please.
Petras Auštrevičius
Gerbiama posėdžio pirmininke, gerbiama aukštoji atstovė užsienio politikai ir saugumui, gerbiami kolegos. Nors Europa jau prisiėmė ilgalaikius įsipareigojimus didinti savo investicijas į saugumą ir gynybą, JAV karinis buvimas Europoje netapo ir tikrai netaps pertekliniu. Teroristinis Kremliaus režimas pripažįsta ir supranta tiktai vieną kalbą, tai yra jėgą ir stiprumą. Todėl Europos Sąjungos teritorijoje, ypač Europos Sąjungos rytiniame flange, karinių pajėgų ir karinės technikos tiesiog negali mažėti. Pastaruoju metu Rusija stiprina informacinių atakų, vykdomų prieš ypač Baltijos valstybes, frontą.
Taip tikėtina ruošdama dirvą naujoms ir labai pavojingoms provokacijoms. Europos Sąjunga gali ir turi dėti maksimalias pastangas siekdama išlaikyti strateginį JAV karinį buvimą Europoje, ypač ties rytinėmis sienomis, kur dronų, kibernetinių atakų ir nelegalios migracijos grėsmės pačios didžiausios. Kviečiu Europos Sąjungą ir valstybes nares rasti būdus Europos Sąjungai ir JAV lygiavertei partnerystei stiprinti. Dėkoju.
Thank you Mr. Toveri, you have one minute please. Just want to announce you, I'm very sorry, just want, I'm very sorry, just want to announce you that we have finished the catch the eye, so not for you, you have the floor for one minute.
Pekka Toveri
Madam President, High Representative, dear colleagues, US decision to stop rotation of US army brigade to Poland became a surprise. Typically to Trump's administration, it seemed to be a surprise even to the US army and the Congress. However, we have been warned about the reduction of US forces in Europe ever since President Obama's time. So we had ample time to prepare but failed to do so. So what to do now?
Well, let's not cry over the spilled milk. Let's finally accept the fact of US force withdrawal from Europe. This trend will most probably continue even after Trump leaves office. European military forces of NATO and EU countries number around 1.5 million soldiers with around 1 million in reserves. US combat forces represent only around 5% of the European combat power.
Europe can defend itself without United States. Let's concentrate on getting our forces combat ready, reinforce them and build independent European joint capabilities to enable our defense. It will take years, but sooner and faster we act, sooner it will be ready. And meanwhile, let's integrate the strongest army in Europe, the Ukrainian armed forces, to European defense through EU and NATO membership as soon as possible. Slava Ukraini.
Joanna Scheuring-Wielgus
Thank you Mrs. Szuring-Wielgus, you have one minute please.
Pani przewodnicząca, pani komisarz, w kwestii bezpieczeństwa europejskich granic musimy mówić jednym głosem.
Joanna Scheuring-Wielgus
Nie możemy dzielić bezpieczeństwa Europy. Granice na wschodzie są tak samo ważne jak granice na południu. Każdy kilometr europejskiej granicy wymaga absolutnej ochrony i solidarności całej Unii. Dlatego informacje o możliwej redukcji wojsk amerykańskich w Polsce nie są wyłącznie problemem Polski. To sprawa bezpieczeństwa całej Europy.
Dziś mamy zupełnie inne czasy. Rosyjska agresja na Ukrainę pokazała, że Europa musi wreszcie traktować bezpieczeństwo poważnie. Przez lata nie mieliśmy wspólnej polityki obronnej na odpowiednią skalę. Teraz zaczynamy ją powoli budować. Można by powiedzieć, że to za późno, ale powiem to inaczej: lepiej późno niż wcale.
Ale kiedy słyszę o wczorajszych ćwiczeniach wojskowych z użyciem broni jądrowej na Białorusi, zadaję sobie pytanie: czy my jako Europa mamy się temu tylko przyglądać, czy po prostu powinniśmy zacząć działać? Dziękuję.
Thank you, Mr. Brandstetter. You have one minute, please.
Helmut Brandstätter
Thank you, Madam President, dear Vice-President. Americans need Europeans, Europeans need Americans, so it's both ways. Americans are not only here to defend Europe, but also for US power in Europe, in the Middle East and North Africa. Europe is the largest market for American weapons. That should change.
I recently visited Ramstein and also the FBI in Washington, and I found out American officials say we need each other and we should keep on working together. But the problem is the US President, because he doesn't like an independent, he doesn't like a strong Europe, so that means we even have to get stronger. But regardless of what the Americans decide, we the Europeans should take full responsibility for our own defense. A unified European army is the only right way in the medium term. In the short term, we need to coordinate within the EU and cooperate with like-minded countries around the world, and all European governments should understand that.
Thank you.
Jüri Ratas
Thank you, honorable Vice-President, dear colleagues, Vice-President of Commission, Jaka. For decades, transatlantic alliance has been the foundation of Europe's security. The presence of the United States in Europe, especially on NATO's eastern flank, has been essential for our protection. Recent Washington decisions shows the shift in American strategic priorities. Europe must take responsibility for its own defense.
We need higher defense spending, stronger European defense industry. This is vital because Russia continues its war against Ukraine, carries out cyberattacks, and use hybrid tools to destabilize our societies. The eastern border is the frontline of the European and transatlantic security. Any reduction in American presence of the eastern flank must be matched by stronger European capability. Europe's message is clear: transatlantic unit remains our strength, and Europe is ready to carry more weight to protect it.
Thank you.
Thank you, thank you, Mr. Andriukaitis. You have one minute, please.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Madam President, dear Vice-President of the Commission, colleagues. For over 70 years, transatlantic alliance was a backbone of global security. The US decision to reduce troop deployment in Europe is regretful and irresponsible. EU is strong in our soft power globally, but in defense not. We cannot outsource our security forever.
Europe must now take responsibility for its own defense. That means real budget, real capabilities, real EU industry, real joint procurement mechanisms, personal equipment, and also our solidarity in our eastern European Union flank. And it means our unwavering support to Ukraine. In a world this interconnected, any invasion will affect everyone. In Union of 27, all 27 will suffer and bear the consequences if one would be affected.
It is naive to think that being far from eastern flank protects you from aggression. We want a strong EU defense and security union. We want a strong transatlantic partnership, but we can't be held hostage to the mood of any single president. Europe will not be abandoned, will defend itself.
Speaker 325
Arvoisa rouva puhemies. Viime viikonloppuna Suomessa vietettiin kaatuneitten muistopäivää. Me tiedämme, mitä on vapauden ja itsenäisyyden hinta, se on mittaamaton. Jokainen EU-jäsenmaa on vastuussa unionin tulevaisuudesta ja turvallisuudesta. Itäiset rajamaat sekä jokainen, joka näkee, mitä tapahtuu Venäjän hyökkäyssodan myötä Ukrainassa, tietää, että pyrkimys eroon strategisista riippuvuuksista on perustava kalle tulevaisuudelle.
Olipa kyse kiinalaisista komponenteista tai yhdysvaltalaisista joukoista, me emme voi olla tämän mantereen turvallisuuden osalta riippuvaisia muista kuin itsestämme. Ja samalla on löydettävä tahtoa siihen, että jokainen jäsenmaa tekee osansa. Tietysti on hyvä pyrkiä ylläpitämään transatlanttista yhteistyötä, mutta ei sellaisella hinnalla, joka vie turvallisuutemme ja itsenäisyytemme avaimet pois omista käsistämme.
Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz
Szanowni Państwo, miałem przygotowane inne wystąpienie, ale prawdę mówiąc pod wpływem głosów pana Jakiego, Bielana i Dworczyka reprezentujących tu PiS, musiałem je zmienić. Występowali tu nie jako obywatele polscy, ale jako część amerykańskiego ruchu MAGA. Ta mentalna podległość była aż nadto widoczna i było to żenujące, za co przepraszam zgromadzonych. Kiedy polski rząd utrzymuje mimo wszystkich trudności odpowiednie stosunki z USA, kiedy dziś, właśnie dziś mamy komunikat z rozmów polskiego ministra obrony narodowej i sekretarza obrony USA, który potwierdził zaangażowanie amerykańskie we wschodnią flankę, oni krzyczą o karaniu Europy, oni krzyczą i walczą z własnym rządem, Donaldem Tuskiem, Angelą Merkel i własnymi obsesjami. Wykorzystywanie Amerykanów przeciw własnemu krajowi i przeciw Unii, której się jest eurodeputowanym, to nie tylko głupota, to zbrodnia.
Na końcu wasza śmieszność was zabije. Bardzo współczuję włoskim kolegom z EKR takich kolegów.
Dariusz Joński
Bardzo dziękuję, pani przewodnicząca, panie komisarzu. Otóż już dość. Już dość panie Jaki, już dość panie Bielan. Dość już zabawy bezpieczeństwem. Kiedy polscy ministrowie jadą do Stanów Zjednoczonych, kiedy premier i wicepremier odpowiedzialny za obronę narodową rozmawiają z odpowiednikami w Stanach Zjednoczonych, żeby żaden, żaden amerykański żołnierz nie wyjechał z Europy czy z Polski, to wy tu przychodzicie i robicie awanturę.
I oczywiście można się spierać o sprawy krajowe. Ale nie wolno osłabiać też mojego kraju, Polski na arenie międzynarodowej. I zrozumcie to raz na zawsze. Mamy dwie polisy ubezpieczeniowe jako większość krajów Unii Europejskiej, to jest NATO i Unia Europejska i o obydwie musimy bardzo mocno walczyć. I na koniec, kiedyś Churchill powiedział: kłótnie między sobą są luksusem, ale nie możemy sobie pozwolić w obliczu zagrożenia właśnie na te kłótnie.
Apeluję i zrozumcie to raz na zawsze.
Speaker 326
Wycofanie 4000 żołnierzy, przyjęcie przestępcy ściganego przez polskie sądy. Polska nie zasłużyła na takie traktowanie, panie Trump. Obywatele Polski walczyli w Iraku i w Afganistanie i ginęli tam. Wydajemy ponad 5% na zbrojenia, kupujemy waszą broń i budujemy na waszej technologii elektrownię atomową w Polsce. Wierzę, że nastąpi refleksja, bo zjednoczona Europa potrzebuje silnych Stanów Zjednoczonych.
Jednak polityka to nie jest kwestia wiary, tylko działań. Europa musi się głęboko zreformować. Możemy wyjść silniejsi z tego kryzysu. Po pierwsze, armia Europejczyków. Czas stworzyć unijne siły szybkiego reagowania.
Po drugie, europejskie odstraszanie nuklearne. Czas przestać polegać wyłącznie na Ameryce w tym zakresie. Po trzecie, reforma instytucjonalna Unii. Czas odejść od jednomyślności na rzecz głosowania większością 4/5. Europa musi być jeszcze silniejsza.
To nie jest kwestia wyboru, to jest konieczność. Dziękuję bardzo.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Ante la propuesta de Kaja Kallas para que la Unión Europea responda ante la retirada de efectivos militares por parte de Estados Unidos en el este de Europa, la condición necesaria es que la Unión Europea tenga una voz propia, digna de ser escuchada y respetada. Y eso es muy difícil cuando afronta la crítica del doble rasero, enfrentada con Rusia por su agresión contra Ucrania, pero incapaz de decir una palabra audible sobre el genocidio perpetrado por Israel en Gaza o su agresión contra el Líbano, o la acción militar ilegal también de Estados Unidos en Irán, régimen execrable, pero al que no se puede bombardear ilegalmente sin más. Y por supuesto, el doble rasero se exaspera cuando la Comisión Europea invita a los talibanes a negociar retornos de personas refugiadas procedentes de Afganistán en territorio europeo. Por tanto, lo principal es que la Unión Europea madure deprisa, tenga voluntad de ser y disponga los recursos necesarios para ser globalmente relevante también en defensa y seguridad. Gracias, presidenta.
Davor Ivo Stier
Predsjednice, dio Trumpove politike je kratkotrajna proći će nakon njegovog odlaska, ali dio je strukturne naravi i ostaće nakon njegovog odlaska. Što će proći? Proći će retorika koja i određene mjere kao ove koje tretiraju Europu više kao neprijatelja nego kao saveznika.
Ali šta će ostati? Ostaće da fokus SAD-a više nije na Evropu, više sada je fokus na Indopacifik i stoga Evropa mora preuzeti sama odgovornost za vlastitu sigurnost. To ne znači odustati od NATO-a, ali to znači unutar NATO-a izgraditi evropski stub. To znači da na taj način sa evropskom odbrambenom politikom NATO će biti jači i moći će i dalje biti uvjerljiva snaga za odvraćanje ne samo ruske prijetnje nego bilo koje druge prijetnje i na taj način osigurati mir u Evropi.
João Oliveira
Thank you Mr. Oliveira.
Obrigado presidente, senhora comissária Kaja Kallas, a presença militar norte-americana em alguns países europeus não corresponde a nenhuma preocupação com a segurança e defesa desses países. Corresponde aos interesses norte-americanos e à forma como cada administração norte-americana interpreta em cada momento os interesses económicos, políticos, geoestratégicos que justificam essa presença militar. E portanto a saída de militares americanos de países europeus não deve servir nem para disputas de outros países por essa presença militar, nem deve servir como pretexto para a militarização da União Europeia, para a acentuação da política de confrontação e de guerra a partir das orientações da União Europeia e com a sua tradução nacional. Pelo contrário, essa saída dos militares norte-americanos dos países europeus onde estão deve significar uma oportunidade para a desmilitarização das relações internacionais, para a promoção de uma política de paz, segurança colectiva, de cooperação, de exigência de respeito pelo direito internacional e a Carta das Nações Unidas. Esse deve ser o sentido em que devemos caminhar.
Thank you Mrs. Kasyk-Piocik.
Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz
Państwo, ja nie wyliczę wszystkich pisowskich kłamstw, ale powiem jedno: nasi ministrowie są teraz w Waszyngtonie. Tomczyk, Zalewski, z kim się spotykają? Z rządem Trumpa, z Departamentem Stanu, z Departamentem Wojny. Najważniejszy amerykański generał jest teraz gdzie? W Warszawie.
Z kim rozmawia? Z naszym rządem. A prezydent jest gdzie? Chciał brać odpowiedzialność za relacje z Waszyngtonem, a teraz siedzi cicho jak mysz pod miotłą, bo rząd Trumpa rozmawia z nami, bo wie, że z nami robi się interesy. A wy?
Wy, was Trump nie szanuje, was Trump wykorzystuje do swoich własnych interesów. Wasze umiejętności dyplomatyczne kończą się na wspólnych zdjęciach, rozdawaniu czerwonych czapeczek, na ukrywaniu Zbiega Ziobrę. Ja mam do was prośbę: jeśli macie jakiekolwiek relacje z Waszyngtonem, wykorzystajcie je na korzyść bezpieczeństwa Polaków, a nie ukrywania Zbiega. My jesteśmy w Waszyngtonie, Pentagon jest w Warszawie, działamy, nie gadamy. Dziękuję.
Thank you Mrs. Kallas, you have the floor.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you honorable members for this debate. I think what was the majority's view is that we need to do more for our defense. We have heard US pleas loud and clear that Europe should take up European security, so we are working on that. And it is also clear that US military footprint in Europe is the major contribution to NATO's deterrence and defense, but Washington's geopolitical priorities are different. They have been very open about this.
So what we can do about this is make ourselves stronger so that we can also stand up for ourselves. Thank you.
Ewa Kopacz
Bardzo dziękuję. Zamykam debatę. Przystępujemy do realizacji kolejnego punktu porządku obrad: oświadczenie wiceprzewodniczącej Komisji, wysokiej przedstawicielki Unii do spraw zagranicznych i polityki bezpieczeństwa: represje polityczne i sytuacja humanitarna na Kubie. Proszę o zabranie głosu wiceprzewodniczącą Komisji, wysoką przedstawiciel, panią komisarz Kaję Kallas.
Kaja Kallas
Dear President, honorable members. The situation in Cuba is getting more serious by the day. After decades of decisions harming the country and its own population, Cuba urgently needs to make fundamental changes. The status quo is not admissible anymore. These changes should include the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms of the Cuban people, releasing all individuals who have been arbitrarily detained, meaningful political and economic reforms.
But more than ever, Cuba needs to open up to democracy. This message is crystal clear and an absolute consensus between our member states. Of course, Cuba must also distance itself from those who undermine international law and the UN Charter. But before speaking about geopolitics and diplomacy, let me start with the Cuban people. Today, millions of Cubans face daily power outages, shortage of medicines and food, collapsing public services, and growing difficulties in accessing even the most basic healthcare.
Hospitals struggle to function, families spend hours searching for fuel, transport, and essential products. The country's energy crisis is a result of decades of structural economic failures, poor policies, and the impact of ongoing external restrictions and measures. To make bad situation even worse, the economic crisis is growing. Humanitarian access and humanitarian support must remain protected under all circumstances. The European Union will continue to support the Cuban population with humanitarian assistance, including additional 6 million euro recently mobilized to address the urgent needs.
Our financial support is implemented through international organizations, member states' agencies, and European partners. It supports Cuban people. The European Union does not finance the Cuban state. Honorable members, the resilience of Cuban people is extraordinary, but resilience cannot replace reform. It cannot compensate for economic failure and growing isolation.
Humanitarian support will not solve Cuba's crisis, but will merely alleviate immediate human suffering. Cubans deserve a better life. They deserve greater freedom and opportunity. The choice to stabilize the situation and thereby open a credible path forward can only come from the inside. Havana should not postpone important decisions any longer.
Along with ending political repression, Havana should also end the uncompromising grip on the economy that is holding the country back. Openness to private initiative, investment, entrepreneurship, and economic modernization is essential. Havana needs to find the courage to take decisions in order to avoid collapse and improve the situation for its people.
The European Union has played an important role in accompanying reforms, particularly through support to small businesses and entrepreneurs. But it can only work and have the proper impact together with reforms, clear opening for the economy. Sustainable economic reform cannot happen without legal certainty, economic independent economic actors and freedom, including for the citizens to express themselves. This is why the European Union consistently raises situation of political prisoners, restrictions on fundamental freedoms and the need for meaningful reforms. Our political and cooperation agreement establishes framework and the channels to systematically raise these divergences.
Is not a way to ignore our differences, it is an instrument to address them. But this agreement is also not a silver bullet. We all want to improve the way this agreement delivers. Honorable members, with regards to current developments, EU's position is clear. Havana should end the political repression and its uncompromising grip on the economy that is holding the country back.
The decisions need to stabilize the situation and open credible path forward can only made by Cubans themselves. Further instability in Cuba only risks greater humanitarian, migratory and security consequences for the Cuban people, but also for a wider region. Negotiated reform today is preferable to collapse tomorrow. Thank you.
Bardzo dziękuję, w imieniu grupy Europejskiej Partii Ludowej Chrześcijańskich Demokratów głos zabierze pan poseł David McAllister, półtorej minuty.
David McAllister
Madam High Representative, thank you for giving me the floor, dear colleagues. More than six decades, the people of Cuba are suffering under the continuous repression of the authoritarian regime, and I would like to underline many things the High Representative Vice-President Kallas just mentioned. In light of this worrying situation on the island, the Committee on Foreign Affairs jointly with our Subcommittee on Human Rights held an exchange of views on the developments in Cuba two weeks ago and welcomed Mr. José Ferrer. He is above all a staunch human rights activist and one of the leading voices of the Cuban opposition. Since 2003, Mr. Ferrer has been continuously persecuted and several times been imprisoned.
During his captivity, he was inadequately supplied with food, he was refused medical treatment and he had to endure solitary confinement. That's why his detention was subject to a resolution of our house, of this Parliament, in September 2024. Now, although Mr. Ferrer had the opportunity to leave his country in 2025, today more than 700 political prisoners are still unable to. They are still held captive by the regime. Like Mr. Ferrer, these prisoners are denied a fair and impartial trials, they are frequently subjected to overcrowded and unsanitary conditions and they have only inadequate access to food, water and medical supply.
What I'm saying is, as they are being silenced, the European Parliament must raise its voice for the brave women and men in Cuba who are suffering under this repression but who refuse to give up their legitimate fight. I call for their immediate and unconditional release. Thank you.
Bardzo dziękuję, w imieniu grupy Postępowego Sojuszu Socjalistów i Demokratów w Parlamencie Europejskim głos zabierze posłanka Leire Pajín, dwie minuty.
Speaker 330
Gracias, señora presidenta. Señora Kallas, no es la primera vez, ni seguramente la última, que hablamos en esta Cámara del pueblo de Cuba.
Pero me gustaría que por primera vez, al menos por esta vez, realmente hagamos un debate pensando en el pueblo de Cuba y no en otros intereses. Y que defendamos una posición coherente y clara de la Unión Europea basada en los valores que veíamos esta mañana en el vídeo. Hablemos pues del pueblo cubano, de las personas que están sufriendo una crisis humanitaria insoportable desde hace muchos años, desde el bloqueo estadounidense y especialmente desde las sanciones que han adoptado en el último tiempo. Apagones, escasez de alimentos y medicamentos y dificultades de acceso a servicios básicos como el agua, la educación o la sanidad. Llevamos décadas denunciándolo.
Y señorías, la ciudadanía nunca debe ser ni pagar el precio de las diferencias políticas ni de las causas por muchas que estas parezcan justas. ¿Hay alguien que realmente crea que esta es la forma de avanzar en la agenda de derechos humanos o en reformas políticas? ¿El sufrimiento de la población programado y deliberado? Señorías, somos muy claros. Estados Unidos debe poner fin a todo tipo de coerción en Cuba.
La Unión Europea debe seguir enviando efectivamente y sosteniendo la ayuda humanitaria y blindando el derecho internacional. Y con la misma claridad digo que el gobierno de Cuba debe avanzar de una vez por todas en las reformas democráticas. Son bienvenidas las liberación de presos, pero no para nada suficientes. Todos los presos políticos deben ser liberados, se debe garantizar la libertad de expresión y el espacio cívico. Por eso, señora Kallas, hoy más que nunca el acuerdo de diálogo político y cooperación con Cuba son un buen instrumento.
No es un cheque en blanco, efectivamente. Sirve para empujar y para avanzar. La Unión Europea debe estar más presente que nunca desde la profunda solidaridad con el pueblo cubano, denunciando las injerencias extranjeras y con un firme compromiso con los derechos humanos y la agenda democrática.
Cristian Terheş
Señora comisaria, resulta realmente desesperante 67 años, 67 años de dictadura, un régimen comunista asesino que tiene encarcelados a sus hijos, que ha hecho la cárcel más grande del mundo desde hace más de seis décadas y aquí estamos hablando de que hay que hacer unas reformas, de que no se intervenga. ¿Sabe lo que pasa? Esta dictadura está ahora más cerca que nunca del colapso por su brutal y abismal fracaso general que no genera más que miseria, miedo, hambre y muerte. Y gracias también a la acción de la política norteamericana. Sí, aquí han estado, se ha citado ahora, aquí estuvo José Daniel Ferrer y aquí ha estado Zoe Valdés.
¿Y qué han pedido los dos? Intervención norteamericana para acabar con la dictadura miserable de los Castro y de la mafia comunista. Eso es lo que se pide y eso es lo que pide cualquiera que tenga sentido común y que tenga un poco de compasión y piedad por el pueblo cubano torturado desde hace 67 años. ¿Y qué hace la Unión Europea? Mantiene desde hace una década un vergonzoso acuerdo de diálogo político y cooperación con la dictadura que la dictadura no cumple en ningún punto.
Este acuerdo, este acuerdo ha proporcionado a la dictadura una supuesta legitimidad y millones de euros del contribuyente europeo. Me dice la comisaria que va a la sociedad civil, que no va a la dictadura. Pero bueno, ¿pero quién, pero qué conoce usted de Cuba realmente para pensar que algún dinero de esos va realmente a la sociedad civil, sino que va a las organizaciones del partido que aterrorizan al pueblo y va a los grupos mafiosos de la cúpula de la dictadura? Ha proporcionado además, ha dado un precioso oxígeno a un régimen en agonía para que continuara extendiendo sus tentáculos de violencia, crimen y subversión por toda Iberoamérica, vertiendo su veneno por todo allí.
Por eso hay que acabar con este acuerdo y hay que ayudar a derribar la dictadura de una vez por todas. Todo lo demás es complicidad con el crimen.
Dziękuję bardzo. W imieniu grupy Europejskich Konserwatystów i Reformatorów głos zabierze pan poseł Mariusz Kamiński, półtorej minuty.
Mariusz Kamiński
Szanowna pani wysoka przedstawiciel. Komunizm na Kubie jest w agonii. Jedynie brutalna siła podtrzymuje reżim przy władzy. Nie ma on żadnej demokratycznej ani moralnej legitymacji do rządzenia narodem kubańskim. Podstawowe prawa człowieka i obywatela na Kubie nie istnieją.
Wszelkie przejawy oporu społecznego są tłumione, a w więzieniach w tragicznych warunkach przetrzymywana jest rekordowa liczba ponad 1200 więźniów politycznych. Pani wysoka przedstawiciel, czy widziała pani zdjęcia Alexandra Diaz Rodrigueza, który po wyjściu z więzienia wyglądał jak więzień Auschwitz? Czy wysłuchała pani wstrząsających świadectw byłych więźniarek o torturach, gwałtach, niewolniczej pracy i odbieraniu im ludzkiej godności? Czy dotarły do pani nowe fakty dotyczące skrytobójczych mordów dokonywanych przez komunistyczną służbę bezpieczeństwa na niezależnych działaczach, takich jak Oswaldo Paya? Pytam panią wysoką przedstawiciel, bo wbrew jasno wyrażonej woli Parlamentu Europejskiego, umowa o dialogu i współpracy między Unią a Kubą jest kontynuowana.
Przecież warunkiem jej podpisania była zgoda reżimu w Hawanie na respektowanie praw człowieka. Niedawno gościem Parlamentu Europejskiego był legendarny bojownik o wolność Kuby, Daniel Ferrer. W komunistycznych więzieniach spędził kilkanaście lat. On też, w imieniu zwykłych Kubańczyków, apelował o zawieszenie tej umowy. Jej dalsze utrzymanie jest legitymizowaniem zbrodniczego reżimu.
Komunistyczna dyktatura na Kubie musi upaść i właśnie to jest ten moment.
João Cotrim De Figueiredo
Dziękuję. W imieniu grupy Renew Europe głos zabierze Joao Cotrim de Figueiredo, półtorej minuty.
Muito obrigado, senhora presidente, senhora alta representante. A fome, a miséria, o medo, o desespero e a repressão política em Cuba não são acaso. A crise humanitária é sobretudo resultado deliberado de um regime comunista brutal que há mais de seis décadas oprime sem piedade o seu próprio povo em benefício de uma elite corrupta. O regime ameaça, prende, tortura e deixa apodrecer nas masmorras todos os que se lhe opõem. Um desses foi que foi torturado selvaticamente e resistiu sempre foi José Daniel Ferrer, líder da UNPACU, União Patriótica de Cuba, o movimento mais representativo da oposição cubana.
José Daniel esteve recentemente no Parlamento Europeu a apresentar o plano de transição para a democracia em Cuba. Nas nossas conversas, José Daniel não pediu dinheiro, não pediu armas, não pediu intervenções externas, pediu apoio político. Pediu, por exemplo, que a União Europeia suspendesse de imediato o acordo de diálogo político e de cooperação com Cuba. Porque ele confirmou o que todos já suspeitávamos, senhora alta representante. O dinheiro ao abrigo deste acordo não chega ao povo cubano, financia o aparelho repressivo do regime e enche os bolsos da elite comunista enquanto o povo cubano morre à fome.
É uma vergonha que a Europa continue a dar oxigénio a esta tirania torcionária prolongando a crise humanitária. E José Daniel Ferrer pediu outra coisa, que a inação da União Europeia não faça Cuba passar de uma ditadura comunista para uma dependência de Washington. É uma posição lúcida e corajosa que a Europa tem de apoiar. Basta de cumplicidade com o comunismo, só há uma escolha. Ou a União Europeia suspende este acordo de cooperação pondo-se ao lado dos que lutam pela liberdade em Cuba, ou será cúmplice da opressão continuada do povo cubano.
Como dizem os valentes democratas em Cuba, Patria y Vida, venceremos.
Dziękuję bardzo. W imieniu grupy Zielonych Wolne Przymierze Europejskie głos zabierze pani poseł Ana Miranda Paz, jedna minuta.
Ana Miranda Paz
No les preocupa nada el pueblo cubano y se ríen. La situación de Cuba no puede analizarse ignorando el contexto de bloqueo, la agresión permanente a la que ha sido sometido durante años, décadas de embargo por parte de Estados Unidos. Todos los países del mundo han votado en contra menos Estados Unidos y sus lacayos. Es profundamente irresponsable hablar de un Estado fallido cuando en realidad Cuba enfrenta un escenario forzado e inducido externamente. ¿Me pueden decir qué país del mundo podrá resistir 64 años de bloqueo ilegal?
Déjense de propaganda yanqui y tengan decencia por una vez. Ningún pueblo puede aguantar una situación así y menos en las condiciones de dignidad como lo hace el pueblo cubano. Y Europa debe de seguir, señora Calas, haciendo esa solidaridad con Cuba merecida porque estamos hablando de las consecuencias en un pueblo. Cuba ha ayudado con vacunas y médicos a la humanidad, pero lo que está pasando es un castigo colectivo por parte de Trump asfixiándolos. No permitamos que las hienas del imperialismo permitan una invasión a Cuba.
Como decimos en el BNG, Cuba sí, yanquis fora.
Dziękuję. W imieniu grupy Lewicy w Parlamencie Europejskim GUE/NGL głos zabierze pan poseł Danilo Della Valle.
Danilo Della Valle
Grazie, Presidente. Oggi parliamo di Cuba e con la solita magistrale ipocrisia di questo Parlamento riusciamo a parlare di diritti umani senza citare l'elefante nella stanza: l'embargo statunitense che va avanti da 66 anni. Quello che nascondete sotto al tappeto è ciò che tutto questo vuol dire, perché assenza di energia e beni di prima necessità a danno dei più fragili, donne incinte, anziani, disabili, bambini, soprattutto malati oncologici. E l'Europa cosa fa? Mentre Trump parla di dottrina Monroe 2.0, questo dibattito serve solo a coprire l'ennesima azione neocoloniale e non raccontate che il problema sono i diritti umani perché dovreste spiegarci come mai non interrompete l'accordo di associazione con Israele o non intervenite a difesa degli attivisti della flottiglia.
L'Europa dovrebbe tutelare l'accordo di cooperazione con Cuba per mettere fine all'illegale blocco economico che strangola l'isola da troppo tempo. Da italiano non dimenticherò mai le brigate cubane accorse a sostenere la nostra sanità messa in ginocchio da anni di vostre politiche liberiste durante i mesi difficili della pandemia o ancora oggi in Calabria, dove senza l'apporto dei medici cubani non si potrebbe garantire il diritto alla salute. Cuba esporta medici e solidarietà, voi armi e guerre. E voglio concludere questo intervento citando uno dei più grandi giornalisti della storia italiana, Gianni Minà, che scrisse: il blocco economico contro Cuba non è una semplice sanzione commerciale, è un atto di guerra in tempo di pace, la guerra più lunga e spietata della storia moderna, un tentativo sistematico di prendere per fame e per malattia un intero popolo colpevole unicamente di non essersi voluto piegare al padrone di turno. Grazie.
Dziękuję bardzo. W imieniu grupy Europa Suwerennych Narodów głos zabierze pan poseł Alexander Sell, jedna minuta.
Hans-Thomas Tillschneider
Kuba ist heute der billigste Puff der Karibik. Die extreme Armut zwingt junge Kubaner in die Prostitution. Organisiert wird der Sextourismus von Armeechef Raúl Castro, dem Bruder von Fidel Castro.
Linke Parteien sehen Kuba als Vorbild. Erst vor vier Wochen fand in Barcelona eine Konferenz der Sozialisten statt, auch der deutsche Vizekanzler Lars Klingbeil war da. In der Abschlusserklärung zeigten sich die Teilnehmer besorgt über die humanitäre Lage auf Kuba. Sie fordern ein klares Bekenntnis zu Menschenrechten und Demokratie. Man sollte meinen, dass sich die Forderungen an die Machthaber in Havanna richten, doch weit gefehlt.
Europas Sozialdemokraten haben mit der sozialistischen Diktatur auf Kuba kein Problem, aber mit Donald Trump. Kuba sei nämlich deshalb nur so arm, weil Washington ein Embargo verhängt habe. Die Wahrheit ist: Trotz fruchtbarer Böden und tropischem Klima muss Kuba 80 % seiner Lebensmittel importieren. Warum? Weil Armut, Hunger und Repression immer die Folgen sozialistischer Misswirtschaft sind.
Deshalb müssen wir den Freunden der kubanischen Diktatur das Handwerk legen. Die Zeit der Sozialdemokraten ist abgelaufen, so wie die Zeit von Raúl Castro auf Kuba.
Dziękuję, głos zabierze pan poseł Gabriel Mato, półtorej minuty.
Gabriel Mato
Gracias, presidenta. Una isla sumida en la oscuridad con apagones que alcanzan hasta 20 horas diarias es un buen ejemplo de lo que el régimen ha convertido a Cuba. Pero esa oscuridad va mucho más allá. Durante demasiado tiempo, el miedo a la represión, a acabar en prisión y engrosar la lista de los más de 1200 presos políticos que hoy siguen encarcelados y la ausencia de libertad ha obligado a la población cubana a soportar en silencio condiciones de vida deplorables. Y algunos lograron escapar, otros resisten desde dentro, pero todos comparten una única esperanza: la esperanza de recuperar todo aquello que les ha sido arrebatado.
Hoy es hora de reiterar que el acuerdo de diálogo político y cooperación no ha servido en absoluto para avanzar en la democracia en Cuba. La represión y la violencia contra los disidentes y los activistas de derechos humanos siguen siendo una realidad. La libertad de expresión y de asociación siguen siendo restringidas y las cárceles llenas de presos políticos. La Unión Europea debería sentir vergüenza por mantener un acuerdo en estas condiciones. Dicho esto, me atrevo a decir que mantenemos una visión optimista sobre el destino final de un pueblo al que queremos, una transición hacia una democracia robusta y pluralista.
Señor alto representante, dialogue con el régimen, convénzales de que tienen que cambiar, que la Unión Europea quiere ayudarles. Nuestra confianza no reside en absoluto en las estructuras actuales, sino en el extraordinario potencial del pueblo cubano. La meta es clara: una Cuba donde la democracia no sea un anhelo, sino una realidad. Muchas gracias.
Sorry?
Yes, of course.
Ľuboš Blaha
Mr. Blaha, please.
Sme zhnusení. Gangstri z Washingtonu sa chystajú vojensky napadnúť ďalšiu krajinu, Kubu, a vy práve teraz máte potrebu kopať do tejto hrdinskej mierumilovnej krajiny. Americkí vojnoví zločinci sa snažia vyhladovať milióny Kubáncov cez genocidálnu blokádu a vy sa neviete postaviť za mier, za suverenitu, za medzinárodné právo. Vy kolaborujete s agresorom. Vy, Kalasová, vy všetci v Európskom parlamente z pravicových kruhov.
Je to strašná hanba. Slovensko stojí za Kubou a stojíme za mierom a medzinárodným právom a odkazujeme Američanom: Dajte preč svoje krvavé paprče od Kuby. Venceremos!
Gabriel Mato
Evidentemente no me ha hecho ninguna pregunta, ha hecho su discurso y lo que es muy claro es que usted no ha escuchado lo que yo he dicho. A usted no le importa Cuba, a mí sí. Muchas gracias.
Bardzo dziękuję panie pośle, głos zabierze pan poseł Marco Tarquinio, jedna minuta.
Marco Tarquinio
Grazie, Presidente. La crisi umanitaria a Cuba ha radici diverse e profonde, ma bisogna esser chiari, signora Alto Rappresentante. La tenaglia stretta dall'amministrazione USA non libera i cubani, li condanna a fame e insicurezza con l'inasprimento dell'embargo sino al blocco delle forniture petrolifere, le sanzioni secondarie che colpiscono anche imprese europee e la minaccia costante di un'azione militare. Trump non vuole la democrazia a Cuba, vuole Cuba. Non possiamo essere suoi complici.
È invece il dialogo con governo e società civile cubani che produce risultati concreti, come confermano le recenti liberazioni di oppositori politici mediate dalla Santa Sede. Chiediamo perciò fermamente all'Avana di garantire rispetto dei diritti umani e libero accesso degli osservatori internazionali e chiediamo all'Unione, a noi stessi, di mantenere aperto il dialogo con Cuba nell'interesse del suo popolo. Il dialogo non è debolezza, è il vero metodo dell'Europa.
Speaker 340
Grazie, Presidente. La tragedia di Cuba non è un incidente della storia, ma il risultato prevedibile di 67 anni di dittatura comunista. I blackout prolungati, gli ospedali senza corrente, la fuga di migliaia di giovani, le centinaia di prigionieri politici, le repressioni e le torture sono il frutto di un sistema che ha distrutto l'economia, soppresso le libertà e mantenuto il potere con la forza e la propaganda. Il comunismo ha fallito a Cuba, come ovunque abbia governato, produce sempre miseria, censura, gulag, corruzione dell'élite al potere. L'Europa e l'Occidente non possono più fingere di non vedere che la gente muore di fame, vive al buio e finisce in prigione per aver chiesto libertà e pane.
I cubani non chiedono un socialismo dal volto umano, chiedono libertà, democrazia e la fine di un sistema che li ha imprigionati per generazioni. Meritavano di riprendersi il loro paese. È tempo di smettere di sostenere carnefici e iniziare a sostenere il popolo. La storia ha già emesso il suo verdetto sul comunismo reale: un fallimento totale.
Leila Chaibi
Madame, vous n'en avez rien à faire des coupures de courant, vous n'en avez rien à faire des Cubains qui crèvent de faim. Vous devriez avoir honte. Depuis plus de 60 ans, c'est pas la faute du régime cubain s'ils crèvent de faim à Cuba, c'est à cause des 60 ans de blocus états-unien qui asphyxie un peuple, qui le fait crever, qui assassine, qui lui mène une guerre. Vous devriez avoir honte tous en face d'instrumentaliser la situation humanitaire à Cuba pour rompre l'accord d'association avec Cuba. Il faut faire l'inverse, il faut augmenter l'accord d'association, augmenter les liens, le partenariat entre l'Union européenne et Cuba.
Hein, il faut, vous n'avez pas honte d'instrumentaliser la situation à Cuba ? C'est ma question, Madame.
Speaker 340
Mi stupisce non poco che chi in questo Parlamento sostiene che le sanzioni siano uno strumento efficace non voglia proprio sanzionare un regime, un regime che affama il suo popolo. Ma li sentite i cubani in tutta Europa, quelli che hanno la libertà di parlare, in tutto il mondo libero, invocare libertà, quella libertà che ancora oggi dopo tantissimi anni di comunismo reale voi continuate a negare ? Siete complici. Ma come fa a venire in questo Parlamento a difendere un regime contro chi chiede libertà ? Ma con che coraggio venite qua, con che coraggio ?
Grazie, Presidente, signor Alto Rappresentante, colleghi. A Cuba vediamo il volto peggiore del regime comunista che da oltre 60 anni priva il suo popolo della libertà.
Speaker 207
Mancano elettricità, acqua, carburante, medicinali. Il popolo soffre, la denutrizione avanza, mentre la corruzione del regime ormai al collasso dilaga, insieme alla repressione, arresti arbitrari, persecuzioni contro i dissidenti politici e contro le comunità cristiane. Dopo le proteste di marzo hanno fatto il giro del mondo i nomi dei cubani arrestati. Tra loro c'è Jonathan Muir, sedici anni, sedici anni, detenuto nonostante gravi problemi di salute che fanno temere per la sua vita. C'è Eric Padrón, un muratore colpevole soltanto di aver chiesto cibo e dignità in un video sui social.
Insieme a loro oltre milleduecentosessanta prigionieri politici. L'Unione Europea non può continuare a legittimare chi calpesta sistematicamente la libertà. Per questo torniamo a chiedere con forza la sospensione immediata dell'accordo di dialogo politico e di cooperazione. L'Europa deve scegliere da che parte stare: o con i tiranni o con i dissidenti, o con la dittatura castrista o con il popolo cubano.
Ewa Kopacz
Dziękuję bardzo, głos zabierze pan poseł Petras Auštrevičius, jedna minuta.
Petras Auštrevičius
Madam Chair, High Representative, dear colleagues. The communist regime in Cuba proudly called the country the island of freedom. But just look at what this communist paradise has become: the persecution of dissidents and opposition figures, overflowing prisons filled with political prisoners, and a catastrophic social and humanitarian situation with only three percent of the population having full access to medication. Public dissatisfaction with the Cuban regime has reached a peak. Cuba, a former Soviet ally that became a base for exporting communism to Latin America and Africa, has clearly reached the end of the road.
The crumbling regime is now trying to cling on to increasing repression and pressure against voices of protest. The EU must abandon the long-standing policy of appeasement towards the regime and adopt a critical political stance, demanding respect for fundamental human freedoms and guarantees for basic human rights. Only then will Cuba truly become an island of free people. Thank you.
Dziękuję, głos zabierze pan poseł Ignazio Roberto Marino, jedna minuta.
Ignazio Roberto Marino
Presidente, Alto Rappresentante Kallas, quando parliamo della situazione umanitaria a Cuba non stiamo discutendo soltanto di politica internazionale. Stiamo parlando della vita quotidiana di milioni di persone. L'embargo che colpisce il paese ha conseguenze drammatiche sulla popolazione. Per trentadue volte consecutive l'Assemblea Generale delle Nazioni Unite ha chiesto la fine di queste misure. Oggi la crisi energetica sta mettendo sotto forte pressione ospedali, scuole, servizi essenziali.
Alcuni medici mi hanno chiesto di andare a vedere, desidero farlo. Quando mancano medicinali, carburante, attrezzature mediche ed elettricità, quando in una sala operatoria salta la corrente, quando una terapia arriva in ritardo o un macchinario non può funzionare, il prezzo lo pagano sempre le persone più fragili. Non possiamo permettere che le tensioni politiche si traducano nella morte di pazienti indifesi. L'Europa ha sempre scelto la strada della cooperazione ed è in questo spirito che oggi dobbiamo ribadire una priorità fondamentale: mettere al centro la popolazione civile e alleviare le sofferenze quotidiane di milioni di cittadini cubani.
Dziękuję bardzo, głos zabierze pani poseł Rima Hassan, jedna minuta.
Rima Hassan
Chers collègues, jamais l'hostilité des États-Unis contre le peuple cubain visant à imposer son modèle capitaliste n'avait atteint un tel niveau de cruauté. À l'embargo de 1962 dont le coût s'élève à plus de 170 milliards de dollars de préjudice, s'ajoute désormais un blocus pétrolier qui asphyxie l'ensemble du pays. Des hôpitaux paralysés, plus de 100 000 opérations chirurgicales en attente, un taux de mortalité infantile qui a explosé de 148 %, des transports de l'eau potable qui manquent ou encore des écoles qui ferment. Ce ne sont pas des statistiques, ce sont des morts programmés. Si les États-Unis se souciaient réellement des droits humains, ils lèveraient immédiatement l'embargo car le principal obstacle aujourd'hui du bien-être du peuple cubain est précisément ce blocus criminel.
Ce qui se joue aujourd'hui dépasse largement le face-à-face idéologique entre Washington et La Havane. Cuba est au bord d'une rupture humanitaire et sanitaire majeure tandis que Trump concrétise en toute impunité ses ambitions impérialistes néocoloniales dans toute la région. Les États-Unis et leurs alliés doivent comprendre une chose fondamentale : le destin de Cuba appartient exclusivement à son peuple. Quand allez-vous agir ?
Speaker 343
Señora Kallas, usted no conoce nada sobre el bloqueo norteamericano a Cuba y sus consecuencias, ¿verdad? Porque lo que tenemos hoy acá es otro debate de conveniencia mientras Estados Unidos refuerzan el bloqueo contra el pueblo cubano y recrudecen las amenazas de una agresión militar contra Cuba. Una prueba más que la UE es cómplice de la intervención contra un Estado independiente con el objetivo de anular las decisiones del pueblo y los logros de la revolución cubana. Las referencias a supuestas violaciones de derechos humanos son hipócritas y fabricadas. Sirven hoy de pretexto a la agresividad contra Cuba y al bloqueo criminal que priva el pueblo de electricidad, medicamentos, combustible, poniendo en riesgo miles de vidas humanas.
Ahora es el momento para reforzar la solidaridad popular desde Europa y del mundo con el pueblo cubano, para condenar e impedir cualquier intento de intervención en la isla, poner fin al bloqueo criminal y eliminar la inclusión de Cuba en la infame lista de patrocinadores de terrorismo. El pueblo cubano se resiste hace décadas a los planes criminales de Estados Unidos, defiende su patria y sus conquistas, el camino que abrió su revolución. Cuba no está sola, Cuba vencerá.
Davor Ivo Stier
Alta representante, el régimen comunista está acorralado. Hay una crisis humanitaria y la Unión Europea no puede ser un mero observador. El régimen es el principal responsable por la crisis humanitaria y es el responsable absoluto por la violación sistemática de los derechos humanos en Cuba. Y por eso el Parlamento ha pedido la suspensión del acuerdo con Cuba. Yo soy consciente que en el Consejo no hay un acuerdo sobre ese punto y por eso no voy a hacer como los colegas de la izquierda que en el debate anterior sobre Medio Oriente le pedían de ir al Consejo con propuestas que usted sabe que no pueden pasar porque respeto su función institucional de trabajar por la unidad de la Unión Europea.
Pero sí lo que le pido es que utilice la posición del Parlamento como leverage, que utilice el diálogo político que hasta ahora no ha dado ningún resultado para decirles a las autoridades del régimen : miren, mi Parlamento busca la suspensión del acuerdo. Ustedes están acorralados. La salida es que liberen a todos los presos políticos, más de 1300 presos políticos, que empiecen una verdadera transición democrática y entonces sí tendrán toda la ayuda que sea necesaria y más que eso tendrán las inversiones para que Cuba pueda desarrollarse.
Tenemos como Unión Europea todos los instrumentos para presionar al régimen castrista para que inicie la transición hacia la democracia. La pregunta es si tenemos finalmente la voluntad política para hacerlo. Gracias.
Ewa Kopacz
Merci. Monsieur, monsieur, monsieur, do you accept a blue card from Mr. Smith? Czy przyjmuje pan niebieską kartę? Please.
Anthony Smith
Merci, présidente. Merci, collègue, d'accepter la blue card. Vous n'avez à la bouche que les mots suspension, sanctions. J'essaie de comprendre et j'essaie de comprendre pourquoi vous êtes dans cette logique-là alors que la première mesure, et vous n'avez aucun mot, et je voudrais comprendre pourquoi vous n'avez aucun mot sur la levée du blocus qui touche Cuba depuis plus de six décennies. Parce que c'est là le levier, vous parlez de levier.
Mais c'est là le levier majeur et notre assemblée est totalement hors-sol. Chaque année, l'Assemblée des Nations Unies adopte une résolution pour demander la levée du blocus. Pourquoi vous, ici, vous ne faites pas vôtre cette demande légitime du peuple cubain? Merci.
Davor Ivo Stier
¿Sabe por qué? Porque he trabajado en nuestra comisión de desarrollo, he trabajado en la agenda 2030 de las Naciones Unidas que llegó a la conclusión que es la mala gobernanza la que provoca la miseria de los pueblos. Es la mala gobernanza y sobre todo los sistemas totalitarios de partido único los que oprimen a los pueblos. Y el pueblo cubano hoy está oprimido por ese régimen comunista. Y si habla usted con los presos políticos que han sido y que han tenido la oportunidad de contarnos a nosotros en el Parlamento Europeo su situación, verá que la única solución es poner presión para que se haga una real transición hacia la democracia, hacia la libertad en Cuba.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pan poseł Francisco Assis. Proszę o spokój. Jedna minuta.
Francisco Assis
Muito obrigado, senhora presidente, senhora comissária. Creio que não há dúvida nenhuma para quem quiser fazer uma análise rigorosa da situação que o colapso económico com que hoje Cuba se confronta é o resultado de um grande falhanço político e moral que antecedeu esse colapso económico e que é o grande falhanço político e moral da revolução cubana. Na verdade, essa revolução que criou enormes expectativas em todo o ocidente, em particular na esquerda, rapidamente deu origem a um regime ditatorial que se tem vindo a manifestar ao longo destas décadas de várias maneiras. Centenas, milhares de presos políticos, dissidentes, intelectuais condenados às prisões ou ao exílio, situações absolutamente abomináveis, recordo-me do caso de Heberto Padilla que é uma espécie de processo de Moscovo em Havana. E por isso os principais responsáveis pelo que se está a passar são claramente os tiranos que em nome de supostos ideais igualitários conduziram Cuba a uma situação absolutamente tenebrosa.
Mas isso não significa evidentemente que sejamos favoráveis à manutenção do embargo e sobretudo que sejamos insensíveis à profunda crise humanitária que neste momento atravessa a ilha. E julgo por isso que o acordo de diálogo e cooperação com Cuba deve ser mantido, mas nós devemos exercer mais pressão sobre Cuba para que Cuba rompa definitivamente com este regime autocrático que tem condenado o povo cubano à miséria.
Proszę państwa, bardzo proszę o przestrzeganie czasu wystąpień. Głos zabierze pan poseł Jorge Martín Frías. Półtorej minuty.
Jorge Martín Frías
Gracias, señora presidenta. Señora Kallas, ¿cuándo va a suspender la Comisión de populares y socialistas el acuerdo de diálogo con Cuba? ¿Qué más hace falta para que lo hagan de una vez? Resoluciones del Parlamento Europeo, tiene usted varias. Testimonios de cubanos, tiene usted miles.
El último el del preso político José Daniel Ferrer, que pidió en el Parlamento el fin del acuerdo de diálogo, como también lo ha hecho Zoe Valdés o Rosa María Payá. Un acuerdo que ha convertido a la Unión Europea, por la dirección política de la Comisión, en cómplice directo de un régimen criminal. Una de las dictaduras más longevas, que lleva más de sesenta y cinco años asesinando, torturando y pisoteando los derechos y libertades del pueblo cubano y que lamentablemente es tan admirado y defendido desde este lado. Pero señorías, este Parlamento ha pedido a la Comisión el fin del acuerdo y está muy bien. Sin embargo, al mismo tiempo se blanquea a la dictadura cubana a través de la Asamblea Parlamentaria Euro-Latinoamericana.
En diciembre del año pasado, dirigentes cubanos estuvieron en el Parlamento Europeo con motivo de su decimoquinta asamblea. Eso es una vergüenza, además de intolerable. Al régimen criminal no se le puede dar bajo ningún concepto la apariencia de legitimidad internacional. Por eso hemos pedido a los miembros de la mesa ejecutiva de EuroLat que acabe con esta incalificable anomalía. Y si EuroLat no tiene capacidad para impedirlo, entonces habrá que estudiar su cierre, porque no se puede dar oxígeno a una dictadura criminal y cubana.
Adam Bielan
Madam President, Madam High Representative, the Cuban regime currently holds almost one thousand three hundred political prisoners, including minors. Among those incarcerated, almost half suffer from serious medical conditions. They are accused by the Cuban regime of sedition, simply for expressing dissent. A living example of such targeted imprisonment is José Daniel Ferrer, who recently visited Brussels to testify about how the Cuban regime violates basic human rights in its prisons. Food rations are insufficient, with prisoners reportedly receiving only around three hundred calories a day, leading to severe malnutrition.
Yet, the European Commission continues to stand by the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement with Cuba, despite this Parliament clearly calling for its suspension. How many more people must be deprived of their fundamental rights before the Commission finally understands? I urge you to suspend this agreement now. Stop legitimizing the communist Cuban regime. Stand for the freedom of the Cuban people and political prisoners.
Ana Miranda Paz
Gracias por aceptar la carta. Yo quería darle un par de informaciones para que me contestase el señor diputado. ¿Sabe usted cuántos médicos cubanos han salido al mundo? Yo le voy a dar una pista: más de cincuenta mil, menos de setenta mil. Entonces, ¿qué será?
Usted si puede respóndamelo. ¿Sabe cuántas vacunas ha dado al mundo Cuba, algunas en COVID? También me gustaría que lo responda. Y además quiero decirle, aprovechando no a usted, pero como vicepresidenta tercera de la EuroLat, Cuba tiene el derecho a participar en esa asamblea.
Esta ya es una parte de una moción de orden porque es un miembro de pleno derecho y estará en México, en ese estado que es capaz de decir las verdades claras. Gracias.
Adam Bielan
Bardzo chętnie odpowiem na to pytanie. Zacznę od tego, że w przeciwieństwie do pani miałem nieszczęście żyć przez 15 lat pod rządami komunistycznymi i wiem, jakich zbrodni dopuszcza się ta ideologia. Tak, mamy tysiące pracowników de facto niewolniczych z Kuby na całym świecie i to jest bardzo duży problem. Oni również pracują w Unii Europejskiej, tak samo jak niewolniczy pracownicy z Korei Północnej i cieszę się, że pani podniosła ten temat, bo powinniśmy zakończyć ten zbrodniczy proceder, dlatego że jest to nic innego jak dostarczanie środków, z których później komuniści czerpią władzę do gnębienia swojej społeczności.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pan poseł Vincent Marzà Ibañez, jedna minuta.
Vicent Marzà Ibáñez
Gracias, presidenta. Señora Kallas, en Cuba hay 11.000 niños esperando una intervención en hospitales con 20 horas al día sin luz. Y esto como consecuencia del bloqueo ilegal de de Estados Unidos. No lo digo yo, lo dicen las Naciones Unidas. Miles de embarazadas que están sin luz ni agua y con riesgo de perder a sus niños.
Mire, se lo tengo que decir muy claro, ante esto usted no hace absolutamente nada. Y no hace absolutamente nada por miedo al señor Trump. Y se lo tengo que decir, esto indica que usted no es digna representante de la ciudadanía europea. Y no lo es porque precisamente la ciudadanía europea se está organizando ante las inacciones de las instituciones que usted representa para traer placas solares a los hospitales de Cuba, para que esos 11.000 niños y miles de embarazadas no se queden sin luz cuando tienen su necesidad de ser atendidos humanitariamente. Y por eso les digo que larga vida a las asociaciones que se organizan y hacen lo que las instituciones no hacen.
Y deben ustedes de tomar las riendas de una vez y aplicar esos valores que tanto pregonan y que no dicen absolutamente nada y que nunca practican.
Monsieur blue card for you from Mrs Galán. Please, pani Galán.
Irene Galán
Gracias, presidenta. Ante la grave situación que está viviendo Cuba, ¿qué pasaría si en vez de ser Cuba fueran territorios como Malta, Chipre, que están dentro de la Unión Europea? ¿Cree usted que este Parlamento haría algo entonces? ¿Qué diría este Parlamento si se sometiera a esos países a un bloqueo de más de 60 años y dejase a la gente sin luz, sin agua y sin electricidad? Porque estamos hablando de un bloqueo un bloqueo criminal.
En materia de derechos humanos no debería haber un doble rasero y, sin embargo, aquí estamos viendo que hay un doble estándar. Si no se defienden los derechos humanos para el pueblo cubano, esto debe ser o por una venganza política o para beneficiar a Trump en las elecciones de noviembre que tiene sus electores en Florida.
Please.
Vicent Marzà Ibáñez
Sí, pues opino lo que claramente hemos dicho antes, que hay un doble rasero y que en función del carné de identidad de las personas afectadas, pues se ve que hay unos derechos humanos u otros. Y esa es la indignidad de algunos representantes de las instituciones europeas que no aplican esos valores al conjunto de la sociedad y en todo en todo el planeta, sino que depende de qué DNI tengan y depende de a quién estén protegiendo, porque es en función de las necesidades de las grandes multinacionales y también de los intereses de Estados Unidos que se aplican los derechos humanos o directamente se mira hacia otro lado. Gracias.
Thank you. Bardzo dziękuję, głos zabierze pan poseł Alvise Pérez, jedna minuta. A, Marc Botenga, sorry.
Marc Botenga
Merci madame la présidente, madame la haute représentante. Écoutez, vous parlez tous de Cuba, moi j'y ai été récemment, j'ai été voir et j'ai rencontré des médecins qui m'ont expliqué comment Cuba, son système socialiste, avait réussi à avoir un taux de survie des enfants au cancer de 80 %, comparable aux pays les plus riches industrialisés. Mais que ce taux est récemment retombé à 65 %. Ça veut dire 15 % d'enfants qui auraient pu vivre mais qui sont aujourd'hui morts. Des familles en deuil, infligé un deuil à cause des sanctions, des sanctions américaines que vous avez à peine évoquées, que vous ne condamnez pas.
Parce qu'aujourd'hui Cuba vit un blocus énergétique total. Si on impose ça à la Belgique, franchement on tient pas deux semaines. Si on impose ça à l'Estonie non plus d'ailleurs, hein. Mais Cuba résiste. Cuba résiste et vous parlez, oui non mais c'est la faute du gouvernement.
Mais écoutez, comparons, comparons dans la région, Haïti a une espérance de vie 15 ans inférieure à Cuba. Ça veut dire que ce que nous voyons dans la région, c'est pas l'échec du système socialiste, mais l'échec de votre capitalisme, de votre impérialisme. Alors s'il vous plaît madame la commissaire, un peu de solidarité, envoyez du pétrole à Cuba.
Alvise Pérez
Yo entiendo que cierto sector de este Parlamento esté enfadado porque ya sabéis que el jueves la CIA visitó La Habana, este sábado extraditaron al testaferro de Maduro, ayer Estados Unidos sancionó a todo el aparato de inteligencia cubano y justo hoy imputan judicialmente al mayor valedor de ese régimen asesino que ha sido el expresidente Zapatero. Así pues, ¿alguien me puede explicar qué hace este Parlamento invitando y legitimando a emisarios del régimen castrista? Quizá porque ese régimen ha sobrevivido, y no seamos hipócritas, gracias a las empresas europeas que se han hecho de oro con la miseria cubana, españoles incluidos, ¿eh? Meliá o Escarrer tienen 30 hoteles socios de GAEZA, el brazo militar de los Castro. Los franceses hacéis lo mismo con Pernod Ricard o Air France, los italianos hacéis exactamente igual.
Miles de millones de euros que han dado oxígeno al régimen cubano mientras el cubano de la calle se muere de hambre comiendo arroz con gato. Y ahora que se hunde el régimen, pues toca fingir que aquí nos importan los cubanos a los que este Parlamento ha abandonado durante décadas. A mí, y ya acabo presidente, ser tan hipócrita me daría vergüenza, especialmente para quienes se llaman aquí feministas mientras defienden a un régimen que es una fábrica de viudas y de prostitutas. Muchas gracias.
Speaker 350
Senhor presidente, senhora alta representante, Cuba é a mentira de uma revolução comunista que prometeu dignidade e entregou a miséria. A mentira de um regime que fala em povo enquanto prende o povo. Hoje, em Cuba, falta quase tudo: luz, comida, medicamentos, esperança, mas há uma coisa que nunca falta: repressão. Não há escassez de polícia política, não faltam prisões para quem protesta, nem ameaças para quem denuncia, nem exílio para quem insiste em ser livre. Há mais de mil presos políticos em Cuba: jovens, mulheres, ativistas, jornalistas, cidadãos comuns.
Um comunismo que não libertou o povo, nacionalizou-lhes a vida e confiscou-lhes o futuro. O acordo União Europeia-Cuba tinha uma condição moral e política: melhorar os direitos humanos e abrir caminho à democracia. Falhou, falhou porque os presos políticos continuam presos, falhou porque a oposição democrática continua excluída, falhou porque o Parlamento Europeu continua impedido de entrar na ilha. Não pode haver normalidade diplomática com quem mantém presos políticos. Não pode haver cooperação sem condições.
Se o acordo falhou, tem de ser suspenso. Se a repressão continua, os responsáveis têm de ser sancionados e se há presos políticos, a sua libertação tem de ser a primeira condição de qualquer relação com a União Europeia.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze pan poseł Richard Czarniecki, jedna minuta.
Richard Czarniecki
Dear colleagues, Cuba has announced a pardon of 2,807 prisoners. Not one was a political prisoner, not a single one. The regime explicitly excluded those convicted of crimes against authority, the exact charges used against dissidents. Four independent human rights organizations confirmed it. This was an attempt at a diplomatic performance staged for international consumption.
So over 200 political prisoners remain behind bars. 220 new political cases were added in the last 12 months. In March, when Cubans took the streets over blackouts and empty shelves, the answer was arrests, beatings, and criminal charges for public disorder. And yet the EU-Cuba political dialogue and the cooperation agreement remains in place. Colleagues, this agreement has not produced one milligram of progress on human rights.
It has produced cover for a regime that tortures its citizens, exiles its dissidents, and sends its nationals to fight alongside Russia in Ukraine. The ECR group has already called for the PDCA's suspension. That is the minimum Europe owes to Cubans in the streets and to our own claim to stand for freedom. Thank you.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pan poseł Pernando Barrena Arza, jedna minuta.
Pernando Barrena Arza
Gracias, presidenta. Señorías, se está convirtiendo en algo casi diario, pero la acumulación de salvajadas contra el derecho internacional que Estados Unidos y otros están perpetrando en los últimos tiempos no puede llevarnos a apartar nuestra atención del hecho de que Trump está anunciando una intervención ilegítima contra Cuba. Es ilegal porque una vez más vulneraría el derecho internacional, pero es especialmente denunciable porque la amenaza viene de un país, los Estados Unidos, que durante los últimos más de 60 años ha impuesto un bloqueo económico a Cuba que ha provocado restricciones y precariedad económica y social que no son consecuencia del sistema político cubano, sino de ese bloqueo criminal que amenaza a todo aquel que ose tener cualquier relación con la isla. Es una gran mentira referirse a la situación de Cuba como si fuera la consecuencia de un estado fallido porque esta situación está provocada desde fuera de Cuba, concretamente desde los Estados Unidos. Señora Calas, Europa debe librarse de la dependencia de Estados Unidos en política internacional y actuar como una potencia regional con aspiraciones globales y en este caso siendo solidaria con Cuba y ayudándole a seguir su propio camino.
Muchas gracias.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pan poseł Francisco José Millán Mon, jedna minuta.
Francisco José Millán Mon
Gracias, presidenta. Señora Calas, se suceden últimamente las noticias sobre Cuba, pero desgraciadamente permanece la realidad que venimos denunciando desde hace muchos años: la pervivencia del castrismo, la falta de libertad y de derechos fundamentales, la presencia en las cárceles cubanas de cerca de mil presos políticos en condiciones inhumanas, etcétera. Al mismo tiempo, la situación económica y social se ha agravado dramáticamente. Faltan alimentos, productos básicos y energía. Todo esto nos lo relataba hace pocos días en esta casa, en Bruselas, José Daniel Ferrer, que tanto ha sufrido en las cárceles cubanas de forma tan injusta.
Señora Calas, la Unión Europea no puede ser indiferente. Recuerdo que este Parlamento ha pedido en varias ocasiones la suspensión del acuerdo con Cuba. La Unión debe presionar a las autoridades cubanas y contribuir activamente al necesario cambio político y económico. Es urgente la liberación de todos los presos políticos. Necesitamos impulsar una auténtica transición democrática que permita llevar libertad y prosperidad al pueblo cubano.
La oposición democrática se está preparando para ello, como muestra el acuerdo de liberación realmente suscrito por ella. Y termino: la Unión Europea tiene que ser un aliado más del pueblo cubano en sus esfuerzos por la libertad y la prosperidad. Gracias.
Speaker 351
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pani poseł Nora Junco García, jedna minuta.
Nora Junco García
Señora alta representante, Cuba no es una crisis humanitaria, Cuba es una dictadura. El régimen que mantiene a su pueblo en la miseria mientras sus élites viven a cuerpo de rey y que se sostiene gracias a Venezuela, China, Irán y, desgraciadamente, en parte gracias al dinero europeo. Porque llevamos décadas enviando ayuda y cooperación, pero los resultados son demoledores: más presos políticos, más miseria, más represión y un éxodo masivo de cubanos propio de países en guerra. Por eso, señora Kallas, yo me hago varias preguntas. ¿Quién audita realmente que los fondos europeos llegan al pueblo cubano y no al aparato represor del régimen?
Gracias, presidente.
Nora Junco García
¿Y por qué seguimos sin investigar Plus Ultra, aerolínea rescatada con dinero público español y que hoy está al servicio del régimen cubano? Luis Garicano lo denunció en el 2021 y Dolors Montserrat lo volvió a exigir explicaciones hace apenas unos días. Y quizá hoy entendemos por qué nadie quiso mirar demasiado. El expresidente Zapatero ha sido imputado en este caso por un presunto blanqueo de capitales, organización criminal, falsedad documental y tráfico de influencias. Y hay otra pregunta incómoda que este Parlamento debería hacerse.
¿Cómo mantenemos un acuerdo de diálogo con una dictadura tras 67 años fallida, de diplomacia fallida? Gracias.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, presidente. Senhora comissária Kaja Kallas, o criminoso bloqueio dos Estados Unidos a Cuba é o primeiro e grande responsável pelas dificuldades por que passa Cuba. Em 1960, um subsecretário de Estado norte-americano dizia que era necessária, e cito, a privação de Cuba de dinheiro e mantimentos a fim de reduzir os seus recursos financeiros e salários reais, provocar fome, desespero e o derrube do governo, fim de citação. 66 anos depois destas declarações, o plano continua a ser o mesmo porque, ao longo deste tempo, Cuba e o povo cubano derrotaram essas intenções. Cuba é ameaçada pela maior potência militar mundial.
É impedida de ter relações económicas normais com outros países. Vê negado o acesso a bens essenciais para qualquer povo do mundo. Enfrentando isso, o povo cubano encontrou coragem onde outros se teriam acovardado. Criou de raiz aquilo que outros compram feito. Tornou realidade na educação aquilo com que outros apenas sonham.
Deu ao mundo saúde, cultura, desporto de nível olímpico. Deu um exemplo de dignidade e uma referência de inconformismo. Cuba não está só. Com Cuba estão todos os povos do mundo e aqueles que em Cuba veem uma referência de um povo que luta pelo direito à sua soberania e ao seu desenvolvimento.
Speaker 355
Proszę pana, proszę pana. Monsieur, do you accept a blue card from Mr. Kovatchev?
Mr. Kovatchev, please.
Thank you very much. Thank you very much, colleague. One simple question: do you support the communist dictatorship in Cuba or not? And please don't refer to the United States or other countries. Do you support this repressive regime in Cuba or not?
Dziękuję, proszę o odpowiedź.
João Oliveira
Senhor deputado, eu apoio todos os povos que lutam por igualdade, por progresso, por desenvolvimento, por justiça social, por democracia. Todos aqueles povos que, lutando por esses objetivos, fazem frente às agressões militares, fazem frente aos bloqueios, fazem frente à situação dramática que do ponto de vista humanitário hoje condena centenas de crianças a não terem acesso aos cuidados médicos em Cuba porque o poder americano decidiu cortar o acesso aos combustíveis, decidiu impedir Cuba de comprar equipamentos médicos ou medicamentos. Do lado da história, senhor deputado, eu estou do lado dos povos que lutam pelos seus direitos. Pelos vistos, o senhor deputado está do lado contrário.
Dziękuję bardzo, dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pan poseł Reinhold Lopatka, jedna minuta.
Reinhold Lopatka
Cuba is facing its biggest crisis. With low productivity in the country but also because of the fuel blockade. 90% of its 11 million people are suffering and living in poverty. We have to see this humanitarian and political situation in Cuba. And it remains concerning.
And it is our duty of course to clearly call for the release of all political prisoners and for respect for civil liberties. But we should remain realistic. Isolation and increased pressure by the US will not improve the lives of the Cuban people. I see the political dialogue and cooperation agreement as a chance for the European Union to channel to raise human rights concerns directly and consistently with the Cuban authorities. We have to continue in this engagement.
The Cuban people deserve freedom and economic opportunities. And Europe must continue here to stand with the people of Cuba.
Nicolas Bay
Merci Madame la Présidente, depuis 65 ans le régime des Castro a transformé Cuba en prison à ciel ouvert. Des milliers d'opposants exécutés, 35 000 personnes envoyées dans des camps de travail forcé, plus de 2 millions de Cubains contraints à l'exil. Aujourd'hui encore 1300 prisonniers politiques emprisonnés arbitrairement et parmi lesquels des enfants. Au nom de l'idéologie marxiste, le régime castriste a ainsi plongé Cuba dans le naufrage et le chaos économique, la population subit les coupures d'électricité, les pénuries alimentaires, le manque de carburant ou encore l'absence de médicaments essentiels. Tel est le bilan de cette dictature marxiste qui opprime son propre peuple et dont les seuls soutiens en Europe sont l'extrême gauche.
Après avoir soutenu les islamistes du Hamas, LFI en France continue de défendre l'indéfendable. Jean-Luc Mélenchon ou encore Emma Fourreau qui siège dans cet hémicycle relaient ouvertement la propagande de ce régime sanguinaire. Mais derrière la farce révolutionnaire, il y a une seule réalité, la répression, la misère, la censure et la négation des libertés fondamentales. Mais heureusement partout en Amérique latine les peuples se réveillent, de l'Argentine au Salvador en passant par le Chili ou la Bolivie, un véritable vent de rupture et de liberté balaie les vieux modèles socialistes autoritaires et corrompus.
Speaker 358
On vient donc d'assister à l'opération Nicolas Bay des cochons, vous voilà de nouveau au chevet de votre idole Donald Trump et de son action criminelle. Parce que celui qui asphyxie aujourd'hui le peuple cubain, c'est bien Donald Trump. Voilà 33 ans, 33 ans que l'Assemblée générale des Nations Unies condamne et demande la levée du blocus illégal des États-Unis sur le peuple cubain. Et aujourd'hui pourquoi les médecins cubains ont à faire du tri d'enfants malades dans les hôpitaux ? Parce que Donald Trump impose un blocus énergétique.
C'est bien lui qui est responsable de l'asphyxie du peuple cubain et de cette punition collective qui touche en premier lieu les enfants. Quand allez-vous enfin vous séparer du cordon ombilical qui vous relie à votre homologue fasciste Donald Trump et enfin être du côté des peuples face à l'impérialisme qui les broie ?
Nicolas Bay
Évidemment, comme toujours, l'extrême gauche confond les bourreaux et les victimes. Ce n'est pas l'administration américaine qui a exécuté les opposants politiques à Cuba. Ce n'est pas Donald Trump qui a torturé son propre peuple. Ce n'est pas les Américains qui ont déporté dans des camps de travail le peuple récalcitrant. Vous prétendez défendre le peuple, mais vous êtes de vous êtes aux côtés du régime sanguinaire cubain contre le peuple cubain.
Et comme toujours, vous êtes nostalgiques des régimes qui ont ensanglanté le XXe siècle. Vous aimeriez que ça continue au XXIe siècle.
Emma Fourreau
Gracias, presidenta. Señora Kaja Kallas, Cuba necesita ayuda urgente. ¿Cómo puede ser que al borde de un colapso humanitario, cuando no hay combustible, cuando no hay luz, ustedes estén haciéndole el trabajo sucio a Donald Trump? Porque vienen aquí a hablar del Gobierno cubano y olvidan deliberadamente el hecho de que Cuba lleva sufriendo 60 años un bloqueo criminal por parte de Washington que ahora mismo Trump está recrudeciendo. Y yo le pregunto, ¿cómo es posible que si el socialismo cubano es tan insostenible económicamente, cómo puede ser que lleven 60 años aplicando ese bloqueo criminal, tratando de asfixiarlo, tratando de matarlo y aun así resista?
Porque el pueblo cubano resiste y no solamente resiste, sino que es referencia en exportar solidaridad con el mundo entero. Y así se lo pagan. Y eso es lo que no le perdona Estados Unidos, que es un pueblo que no se somete al imperialismo americano. Y eso es lo que tampoco perdonan ustedes, que le ponen frente a un espejo a esta Europa de la miseria moral, amiga de genocidas y sometida a Donald Trump. Cuba no está sola.
Muchas gracias.
Elena Nevado del Campo
Gracias, presidenta. Señora Kallas, el acuerdo Unión Europea-Cuba no ha servido para nada. Y usted tiene que cambiar el rumbo porque el pueblo cubano ha perdido el miedo a pesar de que solo en el mes de abril se han contabilizado más de 300 detenciones arbitrarias, más de 700 violaciones de los derechos humanos. Y estas cifras no son aisladas, es fruto de décadas de represión, de castigo a la disidencia y de sometimiento al pueblo a un régimen dictatorial y comunista pese a la ceguera deliberada de la izquierda. Cuba podría ser un socio estratégico de la Unión Europea, compartimos historia, vínculos estrechos, pero jamás sin el respeto a los derechos humanos que vulnera Díaz-Canel y que comenzó con el castrismo.
Es el régimen, no los yanquis. Exija que se liberen a todos los presos políticos sin excepción. Dialogue, intervenga por la libertad cubana o lo hará Trump a su manera y seremos de nuevo irrelevantes.
Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza
Stimați colegi, nu există societăți ideale. Avem problemele noastre în Europa, însă din fericire comunismul și totalitarismul nu se află printre ele. Spun asta pentru că dacă ne uităm la Cuba anului 2024, realitatea este brutală: suprimarea protestelor pașnice, arestări arbitrare și tortură în închisori. Aceasta este politica regimului comunist aflat la putere. Întreaga populație a Cubei suferă.
Întreruperile de curent zilnice fac viața cetățenilor aproape imposibilă. Accesul la hrană și medicamente este absolut catastrofal. Drept la învățământ, despre ce să mai vorbim atunci când 97% dintre cubanezi au pierdut accesul real la hrană din cauza inflației? 89% dintre cubanezi trăiesc într-o sărăcie extremă, cu doar jumătate de dolar pe zi. Aceasta este adevărata față a comunismului.
Poate că nu există un model perfect de societate, dar ceea ce vedem în Cuba este rezultatul unor politici aberante gestionate de guvernanți criminali care condamnă o întreagă națiune la suferință. Să nu uităm să apreciem ceea ce funcționează în Europa. Vă mulțumesc.
Dariusz Joński
Bardzo dziękuję, pani przewodnicząca. Szanowni państwo, dzisiaj mówimy dużo o reżimie na Kubie i nazywamy rzeczy po imieniu, ale ja bym chciał zwrócić uwagę na sytuację humanitarną. Kilka dni temu rozmawiałem ze swoją rodziną, która jest i która mieszka w Bayamo, a to jest to miasto, które było centrum walk o niepodległość w dziewiętnastym wieku na Kubie. I opowiadają o dzieciach, które nie mogą otrzymać podstawowych leków. Matki stoją codziennie w kolejkach po żywność, wodę, a wieczorami ich mieszkania pogrążają się w ciemność z powodu wielogodzinnych blackoutów.
I to nie są odosobnione przypadki. Tak dziś wygląda życie tysięcy kubańskich rodzin. Brakuje żywności, leków, paliwa, brakuje prądu, brakuje absolutnie wszystkiego. Szpitale funkcjonują w warunkach kryzysowych, a seniorzy i dzieci płacą najwyższą cenę za ten dramat. I zwracam tylko uwagę na to, że Europa nie może zostawić tych ludzi bez pomocy.
Europa musi stanąć po stronie kubańskich rodzin, nie po stronie reżimu. Mam nadzieję, że Kubańczycy ten reżim obalą. Raz już to zrobili, zrobią to drugi raz. Ale solidarność europejska musi oznaczać realne działanie. Dziękuję bardzo.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze pan poseł Raúl de la Hoz Quintana, jedna minuta.
Raúl de la Hoz Quintano
Gracias. El régimen castrista tiene los días contados. El proceso para el restablecimiento de la democracia y el Estado de derecho en Cuba va a llegar más pronto que tarde, y la Unión Europea tiene la obligación moral y política de contribuir a su materialización evitando mirar para otro lado. Y esa contribución necesariamente pasa por la exigencia de suspensión que este Parlamento ha hecho del acuerdo de cooperación y la exigencia también para que el Gobierno castrista inicie de inmediato un proceso de transición democrática que necesariamente conlleve, en primer lugar, la libertad de los presos políticos, la reunificación nacional tras décadas de exilio de millones de cubanos, la desmilitarización del Gobierno y, por supuesto, el desarrollo de un proyecto integrador que garantice el libre ejercicio de los derechos fundamentales y las libertades públicas en Cuba. Y todo ello para desembocar en unas elecciones libres y democráticas que simbolicen la devolución al pueblo cubano de su libertad, de su democracia y de su soberanía que durante tantos años le ha sido arrebatada.
Nada más y muchas gracias.
Dziękuję bardzo. Rozpoczynamy procedurę catch-the-eye. Drodzy państwo, mamy blisko pięćdziesiąt minut opóźnienia i bardzo dużo zgłoszeń w ramach procedury catch-the-eye. Dlatego udzielę głosu tylko pięciu osobom. Jako pierwsza głos zabierze pani poseł Özlem Demirel, jedna minuta.
Özlem Demirel
Danke schön, Frau Präsidentin. Wenn in Kuba Medikamente fehlen, Operationen abgesagt werden und Menschen sterben, weil selbst medizinische Grundversorgung blockiert wird, dann ist das keine Naturkatastrophe. Das ist die Folge der jahrzehntelangen US-Blockade. Die Trump-Administration verschärft den Wirtschaftskrieg gegen Kuba mit einer völligen Abriegelung der Insel. Keine Öllieferung, Drohung gegen Drittstaaten und eine Politik des offenen Regime Changes.
Nach Venezuela sprach Trump von der Monroe-Doktrin.
Übersetzt heißt dies Lateinamerika gleich mein Hinterhof. Der Angriff gegen Kuba richtet sich also nicht nur gegen Kuba, sondern gegen ganz Lateinamerika. Und morgen will Trump den ehemaligen Präsidenten Raúl Castro in Miami anklagen. Doch nicht Castro, sondern Donald Trump und der US-Imperialismus gehören auf die Anklagebank. Wer Menschenrechte ernst nimmt, darf zu dieser US-Politik nicht schweigen.
Hände weg von Kuba! Die EU muss humanitäre Hilfe sofort leisten.
Speaker 312
Danke schön. Die Hamburger Reederei Hapag-Lloyd und die französische Reederei CMA CGM stoppen ab sofort alle Aufträge von und nach Kuba. Hintergrund ist die Ausweitung eines Dekrets von US-Präsident Donald Trump. Es richtet sich jetzt auch gegen ausländische Unternehmen. Ich frage Sie: Was unternimmt die EU eigentlich gegen die brutale Aushungerungspolitik der USA gegen Kuba, die nichts anderes ist als ein Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit?
Und was hat man unternommen, um europäische Unternehmen vor den US-Sanktionen zu schützen? Ich sage es Ihnen: Gar nichts hat man gemacht. Diese Komplizenschaft ist entsetzlich. Die EU feiert sich hier gern als Hort von Menschenrechten und schaut dem widerwärtigen Aushungern Kubas durch die USA bereitwillig zu. Die vielbeschworene moralische Basis Europas ist nichts als ein Abgrund an Heuchelei und Scheinheiligkeit.
Handeln Sie endlich und hören Sie auf damit, in Vasallentreue die Verbrechen der USA an Kuba zu dulden.
Maximilian Bistron
Es ist eine absolute Schande, was hier abläuft, dass hier ein kommunistisches Regime unterstützt werden soll, und vor allem von den linken Kollegen. Also dieses Gerede, an allem ist Amerika schuld, an allem ist Donald Trump schuld. Nehmen Sie das endlich zur Kenntnis: Der Kommunismus ist gescheitert, nämlich überall. Der hat schon in der Sowjetunion nicht funktioniert, der hat in Afrika nicht funktioniert, der hat in Europa nicht funktioniert, der funktioniert auch in Kuba, in Südamerika, in Mittelamerika, der funktioniert nirgendwo. Das ist eine völlig verquerte, schlechte, falsche Ideologie, und deswegen ist Kuba pleite.
Nehmen Sie das einfach zur Kenntnis. Danke schön.
Rudi Kennes
Ja, dank u, collega's, wat een grap dat we het hier wel over Cuba debatteren, maar niet over de misdaden van Israël. Mevrouw Kallas, u bent wel erg selectief als het gaat om mensenrechtenschendingen, hè? Die ziet u niet in Qatar, niet in Saudi-Arabië of in de VS, maar wel in landen zoals Cuba, Venezuela of Iran, omdat ze over grondstoffen zelf willen beschikken, net als de CIA trouwens. De Cubaanse situatie kan niet worden begrepen als we de constante dreiging van militaire aanvallen door de VS negeren. Geen enkel land kan groeien onder sancties en een kunstmatig gecreëerde humanitaire crisis.
Stroomuitval, verstoringen van water- en voedselvervoer en ziekenhuisdiensten. De blokkade is een daad van agressie en collectieve bestraffing van het Cubaanse volk. Het embargo, bedoeld om extreme armoede en dergelijke te veroorzaken zodat Cubanen in opstand zouden komen, is volledig mislukt. En als we echt om mensenrechten geven, dan moeten we Cuba verdedigen en militaire aanvallen voorkomen. Cuba is geen enkele bedreiging voor de nationale veiligheid, niet van Europa, niet van de VS.
Wij hebben een beleid van constructieve betrokkenheid nodig en we moeten het akkoord... Viva Cuba!
Maria Zacharia
Ευχαριστώ κύριε Πρόεδρε. Η Κούβα δεν τιμωρείται επειδή έχει έναν κακό πρόεδρο. Τιμωρείται επειδή ο λαός της κρατά ακόμη την εξουσία στα χέρια του. Και αυτό παραμένει αγκάθι στο λαιμό όλων αυτών που θέλουν λαούς υποταγμένους οικονομικά και πολιτικά. Η Ευρώπη παραμένει εκκωφαντικά σιωπηλή, αφήνοντας τον κάθε Χιτλερίσκο να φονεύει τους λαούς.
Το διεθνές δίκαιο δεν μπορεί να εφαρμόζεται επιλεκτικά. Δεν μπορεί να μιλάμε για ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα και την ίδια στιγμή να ανεχόμαστε αποκλεισμούς που στερούν από έναν λαό καύσιμα, τρόφιμα, φάρμακα και πρόσβαση στην υγεία. Εδώ σήμερα τι ακριβώς δικαιολογείται συνάδελφοι; Συλλογική τιμωρία ανθρώπων; Εσείς θα υποδείξετε στον κουβανικό λαό ποιος θα τους εκπροσωπεί;
Και βέβαια η υποκρισία περισσεύει. Το ίδιο κοινοβούλιο που δείχνει την Κούβα με το δάχτυλο συνεχίζει να σιωπά μπροστά στη γενοκτονία στη Γάζα. Ο κουβανικός λαός αξίζει σεβασμό, ειρήνη και το δικαίωμα να αποφασίζει ο ίδιος για το μέλλον του. Ευχαριστώ.
Głos zabierze w imieniu Komisji wiceprzewodnicząca Komisji, wysoka przedstawiciel pani Kaja Kallas.
Kaja Kallas
Dear President, honorable members, the microphones in this room actually work, so we can just be very, very civilized. But the debate has shown that there are very different views also in this house, really very opposing views as well. I was listening carefully, but this is part of the democratic debate. I agree with those who say that communism never works. I mean, having been living under communism, it's clearly not the way to do it for the people, I mean, for the leading class maybe.
But it is important that European policy is anchored both in our values but also our interests, and this is exactly what we are going to do. When it comes to human rights, okay, the gentleman has left, so I can't reply. But when it comes to human rights, we are actually raising this with all our interlocutors. So we are also the only ones who are doing this, and we get this from around the world that Europe is still standing for the human rights, and so it is. And of course, coming to this political dialogue and cooperation agreement that was widely discussed here.
So, you know, it is one of these documents that is a framework that allows us to engage directly with Cuba on the difficult issues. I mean, human rights, but also political prisoners, economic reform, geopolitical concerns. We have been raising all this. But saying that, I also agree that after ten years, it hasn't really delivered the way we hoped it would have delivered, and the revision is clearly necessary here. So we are definitely looking into this, what can we do, but I'm sure that the member states will be as divided as this house has been.
Thank you.
Bardzo dziękuję pani komisarz. Zamykam debatę. Głosowanie odbędzie się podczas następnej sesji miesięcznej.
Przystępujemy do realizacji kolejnego punktu porządku obrad, który brzmi: sprawozdanie Andreja Kovatcheva, zalecenie w sprawie 81. sesji Zgromadzenia Ogólnego Narodów Zjednoczonych. Jako pierwszy głos zabierze sprawozdawca, pan poseł Andrej Kovatchev, cztery minuty.
Andrey Kovatchev
Thank you very much, Madam President, High Representative, dear colleagues, pity that there is nobody from the Council. I am very pleased that the European Parliament is once again adopting a recommendation ahead of the United Nations General Assembly after five years without such a report. At a time of growing geopolitical instability and increasing pressure on the multilateral system, it is essential that the European Parliament contributes actively and clearly to shaping the European Union's priority at the United Nations. In recent years, the United Nations has too often appeared paralyzed in face of major international crises. Too often it has struggled to act decisively or to send a strong and clear political messages.
This has created disappointment around the world. That is why reform is overdue and necessary. The United Nations must become more effective, more transparent and less burdened by unnecessary bureaucracy. Resources must be allocated better, mandates must deliver concrete results and institutional deadlocks cannot become the normal way of functioning. Every euro or every dollar invested in the United Nations system must produce visible results on the ground.
This report also opens a discussion of improving decision-making within the multilateral system, including the role of the General Assembly when the Security Council is blocked by vetoes. At the same time, any further reform must preserve the fundamental principle of sovereign equality between states. The legitimacy of the General Assembly is based on the principle of one country, one vote. But colleagues, criticism of the United Nations must never become an excuse to weaken multilateralism itself, and any attempts to undermine the United Nations Charter, fundamental law and the rule-based international order must be firmly rejected. And now on some hot issues.
The European Union must continue supporting Ukraine politically, economically, military and diplomatically in line with the international law and the United Nations Charter. Russia's war of aggression is not only an attack against Ukraine, it is also attack against the international security order itself. We should continue to raise the question about the legitimacy of the seat of the Russian Federation in the Security Council, which is not backed by a resolution or another legally adopted act of the United Nations, but only on a unilateral declaration of this country. We must continue supporting all international efforts aiming at achieving peace, stability and humanitarian relief in the Middle East. Europe must also engage more actively and more respectfully with partners in the Global South.
The European Union remains the world's leading contributor to development assistance and we must continue carrying this responsibility with consistency and credibility. Human rights are universal. They cannot be selectively applied and they cannot be dismissed as merely internal matters by authoritarian regimes seeking to avoid accountability. And yes, we must also continue defending freedom of religion and belief as a fundamental human rights for all people. Finally, the report also address several of the defining challenges of our time: disinformation, hybrid threats and the growing manipulation of the digital space.
Fake news, foreign interference and coordinated disinformation campaigns are undermining democratic societies across the world, while pressure against independent journalists and media pluralism continue to grow in many regions. What is illegal offline must be also illegal online. And behind every online account, there must ultimately be a real and accountable person. Freedom online cannot mean impunity online. The European Union should continue leading efforts within the United Nations system to establish stronger international standards for transparency, accountability and protection of democratic processes.
I hope this House will support these recommendations with a broad majority.
Bardzo dziękuję panie pośle, w imieniu Komisji głos zabierze wiceprzewodnicząca Komisji, wysoka przedstawicielka Jaka Lass.
Kaja Kallas
Dear President, honorable members. My first thanks goes to the European Parliament and also the rapporteur Andrej Kovatchev for preparing this report ahead of the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly. And this report really captures the essence of the challenge we face today, the fragility of the rules-based international order. Amongst the major powers, including the United Nations Security Council, there is a declining support of multilateralism and also the UN system that was created to actually prevent wars. And to prevent what we are seeing increasingly today, proliferation of the might makes right attitude and a conflict prevailing across the world.
Of course, international cooperation based on the UN Charter benefits citizens everywhere in the world. And that is also why despite its many challenges, the decline in multilateralism is actually put its has actually put it back on the table. And this is today's paradox. Even if the biggest military powers are losing interest in multilateralism, then everyone else isn't. So the question at the heart of the UN General Assembly this year, which is which I also posed in UN Security Council, is how to transform the multilateral system into one that works for all.
As your report points out, UN to-do list is long. Without fairness, there is no hope to make it work again. Representation for the rising economies in the Security Council is is really nearly enough not nearly enough today, and General Assembly must play a bigger role holding the most powerful to account. But we remain hopeful. The EU continues to be a firm believer in multilateralism, United Nations, and there is work to be done on all three of the UN interlinked and independent pillars.
I just bring you few examples. Peace mediation. More conflict requires more mediation. There's a chance for the UN to step up and show it can deliver. We know what works, you know, if we include local communities, minorities, young people, then peace sticks.
If you want to have lasting peace, you need to have women in peace negotiations. Involving multilateral structures also helps to prevent national interest. But these are not always principles that are applied to peace mediation today. We have to revive the best practices and also lessons learned from past. Second, the UN must become more effective, transparent, efficient, and of course, we as Europe, we pay full, we pay in time.
All other major contributors must do the same. And third, accountability, what I've stressed in previous debates today as well. There cannot be a lasting peace anywhere without accountability.
And that's why we support the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice. When there are gaps, as it is in case of crime of aggression, we can also put together international coalition to have a special tribunal. But of course, the Security Council has a special responsibility for accountability because its role is to make rules stick. And I salute to the initiatives that actually curb the use of veto that is a problem. When this body, I mean Security Council, fails to deliver, it has to go back to the General Assembly.
So, honorable members, we also need to address the issue of new Secretary General coming in. New era will begin with the end of the year, and we need an individual who can build trust, build bridges, mobilize collective action, deliver solutions that make difference to people's lives and deliver a reform. And it goes without saying that the next Secretary General must be fully prepared to defend all the pillars of UN and promote full respect of the UN Charter. So we are not short of ideas how to vitalize the multilateralism, and this is all very much welcome. Because as European Union, we believe in multilateralism, we are the strongest supporters, and we have to keep it alive.
Thank you very much.
Bardzo dziękuję. W imieniu Grupy Europejskiej Partii Ludowej Chrześcijańskich Demokratów głos zabierze pan poseł Reinhold Lopatka, jedna minuta.
Reinhold Lopatka
Thank you, President. Dear colleagues, at the time of growing geopolitical instability, we see increasing pressure on the rules-based international order and the United Nations system itself. Therefore, I think the report sends the right message. Firstly, we have to continue supporting effective multilateralism with the United Nations at its core. Secondly, we have to support a reform of the UN system.
And thirdly, we have to remain united in defending democracy, human rights, and the rule of law worldwide. And we have to say, the US is not a partner in this case anymore. Therefore, Europe must assume a bigger role in achieving these goals. This also requires stronger institutional representation of the European Union within the UN system. Therefore, I support the objective of a permanent EU seat in the UN Security Council.
This report underlines Europe's responsibility in a changing world, and I encourage all the colleagues to support this report.
Dziękuję bardzo. W imieniu Grupy Postępowego Sojuszu Socjalistów i Demokratów w Parlamencie Europejskim głos zabierze pani poseł Evin Incir, dwie minuty.
Evin Incir
Colleagues, High Representative, this year's United Nations General Assembly in September comes at a time of growing geopolitical rivalry and when autocrats around the world are undermining the rules-based international order and multilateralism. Their names are many: Putin, Khamenei, Netanyahu, and unfortunately, even Trump. Autocratic leaders act as if international law is optional, as if military power gives them impunity, as if the UN Charter can simply be ignored when it becomes politically inconvenient, as if the rule of the jungle are those to be applied nowadays. Therefore, two issues will be of extra essential for us in the EU to champion at the meeting. First, mobilizing respect for international law.
Second, accountability for war crimes and other serious violations of international law.
We see this clearly in the worst conflicts around the world, be it in Ukraine, Sudan, Gaza, Syria, Lebanon or in Iran. With the current development globally, history risks repeating itself, the same history that we said never again to. But it still seems like we need to remind ourselves even in the EU, international law is not about cherry picking. Accountability for war crimes and serious violations of international law must apply to everyone without exception. During the last years UN General Assembly meeting, Trump openly attacked the UN in an attempt to undermine its credibility.
We have seen open threats and bullying by him against European countries and territories. His creation of the so-called Board of Peace and its broadened scope is also one of them. That is why we have to speak out on these issues and call a spade a spade. As the Social Democratic negotiator for this report, honestly, I don't understand the fear from the right-wing side of the Parliament to mention it. So, in closing, let me emphasize, if the European Union wants to be a credible global actor at this year's UNGA, then we must defend international law and accountability consistently without double standards and not let us be bullied to silence.
Ewa Kopacz
Bardzo dziękuję, panie poseł, w imieniu grupy Patrioci za Europą głos zabierze pani poseł Marieke Andreas, półtorej minuty.
Marieke Ehlers
Voorzitter, dit Parlement blijft de Verenigde Naties steunen als het hart van de internationale rechtsorde. Maar hoe geloofwaardig is die rechtsorde nog wanneer internationale instellingen fundamentele kritiek op massa-immigratie steeds diskwalificeren en regimes die vrouwen onderdrukken gewoon invloed blijven houden binnen VN-organen? En ondertussen gebeurt het volgende: een regime dat vrouwen onderdrukt, een regime dat vrouwen vervolgt, een regime waar vrouwen zelfs worden gedood omdat zij weigeren zich te onderwerpen aan islamitische dwang. Precies dat regime, Iran, kreeg opnieuw een plek binnen een VN-commissie over vrouwenrechten. Dat is toch absurd?
Wat moeten vrouwen die vechten voor hun vrijheid hiervan denken? Hoe kan een organisatie die zegt vrouwenrechten te verdedigen dit nog serieus verantwoorden? Mensenrechten verliezen iedere geloofwaardigheid wanneer vrouwenonderdrukkers mogen meepraten over vrouwenrechten. En alsof dat nog niet genoeg is, pleit dit rapport ook voor een permanente EU-zetel in de VN-Veiligheidsraad. Alsof de Europese Unie een staat zou zijn.
Maar de EU is geen land. Er bestaat geen Europees volk. De EU is een bureaucratisch machtsproject dat steeds meer bevoegdheden naar zich toe trekt. Wat de Partij voor de Vrijheid betreft hoort buitenlandse politiek thuis bij soevereine staten en democratisch gelegitimeerde nationale regeringen en niet bij de EU. Ik dank u.
Ewa Kopacz
Dziękuję bardzo, w imieniu grupy Europejscy Konserwatyści i Reformatorzy głos zabierze pan poseł Geadis Geadi, jedna minuta.
Geadis Geadi
Η 79η σύνοδος της Γενικής Συνέλευσης των Ηνωμένων Εθνών πραγματοποιείται σε μία περίοδο αυξημένων γεωπολιτικών προκλήσεων. Προκλήσεις που επιβάλλουν τη διατήρηση του Οργανισμού Ηνωμένων Εθνών ως παράγοντα παγκόσμιας ειρήνης, ασφάλειας, προστασίας των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων. Προερχόμενοι από τη μαρτυρική Κύπρο, γνωρίζουμε από πρώτο χέρι την αναγκαιότητα διαφύλαξης του οργανισμού. Γνωρίζουμε όμως και πόσο σημαντικό είναι να λειτουργεί και δίκαια, γιατί γίναμε πολλές φορές μάρτυρες απαράδεκτων προσεγγίσεων ίσων αποστάσεων που εξισώνουν το θύμα με το θύτη. Κλείνοντας, δεν μπορώ να κρύψω τον αποτροπιασμό μου για τη στάση της ομάδας της Αριστεράς στη συγκεκριμένη έκθεση, που με οδηγίες του ΑΚΕΛ προσπάθησε ανεπιτυχώς να αφαιρέσει ενσωμάτωση αναφοράς για επιστροφή όλων των προσφύγων στις πατρογονικές τους εστίες.
Στην ατζέντα σας φαίνεται χωρούν μόνο οι μουσουλμάνοι και οι Παλαιστίνιοι.
Να ξέρετε όμως ότι υπάρχουν και οι πρόσφυγες της Κύπρου, υπάρχει και η συνεχιζόμενη παράνομη τουρκική κατοχή της πατρίδας μου. Η επιλεκτική σας ευαισθησία είναι όχι μόνο υποκριτική αλλά και προκλητική.
Hilde Vautmans
Thank you very much, President, High Representative, colleagues, late in the evening, but a very important topic. United Nations General Assembly and recommendations from this House. We all know peace and security, human rights and justice are three of the core values of the United Nations. But unfortunately, we must admit the system has failed. It has failed in providing peace and security and it has failed in providing justice for victims of violence.
So there is a big need for an urgent reform. And I just give you one example, one example that you all know that I carry in my heart. You all know that in the Eastern DRC alone, over 10 million lives has been lost. Woman and children are systematically raped in mass, used as a weapon of war. And we cannot turn a blind eye to this continuum violence and insecurity in the Eastern DRC and so many other places.
And you all know, colleagues, that I think 15 years ago, the United Nations has voted the report mapping. All is in there. All the names, all the sanctions. And you know what? The report is there, nothing has happened and the same people are raping woman and children again.
So for me, make the United Nations something that has result on the field, that the reports, the very important reports are followed on the field. And for the rest, I know I'm going too slowly, but we ask for two special things: a permanent European seat and I just came back from Eswatini and the African side also asks an African seat at the United Nations. Thank you very much, colleagues.
Nela Riehl
Dear colleagues, this report sets out a nearly impossible task: naming and addressing the many crises and contradictions we face at UN level. Today I want to draw attention on the ongoing genocide in Gaza and those who risk their own lives to actually keep others alive. UNRWA provides education, medical support and aid to millions of Palestinians. It is a lifeline and I was able to visit that myself in December. Yet, UNRWA is attacked, accused and ultimately banned by the Israeli government.
Because when you remove the main humanitarian structure supporting population in a catastrophe, the result is obvious: more suffering and more death. Something that the Israeli government seems to accept very willingly. But independent audits repeatedly cleared UNRWA, confirming there is no credible replacement. Colleagues, there is only one legitimate demand to make tonight: UNRWA's mandate and funding must be fully reinstated. Thank you.
Gracias, presidente. Imagínense cualquiera de ustedes que ganan un millón de euros cada mes desde que nacen y que no se gastan nada, ni en el alquiler, ni en comida, en nada. Bueno, pues necesitarían trabajar 83.000 años, había mamuts en la tierra, para acumular la fortuna que tienen los 17 milmillonarios que han acompañado a Trump a China. Eso sí, en la mesa ni una sola mujer.
Speaker 377
No sé si lo pillan, pero Elon Musk no lleva 83.000 años trabajando. Esa gente no gana su dinero honradamente. ¿De verdad, señora Kallas, nos están pidiendo que aguantemos el aumento del coste de la vida, que paguemos de nuestro bolsillo sus guerras, que gastemos el dinero de nuestra sanidad en armas, que Europa le haga el trabajo sucio a Estados Unidos para que esa gente tenga más poder y más dinero? ¿No se le cae a usted la cara de vergüenza? Y por cierto, señora Kallas, Israel lleva 24 horas, que se dice pronto, en pleno Mediterráneo secuestrando barcos y secuestrando ciudadanos europeos, le hace gracia, ¿verdad?
A mí ninguna. ¿Va a mover en algún momento algún dedo para protegerlos? Son ciudadanos europeos, ¿qué haría usted si fuese Irán, si fuese Rusia quien se planta en medio del Mediterráneo para secuestrar a ciudadanos europeos? Pero como es Israel sonríe y mira para otro lado. Shame on you.
Stanislav Stoyanov
Благодаря, господин председател. Европейският съюз трябва да уважава устава на ООН. Идеята съюзът да получи постоянно място в Съвета за сигурност е нереалистична и противоречи на самата логика на организацията. ООН е организация на суверенни и равноправни държави, а Европейският съюз не е държава. Нека се фокусираме върху нещо постижимо.
За осем десетилетия девет генерални секретари са оглавявали ООН. Западна Европа, Азия, Африка, Латинска Америка, всички те вече са имали свой представител начело на организацията. Общото събрание на ООН многократно е потвърждавало, че при избора на генерален секретар трябва да се зачита географският баланс. В 80-годишната история на ООН нито един генерален секретар не е бил от Източна Европа, а повече от половината държави в източноевропейската група днес са членки на Европейския съюз. Източна Европа може да бъде мостът, от който светът се нуждае.
Именно затова принципът на географския баланс при избора на генерален секретар на ООН трябва ясно да присъства в доклада. Благодаря.
Francisco José Millán Mon
Gracias, presidente. Felicito en primer lugar al señor Kovatchev por su informe. El contexto internacional ha cambiado mucho en los últimos años, ahora es más complejo, incierto, polarizado, se cuestiona incluso el orden internacional basado en normas y lamentablemente las Naciones Unidas no desempeñan hoy el papel que nos gustaría. Pero hay retos que siguen exigiendo respuestas multilaterales. El cambio climático, los flujos migratorios, las pandemias, el terrorismo, el crimen organizado, el narcotráfico, por eso necesitamos reforzar el multilateralismo y fortalecer las Naciones Unidas.
Celebro que el informe del señor Kovatchev incluya el objetivo para el futuro de un asiento permanente para la Unión Europea en un Consejo de Seguridad reformado y ampliado por consenso, pues la Unión es un actor global firmemente comprometido con la Carta de Naciones Unidas. Y también en Nueva York debemos estrechar la cooperación con nuestros socios y aliados. Estoy pensando particularmente en la mayoría de los países de América Latina con los que compartimos vínculos profundos y una visión común del orden internacional basado en reglas. No olvidemos que ambos bloques, ambos continentes, representamos cerca de un tercio de los derechos de voto en Naciones Unidas. Muchas gracias.
Nacho Sánchez Amor
Gracias, presidente. Este Parlamento es tan transparente en lo que dice como en lo que calla. Y esta recomendación no es una excepción. Agradezco el tono que ha conseguido nuestro colega Kovatchev crear en el grupo de negociadores y su flexibilidad al acoger nuestras propuestas. No obstante, nuestras enmiendas muestran nuestra incomodidad por algunos de estos silencios tan reveladores.
Muchas gracias, señor Millán Mon. Señor Sánchez Amor.
¿Cómo es posible que en un texto como este se evite cuidadosamente mencionar críticamente a Trump? ¿No es Trump un actor principalísimo en el desmontaje de nuestro sistema bilateral? Hablamos de amenazas a la soberanía de Dinamarca y Groenlandia como si fueran terremotos sin atribuírselo a nadie. Hablamos de la UNRWA con un tono poco respetuoso con su papel crucial e insustituible, y subrayo, la UNRWA es insustituible. Insistimos otra vez en el tema de los libros escolares de la Autoridad Palestina y nunca hablamos de los libros escolares de Israel en los que se han encontrado similares muestras de deshumanización de los árabes y los palestinos.
Por eso nuestras enmiendas, Andrey, a pesar de reconocer tu trabajo, se dedican a rellenar esas omisiones vergonzantes. Este texto apunta certeramente a una fatiga estructural del sistema de Naciones Unidas y su dificultad para adaptarse a los nuevos actores internacionales. Naciones Unidas nació para acoger Estados, pero hoy hay en la arena internacional interlocutores que ya no son Estados y para los que las Naciones Unidas no acaban de adaptarse. La Unión Europea, sin duda, y seguramente también la Unión Africana desde otro punto de vista. Y esta desconexión con las realidades emergentes es un freno a la renovación de Naciones Unidas.
Sencillamente, estas Naciones Unidas ya no representan al mundo si no incluyen a la Unión Europea en su Consejo de Seguridad. Gracias.
Jorge Buxadé Villalba
La ONU debe reiniciarse. Debe reiniciarse por querer convertirse en un poder global al servicio de los poderosos, imponiendo una agenda ideológica a los Estados soberanos, limitando la democracia real y provocando transferencias millonarias de las clases medias occidentales a ese conglomerado de agencias, fondos, organismos y comités que no rinden cuentas a nadie. Y debe reiniciarse porque ha dado la espalda a principios no negociables que están en su Declaración Universal de Derechos: el derecho preferente de los padres a educar y elegir la educación de sus hijos, la familia como elemento natural y fundamental de la sociedad protegida por el Estado, el derecho a la vida, la libertad, la seguridad, la libertad de expresión y pensamiento frente a la censura y la libertad para profesar públicamente la religión de nuestros padres sin ser acusados de delito de odio o directamente asesinados por ser cristianos en África. La ONU debe reiniciarse y poner fin a la financiación y cooperación con narcoestados, grupos terroristas e islamistas y con todas aquellas culturas que denigran a la mujer en su dignidad y en la debida protección, amenazando la paz y seguridad internacionales y la paz y seguridad en nuestras calles. Gracias.
Barry Andrews
President, High Representative and colleagues, the UN Security Council was supposed to be a guarantor of global peace. Instead, its ineffectiveness has emboldened lawlessness and accelerated impunity. On my way here this morning on the tram, one of the stops is named after Aristide Briand, who in 1926, a hundred years ago, won the Nobel Peace Prize for his work on international peace. And I wondered what he would make of the state of the world a hundred years later in 2026.
Would he agree that the UN Security Council is as weak now as its predecessor, the League of Nations? My own country attached itself for decades to the UN, including through the triple lock requiring a resolution from the Security Council to trigger a deployment of troops overseas. Now it is clear that instead of a safeguard, this attachment is a formula for inertia, and instead of neutrality, we have dependency. And sadly, we are now forced to break that link with legislation later this year. Next week, Commissioner Labib will publish her humanitarian communication, and it gives the European Union the opportunity to recommit unambiguously to international humanitarian law.
Thank you.
Speaker 383
Les Nations Unies sont les garants d'un ordre mondial fondé sur le droit international. Et les recommandations avancées dans ce rapport par ce Parlement sont primordiales. Nous appelons notamment à protéger la CPI, la Cour internationale de justice, à garantir un soutien à l'UNRWA, à abandonner le deux poids deux mesures en matière de droit international. Mais, parce que chers collègues, il y a un mais. Ce Parlement est en pleine contradiction car le deux poids deux mesures, on le retrouve au sein même de ce texte, et cela ne fait que saper notre crédibilité.
On y condamne fermement et à juste titre la Russie pour leur guerre d'agression contre l'Ukraine. Mais dans le même temps, on est incapable de condamner les États-Unis et Israël. Leur guerre en Iran, au Liban est réduite à une simple action militaire. Le rôle dans la déstabilisation du Moyen-Orient est sous silence. Au Groenland, l'unique menace serait la Russie, pas un mot sur les prédations américaines.
Alors chers collègues, il y a urgence à aligner nos valeurs et nos actions, sinon nous perdrons toute crédibilité.
Lynn Boylan
Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh. The United Nations was founded to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. It was not born out of a naive idealism, but out of the horrors of the Second World War and a realization by the survivors that humanity's best possible hope was cooperation and multilateralism. And as the United States and Israel plunge the world into instability and attack the UN, we need countries to stand up for the UN system and international law. And the EU's failure to take any action to stop the genocide in Gaza and to hold countries like Israel accountable is actively undermining the UN system.
We need to see the UN processes actually supported and implemented, for example, the self-determination referendum in Western Sahara. The UN needs real reform. We need an end to the veto. We need Global South permanent seats for Global South countries on the Security Council. And crucially, we need to give more power to the General Assembly.
Maximilian Bistron
Sehr geehrter Vorsitzender, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen. Also diese Empfehlung der EU, das ist ein Zeugnis der Verlogenheit, der Realitätsverweigerung und vor allem der außenpolitischen Inkompetenz der EU. Verlogenheit.
Das Dokument wimmelt nur von dem Begriff regelbasierte Ordnung. Regelbasierte Ordnung hier, regelbasierte Ordnung da, auf jeder Seite findet sich das mehrmals. Dabei vergessen Sie ja vollkommen, dass genau diese regelbasierte Ordnung zerstört wurde durch die NATO 1999 durch das Bombardement von Jugoslawien, 2011 Bombardement von Libyen, und genau diese EU hat das damals beklatscht und unterstützt. Realitätsverweigerung, das sind die Vorschläge zur Reform des Sicherheitsrates. In Ihrem Hass gegen Russlands versuchen Sie das Veto einzuschränken und dann komplett abzuschaffen, also das Vetorecht der Supermächte.
Also da lachen sich die Leute in Peking und in Washington und klatschen sich auf die Schenkel. Und schließlich der Vorschlag, die EU soll einen Platz im Sicherheitsrat bekommen neben Frankreich. Neben Frankreich. Also liebe Freunde, da wird's tatsächlich wirklich lustig, denn der Sitz im Sicherheitsrat für Frankreich war schon 45 falsch. Wenn die Franzosen etwas an von der EU halten, sollen sie ihren Platz der EU anbieten.
Das wäre mal sinnvoll. Danke.
Nathaniel Brown
Thank you, Chair, Madam Commissioner. The United Nations is supposed to take care about peacekeeping. So let it first eliminate the first and sometimes it seems the main obstacle and the main source and reason of wars and aggressions and genocide. That is the Jewish state located in Palestine. The good news is that what was once created by one vote, that United Nations resolution of 1947 number 181, well, it can always be revoked.
It can always be voted over again to restore peace in the Middle East and all over the world. Now, this is the only, the only thing that you might do, Madam Commissioner, to propose such vote in the United Nations. Thank you very much. Goyim of all countries, unite.
Mr. Chair, President, dear colleagues, I think in the plenary should be not allowed that a colleague is calling for eliminating a state of the State of Israel. I mean, this is something which is absolute not acceptable to call for elimination of the State of Israel.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, we take note of that. Mr. Stier, you can take the floor.
Davor Ivo Stier
Hvala, predsjedniče, u svijetu koji se sve više fragmentira i sukobljava Europska unija ostaje zagovornik multilateralizma i UN-ovog sustava kolektivne sigurnosti. Ali ne možemo biti naivni, takav sustav ne može funkcionirati ako stalna članica Vijeća sigurnosti okupira teritorij susjedne države kao što to Rusija čini u Ukrajini, a onda neke druge stalne članice ne čine puno ili ne čine ništa da zaustave takvu Rusiju.
Parlament stoga traži reformu UN-a i reformu Vijeća sigurnosti, ali svjesni smo da će ishod ovisiti o novom preslagivanju snaga u geopolitičkoj kompeticiji koja se danas vodi među globalnim velesilama. Stoga, fokusirajmo se na ono što UN može danas učiniti, a može na primjer više učiniti u borbi protiv siromaštva, u boljem funkcioniranju UN-ovih agencija i u zaštiti slobode vjeroispovijesti. Multilateralizam ima smisla, al' pogotovo ima smisla kada je učinkovit. Hvala vam.
Marta Temido
Senhor Presidente, Senhora Alta Representante, a octogésima primeira Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas vai realizar-se, todos o sabemos, num dos mais difíceis momentos de que há memória para o multilateralismo, para as suas instituições, para a ordem internacional baseada em regras. Mas nós sabemos que num mundo complexo e instável, o multilateralismo e as Nações Unidas, como seu principal fórum, não representam uma velha ordem mundial. Pelo contrário, representam exatamente o único sistema capaz de promover a paz, a segurança, o desenvolvimento sustentável e a defesa dos direitos humanos. Por isso é essencial que a voz da União Europeia nesta Assembleia Geral seja muito clara na defesa de um mandato renovado para as Nações Unidas, na garantia do seu financiamento adequado e eficiente, na reforma dos seus órgãos, que não fiquem reféns de direitos de veto, na proteção das suas agências, que não vejam o seu trabalho atacado. Mas mais do que palavras, conta a força do exemplo.
E não podemos aceitar que poucos países da União Europeia pareçam estar disponíveis, por exemplo, para se bater pela aplicação do estatuto de bloqueio que permite proteger os magistrados do Tribunal Penal Internacional contra as sanções dos Estados Unidos. E os nossos sistemas, as nossas instituições, valem a força que os seus membros lhes querem dar. Este é o drama com que somos confrontados. Obrigada.
Speaker 383
Monsieur le Président, je demande la parole pour des propos tenus il y a maintenant deux intervenants, qui sont absolument intolérables. En fait, on vient au cœur du temple de la démocratie européenne appeler à la destruction de l'État d'Israël. Je m'exprime tout le temps pour dénoncer et exprimer mon désaccord avec le gouvernement israélien, mais on ne peut pas laisser passer un appel ici à la destruction d'Israël. Je veux que ce soit noté au PV, je veux que ça remonte au bureau et à la présidente et que si c'est permis, que des sanctions soient prises contre le collègue qui s'est exprimé. On peut diverger sur les accords, mais jamais on ne devrait accepter que ici soient tenus les propos qu'on a entendus tout à l'heure.
Speaker 387
Thank you. Thank you very much, dear colleague. Thank you very much, we take note. My next speaker is Mr. Annemans. You have the floor.
Gerolf Annemans
Thank you, Mr. President. Voorzitter, collega's, dit verslag gaat officieel over de Verenigde Naties, maar wie goed leest ziet helemaal iets anders. Dit is opnieuw een stap naar meer macht voor de Europese Unie. Meer multilateralisme zijnde de nieuwe Europese religie en bijgevolg minder nationale soevereiniteit. In de praktijk, aldus deze tekst, zullen de volkeren van Europa hun zeggenschap verder moeten afstaan aan internationale structuren.
Om te beginnen Vlaanderen, maar ook de andere lidstaten zullen niet meer zelf mogen spreken. Het concept samenwerking wordt vervangen door centralisatie. Wij zouden ook vriendelijk willen bedanken voor een VN-agenda die migratie, klimaatdogma's, genderideologie, ontwikkelingsmiljarden en buitenlands beleid losmaakt van iedere democratische controle van de lidstaten. Europa heeft geen nood aan een nieuwe mondiale leiband, Europa heeft nood aan een vrije associatie van naties die samenwerken waar dat nuttig is, maar die de beslissingsmacht houden waar ze hoort te zijn bij de democratische wilsuting van hun eigen volk.
Speaker 390
Thank you very much, dear colleague. Mr. Castaldo, you have the floor.
Speaker 393
Merci, Monsieur le Président. L'Union européenne n'arrive même pas à se mettre d'accord sur un négociateur avec la Russie, mais elle a l'ambition de siéger comme membre permanent au Conseil de sécurité. En réalité, la France y représente déjà les intérêts européens et l'UE n'a pas besoin d'y être représentée deux fois. Ce sont le sous-continent indien, l'Afrique et l'Amérique latine qui devraient obtenir un siège permanent. Voilà les régions porteuses d'avenir, alors que l'Europe s'affaiblit en raison de ses propres erreurs politiques et diplomatiques, comme par exemple la remise en question de la présence de la Russie au Conseil de sécurité.
Ce faisant, elle applique une politique des deux poids et deux mesures. Elle accuse les uns de tous les maux tout en fermant les yeux sur les méfaits de ses proches alliés. En réalité, l'UE conduit une politique étrangère qui ne mérite pas son nom, car elle manque d'honnêteté, de responsabilité, de vision et de courage. En ce qui concerne le rôle des femmes dans les négociations de paix, je vous assure, Madame la Haute Représentante, que votre présence aggravera les conflits au lieu de les résoudre. Je vous remercie.
Lukas Mandl
Thank you very much, Chair, High Representative, dear colleagues. When I listen to the extremists in this House, to the far left, to the far right, and how they talk about the United Nations and multilateralism, I'm even more convinced that multilateralism is important and the United Nations are obviously in urgent need of a drastic reform, but they have to be in place. Humanity will need the United Nations even more than ever in the future, and this is why we have to positively contribute to its reform. I always remember a High Representative from the system of the very United Nations, a senior official of the United Nations talking to us during the High-Level Political Forum at the UN seat in New York, saying that the problem would be that the United Nations would have become an NGO, acting like an NGO in itself. And I think this impression from the inside is also an impression I share from the outside.
So if we can manage the UN making what it's supposed to do, not acting like an NGO, because there are NGOs on the planet, but acting on behalf of multilateralism in a positive sense, this will be good for every human being on this planet.
Matjaž Nemec
Spoštovani visoki zbor. Če želimo, da organizacija Združenih narodov ostane učinkovita, verodostojna v luči vse večjih globalnih izzivov, potem moramo odločno podpreti njeno reformo, se zavzeti za krepitev multilateralizma in dosledno spoštovanje mednarodnega prava. Dejstvo je, da OZN in njene agencije ostajajo nepogrešljive predvsem v konfliktnih območjih, kjer pogosto predstavljajo zadnjo zaščito civilistov in humanitarne pomoči. Kot je za palestinske begunce nenadomestljiva UNRWA. Zato mora Unija igrati konstruktivno vlogo in braniti sistem OZN, sploh v času, ko ga Trump in Netanjahu želita ošibiti.
Pričakujem, da voditelji držav članic Evropske unije na generalni skupščini OZN jasno podprejo trajno premirje v Gazi, obnovo palestinske civilne infrastrukture in verodostojno pot do rešitve dveh držav. Uvedejo sankcije za ekstremistične izraelske naseljence, obsodijo nezakonit napad ZDA in Izraela na Iran. Izgovori za dvojne standarde so se iztekli. Mednarodno pravo ni stvar politične preračunljivosti, ampak naša dolžnost in preizkus človeštva.
Dariusz Joński
Dziękuję, panie przewodniczący. Szanowna pani komisarz, Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych została powołana po II wojnie światowej, aby właśnie zapobiegać kolejnych konfliktów światowych i utrzymywać pokój między innymi między państwami. Dzisiaj na całym świecie mamy no więcej niż 50 różnego rodzaju konfliktów i wojen i również adresujemy słowa krytyki do tej organizacji za jej działanie, brak reakcji wystarczającej. No więc co zrobić, żeby nie było tych słów krytyki? Otóż no dziś wszyscy wymagamy, żeby Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych była bardziej skuteczna.
Po pierwsze, lepsza reprezentacja układu sił ONZ, ta pochodzi z 1945 roku, wiele osób zwraca uwagę, że Afryka jest bez stałego miejsca, Indie miliard 400 milionów również bez. Mówi się o rozszerzeniu Rady Bezpieczeństwa. Na pewno większa skuteczność misji pokojowych. Dzisiaj ONZ wysyła błękitne hełmy, ale możliwości ich są bardzo ograniczone, między innymi nie mogą chronić ludności. Na pewno mniej biurokracji.
To na pewno i na pewno silniejsze działania wobec globalnych problemów, takich jak cyberbezpieczeństwo, jak sztuczna inteligencja, jak migracja, jak pandemia. Tak, wszyscy tego oczekują. Ale mimo tych wszystkich wad, to ONZ jest dzisiaj bardzo ważną instytucją i pomaga nam wszystkim w negocjacjach pokojowych i to warto również podkreślić. Dziękuję bardzo.
Chloé Ridel
Chers collègues, face aux défis du XXIe siècle, nous n'avons jamais eu autant besoin de coopération internationale. Pourtant, les plus grandes puissances s'affranchissent ouvertement des règles collectives et marginalisent les institutions onusiennes héritées du XXe siècle et de ses leçons, le nationalisme, c'est la guerre. Lors de son sommet avec Xi Jinping il y a quelques jours, Trump a suggéré que les États-Unis, la Chine et la Russie devaient unir leurs forces pour combattre la Cour pénale internationale, héritière du tribunal de Nuremberg, en affirmant qu'ils avaient tous intérêt à ce que la Cour disparaisse. Alors certainement, la CPI n'est pas l'amie de ce club des hommes forts, Xi Jinping, Trump, Poutine, Netanyahou, qui cèdent à leurs pulsions violentes, font la guerre dans la volonté de dominer coûte que coûte. La CPI et ses juges, même attaqués, intimidés sans cesse, tiennent le cap pour le respect du droit international, pour la justice rendue aux victimes des pires crimes dont l'homme est capable.
Défendre la CPI aujourd'hui, c'est défendre un idéal pour un monde de paix et de justice. Et nous échouons. La CPI a son siège en Europe et pourtant, l'Europe est incapable de la protéger face aux sanctions américaines qui menacent son indépendance, parce qu'il faut ménager Trump. Alors la Commission européenne dit vouloir protéger la Cour mais ne fait rien. Son hypocrisie est aujourd'hui une complicité.
Que la Commission active enfin le règlement de blocage et que ce Parlement le clame haut et fort, non à la guerre et à l'impunité des criminels, oui à la paix et à la justice.
Thank you very much. Merci, Madame. Madame Campari, you have the floor.
Nina Carberry
President, High Representative, in a time of geopolitical instability, rising humanitarian crisis and growing pressure on aid budgets, defending multilateralism has never been more urgent. Seventy years ago, Ireland joined the UN, an institution at the heart of our foreign policy and our commitment to peace and international law. As we look to the 81st UN General Assembly, we must reaffirm the vital role of the UN and its agencies, especially in conflict zones and humanitarian crisis. But words are not enough. We need stronger political and financial backing on a UN system able to respond quickly and to act on gender equality, poverty and hunger.
Andreas Schieder
Nach New York und Genf ist Wien der einzige UN-Sitz, der auch in der Europäischen Union liegt. Und genauso wie es einen Sitz in der EU gibt, braucht es auch einen EU-Sitz im UNO-Sicherheitsrat. Gerade die multiplen Krisen unserer Zeit zeigen, wie wichtig internationales Recht und auch multilaterale Institutionen sind. Und man muss eines ganz klar sagen: wir brauchen nicht weniger davon, sondern mehr und auch besser. Wir müssen die UNO reformieren und aus dem eiskalten Griff der Supermächte und ihrer Despoten befreien.
Wir brauchen auch mehr Europa und europäisches Engagement in der EU. Aber die EU steht nicht nur für Diplomatie, sie steht auch für konkrete Hilfe wie bei der UNICEF, bei der WHO oder bei dem World Food Program. Und die Vereinten Nationen sind nicht perfekt, aber sie sind trotzdem der beste Ort, wo Konflikte durch Recht und Diskussion und nicht durch Gewalt und Krieg gelöst werden.
Nikolina Brnjac
Hvala predsjedniče. U vrijeme geopolitičkih napetosti i nestabilnosti, ratova i slabljenja međunarodnog poretka temeljenog na pravilima, Europska unija mora ostati snažan zagovornik multilateralizma i Ujedinjenih naroda. Svjedočimo rastu trgovinskih sukoba, pokušaja slabljenja međunarodnih institucija i zato Europska unija mora još odlučnije braniti međunarodno pravo, Povelju Ujedinjenih naroda i sustav globalne suradnje koji je desetljećima bio temelj mira i stabilnosti. Moramo imati jaču ulogu Ujedinjenih naroda i snažniji doprinos Europske unije u rješavanju globalnih sigurnosnih i humanitarnih izazova. Posebno je važno nastaviti pružati potporu Ukrajini te jačati globalnu sigurnost i otpornost demokratskih društava.
Jer u svijetu rastućih podjela Europa mora ostati glas razuma i suradnje, međunarodnog prava i zajedničkih rješenja. Europska unija i države članice zajedno su najveći financijski doprinositelj sustavu UN-a, ali naša odgovornost ne smije biti samo financijska, već ona mora biti i politička i vrijednosna. Hvala.
Lina Gálvez
Thank you very much, dear colleague. La señora Gálvez.
Muchas gracias, presidente. Entre las recomendaciones de este Parlamento para la octogésima primera sesión de la Asamblea General de Naciones Unidas se incluye que a igualdad de méritos se procure que se nombre a una mujer como secretaria general. Esto no es baladí si recuerdan hace unos días una fotografía donde se sentaban en torno a una mesa en la cumbre chino-norteamericana treinta de las personas más poderosas del mundo, todos eran hombres. Pero aquí en Europa estamos en otro lugar o al menos queremos otra foto. Y en ochenta años no ha habido ninguna mujer secretaria general de las Naciones Unidas.
A las mujeres se nos sigue juzgando de manera diferente, se nos sigue infravalorando, se nos exige más, se nos deshumaniza, se nos disciplina para que no lleguemos o no nos quedemos en el poder. Y especialmente ahora más que nunca porque hay un retroceso precisamente en el compromiso con la igualdad de género, tenemos que apoyar que haya una mujer, que la nueva secretaria general de Naciones Unidas sea una mujer. Algunos gobiernos como el de Pedro Sánchez ya lo han hecho. Espero que otros gobiernos y también la Unión Europea siga la recomendación de este Parlamento. Seguramente tendremos menos guerras y más paz si hay una secretaria general de Naciones Unidas.
Cecilia Strada
Grazie Presidente, Commissaria. Nel sistema multilaterale, il diritto internazionale è più forte delle armi, i diritti umani sono più forti del profitto, lo stato di diritto è più forte delle autocrazie. Questa è la posizione dell'Europa, almeno sulla carta. Nella relazione che voteremo domani, il Parlamento ribadisce una ferma condanna nei confronti dei talebani, un regime che impone un apartheid di genere. In Afghanistan le donne non possono lavorare, non possono studiare, non possono neanche cantare.
Cecilia Strada
Muchas gracias, señora Gálvez. La señora Strada.
Eppure, a giugno, la Commissione riceverà a Bruxelles una delegazione di talebani per parlare di rimpatri. La Commissione quindi darà legittimità politica a un regime di uomini brutali e ricercati dalla Corte Penale Internazionale per crimini contro l'umanità. Ma con quale credibilità poi condanneremo gli orrori del regime afghano? Lo sapevate che se rompi un osso a tua moglie sei punibile con quindici giorni di galera, se invece organizzi un combattimento tra animali fino a cinque mesi di carcere? Le donne valgono meno degli animali in Afghanistan.
Commissaria, chieda per favore ai suoi colleghi di annullare l'incontro con i talebani. Nessuna legittimità dall'Europa, nessuna legittimità a chi massacra i diritti delle donne e delle bambine. Grazie.
Speaker 387
Gracias, onorevole. Solo tengo una petición de catch-the-eye, mi amigo Juan Fernando López Aguilar.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Gracias, presidente, High Rep Kaja Kallas. La aprobación de la posición del Parlamento Europeo ante la próxima Asamblea General de Naciones Unidas en septiembre es una ocasión para reafirmar nuestra propia visión de la contribución europea a la gobernanza de la globalización, que tiene que ser coherente con nuestra apuesta por la legalidad, por el multilateralismo y por la igualdad, para empezar la igualdad de género, apostando por una mujer para la Secretaría General. Pero también para denunciar las carencias de este informe sobre la posición del Parlamento Europeo. Porque no puede ser que no lo tengamos claro de que es absolutamente inadmisible y contrario al derecho internacional fundado en esa legalidad internacional de Naciones Unidas, paralela a la propia Unión Europea como su respuesta al desastre de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, que ignore por completo la condena de la intervención de Israel en Gaza, que falle a la hora de apoyar a la UNRWA, que no condene claramente la agresión de Israel y de Estados Unidos al Líbano y a Irán o la intervención de Estados Unidos en Venezuela. Por tanto, la legalidad no admite dobles raseros, que es el fuente de crítica que hace más vulnerable la credibilidad interior y exterior de la Unión Europea.
Gracias, presidente.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you, thank you for the report, thank you for the debate. I think it was very clear that this report underlines and we are of the general view that the biggest needs right now for the UN is that EU supports the effective rules-based multilateral order with UN at its core. We have to promote and defend international law. We have to uphold the principles of the UN Charter and we also need to work towards more effective, efficient, transparent and financially sustainable, responsive United Nations that is capable of meeting the current and emerging global challenges. Thank you very much.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, Madam Kallas. And to close the debate, the rapporteur, the quaestor, Mr. Kovatchev.
Andrey Kovatchev
Thank you very much, Mr. President, dear High Representative, dear shadow rapporteurs, colleagues, thank you for this debate. Today's discussion shows that despite political differences, there's a broad agreement in this house that the European Union must remain a strong defender of effective multilateralism, the rule-based international order, and the effective also United Nations reform. The United Nations face institutional challenges, geopolitical pressure, financial difficulties, and growing attempts to weaken its credibility and effectiveness. The United Nations system must reform and modernize, it must become more effective, more transparent, and more capable of responding to today's crises. The European Union must continue defending the United Nations Charter, international law with consistency and credibility, and the European Parliament has an important role to play in shaping the European Union contribution to the United Nations system.
This includes continued support for Ukraine, engagement for peace and stability in the Middle East, stronger actions against disinformation and hybrid threats, and continued defense of fundamental freedoms. I hope this house will support this report with broad majority and thank you very much for all of you.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, Quaestor Kovatchev. The debate is closed, the vote will be held tomorrow. We jump now into the next item on the agenda, the joint debate on EU-Uzbekistan Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, the recommendation by Mr. Kucuk, EU-Uzbekistan Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, and the report of Mr. Kucuk, EU-Uzbekistan Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement resolution. Mr. Kucuk, as rapporteur, has the floor as first speaker.
Ilhan Kyuchyuk
Thank you very much, dear President, Madam High Representative, dear colleagues, this house is not simply discussing on an agreement, we are making a strategic statement about Europe's role in a changing world. The Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with Uzbekistan comes at a moment of profound geopolitical transformation. Global fragmentation and accelerating geopolitical tensions, Russia's war against Ukraine and the war in Iran continue to challenge the international order. Competition over fuel, connectivity, energy, critical raw materials, and influence is intensifying across Eurasia. In this context, Central Asia is no longer a geopolitical periphery.
It is becoming a strategic bridge between Europe and Asia, and Uzbekistan with its pragmatic and demographic weight, reform trajectory, and growing regional engagement is emerging as a key partner for the European Union. This agreement reflects that reality. The EPCA is the most ambitious framework ever negotiated between the European Union and Uzbekistan. It modernizes our relations far beyond the outdated agreement from 1999 and opens a new chapter of cooperation in trade, connectivity, energy, climate, digitalization, security, education, and people-to-people contacts. But this agreement is not only about economics.
It is also about political direction. European Union believes that long-term stability and prosperity cannot exist without rule of law, accountable institutions, human rights, and active civil society.
That is why our report is balanced, ambitious and principled. We acknowledge the important reforms undertaken by Uzbekistan in recent years, including progress in economic modernization, regional cooperation and labor rights. We recognize the country's increasingly constructive role in Central Asia and its contribution to regional dialogue and connectivity. At the same time, we are clear-eyed about the challenges that remain. Further progress is needed on media freedom, judicial independence, political pluralism and the protection of fundamental rights.
The implementation of international commitments, including under GSP+ framework, must continue in a credible and measurable manner. Civil society and independent media must have a space to operate freely and safely. Because partnership with European Union is strongest when it's built on trust, reforms and shared principles. Dear colleagues, this engagement also carries important geopolitical significance. The EPCA strengthens cooperation on regional security, cybersecurity, counter-terrorism, border management and sanctions enforcement.
At a time where attempts of circumvent EU sanctions continue, cooperation with partners in Central Asia is essential. Respect for international law, sovereignty and territorial integrity must remain the foundation of our engagement. The agreement furthermore creates new opportunities under the Global Gateway strategy and the Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor, helping to diversify trade routes, enhance connectivity and reduce strategic dependencies. It also opens important avenues for cooperation on critical raw materials and green transition. Let us not underestimate the broader regional dimension.
A strong partnership between the EU and Uzbekistan can contribute to greater regional integration, resilience and stability across Central Asia. It sends a message that European Union is present, engaged and prepared to invest in a long-term partnership based on mutual respect and shared interest. Thank you.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, Mr. Kucuk. Madam High Representative, you have the floor.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you and thanks for the rapporteur. The EU and Uzbekistan have a solid relationship. Uzbekistan has preferential access to EU single market in return for upholding international conventions on human rights, labor rights, environment and climate and good governance. And also what the rapporteur was mentioning, through Global Gateway, EU is investing in connectivity projects in the country, including as part of the Trans-Caspian Transport Corridor. But last October, we reached new milestone when we signed the new Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement.
This agreement provides a stronger legal framework for more cooperation in many areas, including sustainable development, connectivity, digitalization, education and climate, just to name a few. But good partners must also be honest with each other. So let me be honest here. You know as well as I do, there are still many restrictions in Uzbekistan. Human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers and activists are under pressure.
Torture, detention conditions and the criminalization of consensual same-sex relations remains serious concerns. And this is also why the EU finances projects in Uzbekistan that address these specific challenges, not least to support the rule of law, gender equality, media literacy, digital rights and anti-corruption. But now we have also included the respect of human rights, civil society and media freedom in our new agreement too. In short, we are anchoring Uzbekistan more firmly in a rules-based partnership with the European Union, while bringing important benefits to the people of Uzbekistan. Key parts of the agreement have been provisionally applied since the 1st March and the ratification by member states is ongoing.
But of course, we need consent from this house in this regard. Let me already welcome the Parliament's engagement, including your call to close monitoring and clear human rights benchmarks. Such tight scrutiny would only strengthen the agreement. Honorable members, in an increasingly complex geopolitical environment, a closer EU partnership with Uzbekistan is necessary, along with other countries in the region, I mean Central Asia. And this was also the clear message in Samarkand last year.
Our leaders committed to full respect of international law, fundamental principles and also achieving comprehensive, just, lasting peace in Ukraine. With regards to Ukraine, while we support the country to defend itself, it's fundamental, it is also fundamental that we assert maximum pressure on Russia to end this war. And that brings me to sanctions. Of course, we cannot achieve this desired effect if our sanctions are circumvented. That is why continued measures by Uzbekistan to, you know, deal with the circumvention are important.
And also welcome news that the direct exports of priority battlefield goods from Uzbekistan to Russia have decreased substantially. So, honorable members, enhanced partnership and cooperation agreement opens a new chapter in our relationship. And together we are taking a significant step towards strengthening our political, trade and security ties. So this is good for both Uzbekistan and European Union citizens. Thank you very much.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, Madam Kallas. On behalf of the EPP group, Mr. Lopatka.
Reinhold Lopatka
Thank you, chair. Dear colleagues, the enhanced partnership agreement sends a signal of proactive approach in global affairs and in the increasingly important Central Asian region. This agreement is more than a technical update of the framework that has existed since 1999. It reflects a strategic reality. Central Asia matters more than ever for Europe and Uzbekistan has become an increasingly important partner for the EU.
Over the past years, we have witnessed significant reforms in the country, most notably in the economic liberalization and improved investment climate and a more open engagement with international partners. They have also played a constructive role in strengthening connectivity and dialogue across Central Asia and beyond. The agreement creates new opportunities for cooperation in trade, energy, digitalization and security. And of course, we have also to see the human rights situation. But such an agreement brings also more dialogue, more meetings.
And here we have to use these chances to improve the humanitarian situation in the country.
Our message is therefore balanced and constructive. We recognize the progress that has been achieved. We support closer EU-Uzbekistan cooperation and we encourage Uzbekistan to continue on the path of reforms and openness. In the current geopolitical environment, strengthening reliable partnerships is essential. The EU must engage more actively in Central Asia through cooperation, connectivity and mutual respect.
And this partnership and cooperation agreement is a good basis for this.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, dear colleague. On behalf of the S&D group, Mr. Bilčík.
Kristian Vigenin
Madam Kallas, colleagues, the EU-Uzbekistan Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement is an important step in strengthening the EU's long-term engagement in Central Asia. In times of global uncertainty, stronger cooperation between the EU and the countries of Central Asia is clearly in the strategic interest of both sides. Uzbekistan is becoming an increasingly valuable partner for connectivity, energy diversification, critical raw materials and regional stability. At the same time, challenges remain regarding political pluralism, media freedom and the protection of fundamental rights, and this is precisely why continued dialogue matters. Constructive engagement gives the EU the tools to support positive change over the long term.
Uzbekistan has already demonstrated both the willingness and the capacity to reform. The agreement will create new opportunities for economic growth, social progress and poverty reduction in the country. The S&D group supports EPCA as a solid foundation for a balanced and forward-looking partnership between EU and Uzbekistan. And allow me to wish them success in their own language: Sizga muvaffaqiyatlar tilayman. Thank you.
Thierry Mariani
Thank you very much, dear colleague. Monsieur Mariani, on behalf of the ID group.
Cet accord avec l'Ouzbékistan est une bonne chose, une bonne chose pour l'Union européenne, une bonne chose pour l'Ouzbékistan. L'Asie centrale est une région en plein essor économique, une route commerciale et un verrou stratégique de la mondialisation où l'Europe et nos entreprises se doivent d'y renforcer leur présence. Ce pays, l'Ouzbékistan, a profondément changé avec l'arrivée du président Mirziyoyev depuis 2016. En revanche, hélas, ce Parlement accompagne cet accord d'une résolution qui, une fois de plus, donne des leçons de démocratie à un pays souverain. L'Ouzbékistan possède une histoire, une culture et des intérêts géopolitiques qui lui sont propres.
Ses liens économiques et politiques avec la Russie ne sont pas le fruit d'un choix idéologique, mais le produit d'une interdépendance historique que tout le monde peut comprendre en faisant l'effort de regarder une carte. Ce Parlement, malheureusement, reste incapable de signer un accord sans y joindre un catalogue de conditions et de remontrances. Ce n'est à mon avis pas la bonne méthode pour construire des partenariats durables et sincères là où la Chine et la Russie sont présentes. Respectez les Ouzbeks, ils ont connu la domination de seize empires. Aujourd'hui, ils sont indépendants et je ne pense pas que c'est devant Bruxelles qu'ils abdiqueront leur souveraineté.
Merci, monsieur. I don't see in the room Mr. Ministro, so we jump to Mr. Frölich on behalf of the ECR group.
Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, Europa muss endlich lernen, Außenpolitik wieder in Interessen auszurichten. Usbekistan ist für uns keine ideologische Spielwiese, Usbekistan ist für uns ein strategisch wichtiger Partner in Zentralasien, einer Region, die immer wichtiger wird. Das Land liegt an entscheidenden Handelsrouten, es verfügt über wichtige Rohstoffe und es spielt eine zentrale Rolle für Stabilität und Sicherheit in der Region. Im multipolaren Zeitalter braucht Europa pragmatische Partnerschaften. Stattdessen ist die EU aber international so isoliert wie nie zuvor.
Frau Kallas, das ist leider auch Ihr Verdienst, das muss sich ändern, sofort ändern. Wir brauchen sichere Lieferketten, wir brauchen neue Märkte und wir brauchen verlässliche Partner im Kampf gegen Massenmigration, Terror und Extremismus. Genau das ist Usbekistan und genau deshalb ist eine engere Zusammenarbeit mit Taschkent so wichtig. Dafür braucht es gegenseitigen Respekt und dafür braucht es auch kulturelle Sensibilität, keine moralischen Belehrungen, denn das gefährdet nur stabile Beziehungen, das treibt Usbekistan in die Arme Chinas, Russlands oder der USA und das ist auch im globalen Maßstab einer der Gründe, weshalb wir immer mehr an Einfluss verlieren.
Davor Ivo Stier
Hvala predsjedniče, poštovana visoka predstavnica. Ovaj sporazum predstavlja strateško ulaganje u naš angažman u Srednjoj Aziji. Uzbekistan je važan partner za regionalnu stabilnost, povezivost, diversifikaciju energetskih izvora i opskrbu kritičnim sirovinama. U okviru strategije Global Gateway, Europska unija trebala bi dodatno jačati gospodarske veze s Uzbekistanom kroz ulaganja u održive prometne koridore, digitalnu povezivost i modernu infrastrukturu. Takva suradnja pridonosi otpornijim opskrbnim lancima i jačanju strateške prisutnosti Europske unije u Srednjoj Aziji.
Istodobno, ovo partnerstvo mora ostati čvrsto utemeljeno na našim vrijednostima. U tom smislu, poštovanje demokratskih načela, vladavina prava, temeljnih sloboda, sastavni su elementi ovog sporazuma koji se naravno i u tom smislu mora provoditi. Situacija na tom planu možda i nije savršena, o tome je visoka predstavnica već nešto rekla, međutim živimo u nesavršenom svijetu i moramo voditi računa i o interesima Unije. Stoga ovaj sporazum treba podržati zbog njegove strateške geopolitičke važnosti. Hvala vam.
Speaker 387
Muchas gracias, señor Stier. Thank you very much. My next speaker is Mr. Auštrevičius.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, Central Asia is gaining more strategic role in the world politics. Russia and China are both deepening their presence there. Europe should not leave this region behind. We should actively engage with it. The enhanced partnership and cooperation agreement with Uzbekistan is our answer.
Uzbekistan is the most populous country in Central Asia, a state in transition and a valuable partner. The first EU-Central Asia summit in Samarkand last April showed real momentum. We must not waste it. This agreement opens the door to deeper cooperation in different areas, starting from connectivity, of course critical raw materials, energy transition and so on, and supporting Uzbekistan in their reforms and crucially on preventing the circumvention of our sanctions against Russia.
Dialogue is not endorsement of cases of human rights. Abandoning Central Asia to others, that would be the real failure. We support this agreement and this partnership. Thank you.
Liudas Mažylis
Dėkoju, pirmininke, vyriausioji įgaliotine, kolegos. Iš šios tribūnos esame pasmerkę Uzbekistaną padėjusį Rusijai išvengti sankcijų. Nesmagu buvo ir matyti jų prezidento veidą, kai jis gegužės 9-ąją dieną apsilankė Maskvoje. Tačiau žinome nuoseklią Uzbekistano poziciją palaikančią Ukrainos teritorinį vientisumą. Po Sovietų Sąjungos žlugimo Uzbekistanas ieškojo savo vietos naujoje tarptautinėje sistemoje.
Europa ten ilgai kūrė diplomatinius ir ekonominius ryšius, skatino stabilumą Vidurinės Azijos regione, strateginėje erdvėje, kur svarbūs patikimi partneriai, energetinis atsparumas, taisyklėmis grįsta ekonomika, saugumas ir reformos modernėjimo linkme. Naujasis susitarimas gali atverti didesnes galimybes Europos įmonėms plėtoti naudingą bendradarbiavimą švietimo, energetikos, klimato, mokslo, technologijų srityse. Dėkoju.
Giusi Princi
Grazie, Presidente, Alta Commissaria, colleghi. L'accordo rafforzato con l'Uzbekistan è oggi una scelta politica e riguarda il modo in cui l'Europa vuole stare in Asia centrale, perché la regione non è più periferia. È stabilità, sicurezza, energia, materie prime critiche, connettività tra l'Europa e l'Asia. Ne è la dimostrazione il primo forum interparlamentare UE-Asia centrale tenutosi recentemente a Samarcanda, voluto proprio dagli amici uzbeki che ho coordinato nel mio ruolo di presidente di delegazione UE-Asia centrale per mettere le assise parlamentari della regione al centro di un dialogo schietto e concreto. L'accordo rafforzato nasce anche da qui, dalla responsabilità di un'Europa che non arretra, che non rinuncia alla propria voce, che non separa mai interessi e valori.
Con l'Uzbekistan apriamo oggi una nuova fase e diciamo all'intera Asia centrale che l'Europa c'è, autorevole, esigente, necessaria nei valori democratici che vuole veicolare. Grazie.
Tomáš Zdechovský
Dear Chairman, the Vice-Commissioner Kaila Kalas, everyone criticize you for any reason, but I would like to congratulate you. I would like to tell you that you did amazing job to bring Uzbekistan close to European Union. It's your success. And Kaila, you can celebrate it. This day is your days.
And I have to say that if I am so successful like you in this case to bring Central Europe, Central Asia to Europe, I will celebrate all the days. Because this is our goal, to take our partners closer to European Union and through our open dialogue to make our goals what we want to do. And Uzbekistan is real partner and really trust me, Kaila Kalas, that I'm so, so, so social intelligent if I don't mind that you made a amazing word. I will not repeat it in plenary of European Parliament.
Thank you very much, dear colleague. Madam High Representative, you have the floor.
Kaja Kallas
President, honorable members, thank you for this interesting debate. It is true that Central Asia is extremely important right now. If we look at the geopolitical picture, then we need more friends rather than less. And I fully agree with this house, engagement with Uzbekistan has to be principled, structured and measurable. And that's why the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement is actually a stronger legal framework to work from on trade, connectivity, education, climate, security, regional stability as well.
Moreover, it's also a stronger framework for us to raise human rights issues, issues related to rule of law, civil society, media freedom, and of course, as many mentioned here in this house as well, that Russia's military aggression against Ukraine, their approach to this, also how they are working with sanctions circumvention to avoid this. I think this is important that they work with us. And this is, you know, if you're giving consent to this agreement, it's not giving them blank check. It will anchor Uzbekistan more firmly to the rules-based partnership with the European Union. And of course, what is also important that we will keep Parliament informed of the implementation of the agreement and also press Uzbekistan on concrete progress.
So really Uzbekistan is an important partner in Central Asia. We need to work with Central Asia. And we are going to be open to cooperation while remaining true to our principles, not least the defense of the international law and the human rights. Thank you very much.
Ilhan Kyuchyuk
Thank you very much, Madam Kallas. Mr. Kucuk, you have the floor to close the debate.
Thank you, Mr. President, for giving me the floor for my concluding remarks. Allow me to thank all the colleagues across the political groups for this substantive and constructive debate, and particularly the shadow rapporteurs for their very deep engagement all the way the process. Indeed, tonight's discussions demonstrating something important. While here maybe different emphases and different political sensitivities in this Parliament, there is nevertheless a broad understanding that our relationship with Uzbekistan matters strategically, politically and economically for the European Union. As you said, Madam Vice-President, this is not a blank check, this is an offer for deeper cooperation with Uzbekistan.
And I very much appreciate your approach that the Parliament will be constantly updated on implementation. Some colleagues focused more strongly on geopolitical considerations, others on human rights, democratic reforms and the role of civil society, and rightly so, because the strength of the European Parliament lies precisely in its ability to combine strategic vision with principled scrutiny. That is why the EPCA is important. The European Union is strongest when it acts with unity, consistency and strategic confidence. This agreement sends exactly such a message that Europe is ready to engage seriously in Central Asia, to build long-term partnership and to remain a reliable global actor in an increased fragmented world.
And I count on your support during tomorrow's vote, dear colleagues.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much. Thank you very much, Madam High Representative. The debate is closed. The vote will be held tomorrow. We jump now into the next item on the agenda and it is the report by Mr. Benifei, opportunities and challenges presented by a comprehensive artificial intelligence strategy for the EU trade.
The rapporteur Mr. Benifei has the floor as first speaker.
Brando Benifei
Dear colleagues, the reality behind this report is that artificial intelligence is changing how goods move, how services are delivered, how companies compete and how economic power is exercised. Europe cannot respond with fragmented initiatives or with regulation alone. We need one strategy that brings together competitiveness, openness and strategic autonomy. I want to thank the shadow rapporteurs and all groups for their constructive work. Their contributions have genuinely enriched this report.
The broad support in committee shows that Parliament can speak clearly on this agenda. The first priority is competitiveness. AI can be a practical tool for European companies, especially SMEs. It can reduce translation costs, simplify compliance, improve logistics and make it easier to enter new markets. It can also help our public authorities protect the single market.
Today, customs and market surveillance authorities face huge volumes of e-commerce, including unsafe, counterfeit and non-compliant goods. AI can help detect those risks at scale, making trade fairer for companies that respect the rules and harder to exploit for those that do not. But AI is not only changing how we trade. It is changing who benefit from trade. In services, it can automate tasks in legal advice, finance, technical consulting and many other areas where Europe has long been strong.
In manufacturing, competitiveness will increasingly depend on productivity, skills and the ability to integrate AI into production. That is why every trade agreement must assess the impact of AI on workers, skills and environment. If we want citizens to support open trade, we must be honest about disruption and serious about managing it. The second priority is sovereignty. When the United States restricted exports of advanced AI chips, it did more than limit a product.
It showed that access to the infrastructure of the new economy can depend on geopolitics. When China restricted exports of rare earths, the message became even clearer. In the age of AI, dependency can become leverage. Europe is exposed at both ends of the AI value chain. We depend on others for advanced semiconductors, cloud infrastructure, computing power and critical raw materials.
These dependencies are not abstract. They affect our companies, our public services and our ability to act independently. This is why the report calls for our economic security tools to work together: foreign direct investment screening, export controls, trade defense instruments including the anti-coercion instrument.
Instead of constant delays, as it continues to be, I suppose, watered down by industry lobbying, the Commission Tech Sovereignty Package must match the urgency of this moment and should not be delayed further. The Cloud and AI Development Act and Chips Act 2 are not optional elements, they are central to whether Europe can build AI capacity on its own terms. Open source AI also has a strategic role. It can reduce costs, increase transparency, support local deployment, and help partners in the Global South build real capability rather than new dependence. The third priority is governance.
The AI Act is already a global reference for human-centric, risk-based regulation. We should promote this model through digital trade agreements, Trade and Technology Councils, digital partnerships, and the WTO. The question is simple, to conclude: will Europe shape the AI transformation of trade or adapt to conditions set elsewhere? This report chooses coherence, ambition, and action. So I urge colleagues to support it.
Thank you very much.
Speaker 415
Grazie onorevole. Commissario Mits- Mits- Mr. Tsikostas, you have the floor.
Konstantinos TSIKOSTAS
Thank you, Mr. President. Honorable members, the Commission welcomes this report on a comprehensive artificial intelligence strategy for EU trade. It asks, in my view, the right question: not if AI will reshape trade, but rather if Europe can shape that transformation according to our interests and our values. The European Union has already chosen its path when it comes to AI, one of excellence and trust. The AI Act, the world's first comprehensive legal framework, is designed to foster trustworthy AI while strengthening uptake, investment, and innovation.
With the AI Coordinated Action Plan and the Apply AI Strategy, the Commission is moving from principles to deployment by focusing on aspects including data, skills, AI factories, SMEs, strategic sectors, and technological sovereignty. Trade policy is central to this effort. AI can help European companies to export, understand foreign markets, reduce compliance costs, strengthen custom enforcement, detect fraud, improve logistics, and make supply chains more resilient overall. This is particularly important for the European SMEs, which can lack the administrative capacity to navigate complex global markets. At the same time, Europe's AI trade strategy cannot afford to be naive.
We need openness, not dependency. We need data flows, not data exploitation. We need innovation, but not a race to the bottom on rights, safety, or democratic accountability.
That is why the Commission's approach to digital trade is based on the free flow of data, but with trust. We reject unjustified protectionism barriers to data flows, while ensuring that trade agreements cannot undermine EU law on personal data and privacy. This is not a contradiction, honorable members of the European Parliament. It is Europe's competitive advantage: stable rules, trusted markets, and high standards that others can rely on. And the same applies internationally.
Through digital partnership, digital trade agreements, multilateral engagement in international organizations, including with the WTO, the EU is currently working for common rules on trusted data flows, standards, cybersecurity, consumer protection, electronic transactions, and protection against unjustified barriers to digital trade. Honorable members, AI and trade must reinforce Europe's open strategic autonomy and its economic security. And this is very clear to us. That is why we will seek to partner with like-minded countries and defend the multilateral rules-based system. We will strengthen our efforts to diversify critical dependencies, and we will also work to support European companies in global markets and promote, and this is very important, our human-centric model of AI internationally.
The Parliament's report is therefore very timely. It recognizes that AI is not only a technology file, it is about competitiveness, about trade, economic security, and values. And I want you to know that we take AI very seriously, and we want a very big discussion to start at the European level on the future of our societies with AI. The Commission stands ready to work with the Parliament and Council to turn these into a practical agenda, to create trusted data flows, support SMEs, enforce the AI Act, and build international partnerships that keep markets open while at the same time protecting Europe's core interests. Thank you.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, Mr. Commissioner. On behalf of the PPE group, Madame Lexmann.
Miriam Lexmann
Thank you, Chair, Commissioner, colleagues. Umela inteligencia čoraz viac ovplyvňuje každú oblasť nášho života, od vzdelávania cez zdravotnú starostlivosť až po nastavenie našich smart domácností. No umelá inteligencia musí mať jasné pravidlá, a to tak, aby bola dobrým sluhom, ale nie zlým pánom. Jednou z oblastí, v ktorej nám môže pomôcť, je medzinárodný obchod. Denne nás zaplaví na európskych hraniciach okolo 12 miliónov balíčkov z online platforiem, väčšina z nich pochádza z Číny.
Mnohokrát tieto balíčky obsahujú pochybnú kvalitu, ale to iba v lepšom prípade.
V horšom je to tovar, ktorý je plný toxických látok a ťažkých kovov, častokrát vyrobených ľuďmi, ktorí sú držaní v otroctve. Práve tu môže nastúpiť umelá inteligencia pri kontrole týchto miliónov balíčkov na hraniciach EÚ, pri trasovaní týchto výrobkov a ich pôvodu. Zároveň môže uľahčiť colné procesy pre tie balíčky, ktoré sú bezproblémové a môžu rýchlo postúpiť ďalej. Aby sme však mohli plne sa oprieť o pomoc umelej inteligencie, musíme vytvoriť vhodné podmienky pre jej vývoj a pre jej použitie. Od prístupu k potrebným surovinám, technológiám, ale až po nastavenie jasných legislatívnych pravidiel.
Som rada, že na tých základných črtách sme sa s kolegami v rámci tejto správy dohodli, lebo potrebujeme umelú inteligenciu, ktorá je etická a zameraná na dobro pre človeka. S jasnými a efektívnymi pravidlami. A na všetkých týchto aspektoch potrebujeme spolupracovať hlavne s demokratickými partnermi. Verím, že táto správa môže byť dobrým základom aj pre Komisiu a pre jej ďalšiu legislatívnu prácu. Ďakujem.
Speaker 418
Thank you very much, Madam Kvester. En representación del grupo S&D, la señora Gálvez.
Lina Gálvez
Gracias, presidente, comisario. En primer lugar, quiero felicitar al ponente Brando Benifei por este excelente y oportuno informe. Porque nos encontramos en un punto de inflexión donde la inteligencia artificial no es solo una tecnología estratégica, sino un motor que ya está transformando la competitividad, las cadenas de suministro y la gobernanza global del comercio. Así que desde el grupo de los Socialistas y Demócratas defendemos un enfoque firmemente integrado, ya que debemos potenciar la inteligencia artificial en el comercio como una herramienta facilitadora para nuestras pymes, capaz de reducir los costes de cumplimiento, optimizar la logística y agilizar los controles aduaneros. Pero al mismo tiempo, la IA es un instrumento crucial para la aplicación de nuestras normas fundamentales, ayudando a las empresas y a las autoridades a garantizar el cumplimiento de normativas clave como la Directiva de Diligencia Debida o el Reglamento contra el Trabajo Forzado.
Sin embargo, la integración de la inteligencia artificial en el comercio exige salvaguardar nuestro modelo social, los derechos de los trabajadores y el medio ambiente. Para competir globalmente sin perder nuestra esencia, necesitamos una autonomía estratégica abierta sobre las cadenas de valor críticas y la cooperación internacional basada en normas. Esto implica coordinar de forma rigurosa nuestras herramientas de defensa comercial frente a riesgos geopolíticos, garantizar las cadenas de suministro y evitar las dependencias, por ejemplo, en cuanto a semiconductores clave para garantizar nuestra soberanía tecnológica. Asimismo, defendemos acuerdos de comercio digital como el que se firmará inmediatamente con Corea del Sur y del que tengo el privilegio de ser la ponente de este Parlamento. Acuerdos, como digo, que faciliten los flujos de datos no personales pero que de manera innegociable preserven la autonomía regulatoria de la Unión Europea.
Por último, y con esto acabo, apoyamos decididamente el impulso de soluciones de inteligencia artificial de código abierto, porque estas alternativas reducen costes, mejoran la privacidad de los datos mediante su despliegue local, fomentan una competencia sana y mitigan nuestra dependencia de proveedores fuera de la Unión. Muchas gracias.
Gracias, señora Gálvez. On behalf of the PFE Group, Mr. Nikolic.
Chers collègues, n'ayez pas l'impression d'être complètement inutiles. Je résume : vous faites un rapport pour expliquer aux entreprises européennes et françaises qu'elles seraient plus compétitives avec l'IA.
Speaker 421
Waouh, quel scoop ! Juste pour info, il y a déjà au moins 85 % des Français de 18-24 ans qui utilisent l'IA, 73 % des 25-39 ans. En fait, vous avez vraiment deux trains de retard. Le rôle du politique, c'est pour ça qu'on s'engage, c'est d'anticiper, c'est d'avoir des idées, sinon on ne sert à rien, on est juste de petits gestionnaires. L'idée, ça aurait été par exemple de faire ce rapport il y a cinq ans, en anticipant un soutien à des IA européennes, en anticipant l'explosion de la demande en data centers ou en anticipant les besoins énergétiques.
Avec un tel rapport, on utiliserait aujourd'hui peut-être tous le français Mistral AI au lieu de ChatGPT ou Grok. Mais non. Vous avez préféré réguler l'IA quand elle s'est imposée à nous. Vous avez préféré défendre la fin du nucléaire au profit des éoliennes. Vous n'avez rien fait pour résoudre nos dépendances en composants.
Vous êtes systématiquement à côté de la plaque. Un exemple très concret. Je parlais avec une responsable de Stellantis en octobre dernier. Je lui ai demandé s'ils investissaient massivement sur la voiture autonome avec IA, ce qui est la vraie rupture technologique d'avenir. Réponse : non, on n'a pas les moyens, honnêtement, on a déjà trop à faire avec les normes européennes et la fin du thermique.
Heureusement, depuis, ils se sont associés avec Nvidia, Uber et Bolt, mais pour des projets qui nous amènent à 2028, 2029. En Californie, en Chine, au moment où on se parle là, on peut déjà prendre un taxi Waymo et Baidu complètement autonome pour rentrer chez soi. Vous voulez utiliser l'IA pour booster notre compétitivité, très bien. Mais déjà, arrêtez d'harceler nos entreprises avec vos normes et vos règlements, ça nous évitera un nouveau rapport inutile dans cinq ans.
Speaker 387
Merci, monsieur. My next speaker is Mr. Kolls on behalf of the ECR Group.
Richard Czarniecki
Good evening, dear colleagues. The EU attracted just 6% of global investment in AI startups in early 2024. 6%. While our competitors build the infrastructure of the next trade era, we are still drafting frameworks. If deployed right, AI is a structural equalizer.
A family manufacturer can gain the same edge as a massive multinational using AI to navigate red tape and complex supply chains. But if we create compliance regimes so dense that only corporate legal teams can survive them, we actively legislate against our own SMEs. But AI also has a hard edge. We face hostile actors who relentlessly probe our borders. We cannot expect human inspectors to stop sanctions evasion or catch the flood of counterfeit goods by hand.
We need AI-powered customs to act as sovereign critical infrastructure, flagging fraud and intercepting circumvention in real time. And data must flow with trusted democratic partners, because if data cannot move, our experts cannot grow. Open strategic autonomy cannot become protectionism with better branding. We need resilient supply chains with allies who share our values and our rules. ECR supports this report because it chooses pragmatic opportunity over fear.
The WTO is where these global rules must be shaped, with Europe at the table leading. We should remain vigilant against overregulation. Europe doesn't need to regulate AI into a cage. We need to deploy it into a shield. Thank you.
Speaker 419
Thank you very much, Mr. Kolls. On behalf of the Renew Group, Mr. McNamara.
Michael McNamara
President, colleagues, the Benifei report is very clear about what's at stake. The EU's strategic dependencies in semiconductors, in cloud infrastructure, and critical minerals are not just abstract risks.
They hinder our ability to be relevant in the AI economy and we need to address them or fall behind. We need to be relevant in this age as we have been in previous ages, but we also need to be relevant, I believe, in international governance of AI, in particular the existential risk that it could pose. I wish to draw this house's attention to something that happened last week and that was in a maybe overly heralded trip, that one of the concrete results was that President Trump and President Xi have agreed to hold formal dialogues on AI safety, on guardrails for the most powerful AI systems. And very recently we saw where these systems are heading with the Anthropic Mithos model, which exposed critical vulnerabilities in our cybersecurity infrastructure, or at least we believe it does, we haven't really seen it very much of it at this side of the Atlantic and that too begs questions that need to be answered. But the question, and the big question, is where is Europe in this governance conversation?
Just as we can't allow ourselves to fall behind in terms of dependencies, we cannot also be irrelevant to the international discussion on this. We need to reach out to similarly minded allies like Canada, South Korea, Japan, and the United Kingdom to work together to develop international standards, not just standards determined by two poles of a bipolar world, but rather that reflect European values and are relevant to the world in which we all live. Thank you very much.
Alexandra Geese
71% of Americans feel that the pace of AI development is moving too fast. Two-thirds of Americans want the government to regulate the dangers of AI. Seven in ten Americans oppose constructing data centers. Maybe this is why the AI companies and the current US administration are so keen on imposing their AI and their lack of safety on Europe, because in the US, the people have turned against them. In Europe, we should be building better AI, AI that serves the many and not the few.
And the tech sovereignty package would have been an important first step to do that. But once again, the US ambassador resorts to blackmail. You either work with us or you don't. That sounds like a line from a bad gangster film to me, not like a conversation with a trade partner. But once again, the European Commission kowtows, postponing the sovereignty package.
You don't build sovereignty by kissing the wing. The only way to break free is to stand up for yourself. When will this European Commission finally stand up for Europe?
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, Madame Giese, my next speaker is Madame Boylan on behalf of the Left.
Lynn Boylan
Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh, and I'd like to thank the rapporteur for his constructive work on this report, but that said, I still think that we're not fully reflecting the significant challenges that AI presents for workers, for our economies, and for our very society. Specifically on trade policy, I think there are significant concerns about how data flows and digital trade agreements will undermine our data protection system here in Europe and the hugely destabilizing influence that AI in general will have on our way of life. In Ireland, this digital expansion is already exacting a massive social toll by making a housing crisis even more dire. The government's own officials have been warned you can have AI or houses but not both because of the strain that data centers put on grids. We have consistently prioritized Big Tech while households and small businesses subsidize the infrastructure costs and pay for the carbon emissions that's associated with this technology.
Not all AI is good and we need to regulate the industry.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, we jump now into the second part of the debate, my first speaker is Mr. Warborn.
Jörgen Warborn
Artificial intelligence will play a significant role in international trade, facilitating the exchange of goods and services across borders and playing a huge role in improving competitiveness of the European Union. It will simplify customs procedures, automate administration and help companies navigate different regulatory systems faster and at lower costs. This will particularly benefit small and medium-sized businesses that too often refrain from exporting because the processes are simply too complex and too expensive. Today only 600,000 SMEs out of the 25 million export beyond EU borders. With the help of AI, their opportunities to export can improve significantly and can unlock major economic gains for the EU.
AI can also strengthen logistics, improve monitoring of supply chains and contribute to smarter regulatory cooperation between countries. That is why this report is so important. It addresses both the opportunities and the challenges that artificial intelligence brings to international trade. But one thing must be, we must be clear about. This report repeatedly highlights AI built on open source in a way that risks favoring one model over others.
And here we must be careful. It is not the role of politicians to pick technological winners. Open source have many strengths, proprietary models also have significant strengths, both contributes to European innovation, investments and technological development. Thank you.
Speaker 423
Thank you very much, dear colleague. Vice-President Selde-Mosh, you have the floor.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you chair. Fornylig var jeg i Kina, og her blev jeg ærligt talt blæst bagover. Jeg så fabrikker, logistiksystemer og handelsplatforme, hvor robotter, data og algoritmer arbejdede sammen. Hvor AI bruges til at producere hurtigere, sænke priserne, optimere forsyningskæderne og ramme forbrugerne knivskarpt. Og jeg kom hjem med en klar konklusion: EU skal op i gear.
For Kina konkurrerer ikke kun med billigt tøj og små pakker, men også med højteknologi. Og læg hertil, at en del af deres industri er støttet af staten på en måde, som skaber en unfair konkurrence over for europæiske virksomheder. Når Temu og Shein sender millioner af pakker ind på vores markeder, mange af dem endda ikke lever op til vores regler, så er det ikke bare normal fri handel, så er det unfair handel. Og derfor er det så vigtigt, at vi gør kunstig intelligens til at være en aktiv del af vores europæiske handelspolitik. Vi skal bruge AI til bedre toldkontrol, stærkere markedsovervågning, hurtigere afsløring af farlige produkter, kopivarer og snyd med reglerne.
Og så skal vi sikre, at de europæiske virksomheder får adgang til data, computerkraft og AI-værktøjer, så de kan konkurrere på lige fod. Europa vinder ikke AI-kapløbet ved at afregulere. Vi skal ikke kopiere blandt andet Kinas model. Vi skal i stedet bygge en europæisk model. En model, der er baseret på vores demokratiske værdier.
Det betyder også, at vi skal mindske vores afhængighed af omverdenen, når det gælder kritiske råstoffer, når det gælder chips, når det gælder cloud og AI-infrastruktur. For den, der kontrollerer teknologien, kontrollerer også vilkårene for fremtidens handel.
Kunstig intelligens skal være et aktivt redskab for fair konkurrence, trygge forbrugere, ordentlige jobs og europæisk styrke. Måske er Europa presset, men vi er ikke magtesløse. Hvis vi handler nu, så kan Europa stadig sætte standarden for ansvarlig og stærk kunstig intelligens i verdenshandlen. Tak.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, Vice-President. Dear colleagues, due to the hour and the time that we still have all the speakers that we have in the list, we are not going to use the blue cards during this debate. My next speaker is il signore Torcelli.
Francesco TORCELLI
Grazie, Presidente. Grazie, Commissario. L'intelligenza artificiale rappresenta un'opportunità e questo vale ovviamente anche per il settore del commercio. Il rischio però è concreto: diventare sempre più una colonia digitale dipendente da qualcun altro, da piattaforme, da cloud, da hardware, da modelli sviluppati lontano dall'Europa. E allora costruire una filiera completamente europea che vada dall'infrastruttura fino all'intelligenza artificiale è sicuramente un obiettivo entusiasmante, un obiettivo a cui piace tendere, ma se dobbiamo essere realisti ad oggi appare veramente difficile da raggiungere.
Riuscire a rendere invece l'ecosistema digitale quanto più possibile europeo è un traguardo più pragmatico e più alla nostra portata, magari affiancandolo a un sostegno concreto alle imprese e a una tutela seria del know-how industriale. Non sarebbe male neppure agire sulla leva della semplificazione normativa, visto che oggi una PMI europea rischia di impiegare più tempo a capire come rispettare le norme che non a sviluppare innovazione. Ecco allora io vi lancio una sfida: sandbox normative europee dedicate a imprese innovative e strategiche, soprattutto PMI e startup, per testare soluzioni AI in modo rapido e competitivo e riportare l'Europa al centro dello sviluppo tecnologico anche nell'AI. Perché non è una sfida persa. Io credo che sia ancora possibile per l'Europa essere protagonisti di questa sfida globale.
Grazie.
Barry Andrews
Thank you, President, Commissioner and colleagues. Every day we see headlines referring to the AI race and one thing is clear to me: European AI companies are not the frontrunners. US companies have developed 40 advanced AI systems, China comes in second with 15, in Europe we have only developed three. This is despite a combined EU GDP of 18 trillion euro, alongside brilliant universities and research institutions. We need to look at our strengths to realize our AI ambitions.
The EU is a trading powerhouse, standing as the top trading partner for 80 countries. To put this into perspective, the United States is the top trading partner for just over 20 countries. We have an immense footprint in global trade, but we are not using it strategically. This is why I welcome the Parliament report on an AI trade strategy. If we are to compete in the AI race, we need to start with the foundations.
Currently those foundations are at risk. Europe has the trading power, partners and the rules and now we need the will. Thank you.
Speaker 425
Thank you very much, dear colleague. My next speaker is Mr. Lagodinsky. You have the floor.
Sergey Lagodinsky
Colleagues, while we debate an AI strategy for EU trade, a trilogue is underway on the EU-US trade deal and while this report calls for our sovereignty to be upheld, the deal risks coercing us. The Trump administration already threatened to raise new tariffs should the Commission push ahead with tax sovereignty package and the Commission withdrew for the third time. This we cannot accept and this we will not accept. We need the three conditions.
Number one, a sunrise clause, a sunset clause and also an anti-coercion instrument should the US threaten tariffs or interfere like it did this morning. Why does this happen? Because we do not agree on rules of EU engagement globally. First, we need a vision. Vision is not fair.
Vision is not submission and not subordination. The sovereignty package cannot be withdrawn just because US threatens it. Alliances. We need alliances among geopolitical grown-ups, sustainable, democratic. What we have in this house, a global democratic tech alliance.
And we need trust. The trust that has been damaged with this White House and the big tech, that should be restored. Thank you very much.
Dariusz Joński
Bardzo dziękuję, panie przewodniczący. Szanowny panie komisarzu. Rewolucja przemysłowa zmieniła świat przez dziesięciolecia, ale rewolucja sztucznej inteligencji dzieje się na naszych oczach zaledwie w ciągu jednej kadencji Parlamentu Europejskiego. Jeszcze kilka lat temu zastanawialiśmy się, czy AI wpłynie na światową gospodarkę, a już dziś wiemy, że zmieni wszystko: handel, przemysł, bezpieczeństwo, konkurencyjność państw, wszystkich państw. I najważniejsze pytanie brzmi więc, czy Europa będzie współtworzyć zasady tej zmiany, czy jedynie dostosuje się do reguł tworzonych przez innych.
I tylko jedna liczba pokazuje skalę zależności świata od Azji. Ponad 90% najbardziej zaawansowanych chipów produkuje dziś Tajwan. To półprzewodniki napędzają sztuczną inteligencję, centra danych, nowoczesny przemysł, technologie obronne. USA, Chiny również inwestują setki miliardów dolarów we własną produkcję, suwerenność technologiczną. I Europa nie może być wyłącznie odbiorcą cudzych technologii i to wszyscy wiemy.
Historia europejskiego handlu to historia odwagi do tworzenia nowych zasad. I dzisiaj jest kolejny taki moment. Europa więc musi być nie tylko rynkiem dla nowych technologii, ale współautorem reguł, które będą kształtowały światową gospodarkę. I ja osobiście wierzę, że tak będzie. Bardzo dziękuję.
Thank you very much, dear colleague, Vice-President Negrescu.
Victor Negrescu
Domule vicepreședinte, domnule comisar, stimați colegi, inteligența artificială nu mai este doar o temă tehnologică. Este despre puterea economică, competitivitate și influență globală. Lumea se schimbă rapid. Statele Unite investesc masiv în infrastructură digitală și modele avansate de inteligență artificială. China tratează AI-ul ca pe o prioritate strategică de stat.
În acest context, Europa nu își poate permite să rămână doar spațiul care reglementează. Da, prin AI Act, Uniunea Europeană a demonstrat leadership global și a arătat că inovația poate merge mână în mână cu protejarea drepturilor fundamentale și a valorilor democratice, dar reglementarea nu este suficientă dacă nu construim și capacitate europeană reală. Avem nevoie de investiții masive în toate componentele ecosistemului AI: infrastructură digitală, centre de calcul, cloud european, semiconductori, date, cercetare, educație, competențe și mai ales sprijin pentru companiile inovatoare europene. Avem nevoie de standarde europene de calitate pentru sistemele de inteligență artificială, de mecanisme clare de guvernanță transparentă, inclusiv la nivel global, și de consolidarea dimensiunii etice a inteligenței artificiale, astfel încât tehnologia să rămână în serviciul oamenilor. Inteligența artificială trebuie să consolideze democrația și coeziunea socială, nu să adâncească inegalitățile sau să fragmenteze societățile noastre.
În acest sens, am susținut activ dezvoltarea ecosistemelor europene de inteligență artificială și consolidarea capacității tehnologice în Europa Centrală și de Est, inclusiv prin promovarea inițiativei AI Factory în România pentru a conecta universitățile, cercetarea și industria.
Dar mai există o miză esențială: accesul. Inteligența artificială nu trebuie să devină privilegiul câtorva state, companii sau elite tehnologice. Europa trebuie să construiască un model în care AI-ul este accesibil tuturor. Europa, noi trebuie să trecem peste dependența tehnologică și să investim în autonomie strategică, să trecem de la fragmentare la investiții comune, de la reacție la leadership global. Așa că haideți să facem toate aceste lucruri împreună.
Mulțumesc.
Catarina Vieira
Thank you, President, Commissioner, colleagues. As we all know by now, the EU was faster to regulate AI than it was to invest in it, develop it, and widely adopt it across our economy. It was refreshing to see this report on AI strategy for EU trade acknowledge that, quote, "premature or excessive regulatory intervention risks undermining innovation, investment, and competitiveness." Now we are too dependent on a small number of players outside of the EU, and we cannot afford to make access to these goods and services even harder if we want to eventually grow and scale our own. While Europe hasn't led on AI development, it can still move fast to accelerate adoption, overcome our AI gap, and gear up for where we still might have an edge, namely in biotech and quantum.
Unifying markets, streamlining private investment across a single market will do far more for Europe than artificial barriers to tech trade can ever do. Thank you.
Obrigado. Madam Kemp, you have the floor.
Martine Kemp
Artificial intelligence is already fundamentally reshaping international trade, and we cannot afford to be a passive spectator in this transformation. Our priority must be competitiveness through deployment. AI can be a powerful equalizer for our SMEs: cutting compliance costs, opening new markets, simplifying customs, but only if they have fair access to AI infrastructure. At the same time, we must be clear-eyed about our dependencies. Concentrated access to critical digital infrastructure is not just an economic vulnerability, it is a geopolitical one.
We need open strategic autonomy, diversified supply chains, stronger European capacity, and coherent use of economic security tools. And we must shape the rules globally. Europe's approach to AI, human-centric and risk-based, is not a burden, it is a competitive advantage and a model the world can align with. We must promote it through trade and technology councils, digital partnerships, and the WTO. The question is not whether Europe participates in AI-driven trade transformation, but whether we do so on our own terms or let others decide for us.
Thank you.
Maria Guzenina
Dear President, dear colleagues, representative of Commission. First of all, thank you, Brando, for this strong and timely report. Artificial intelligence offers enormous opportunities for European industry and innovation. It can also give our customs and market surveillance authorities better tools to protect consumers and ensure that our rules are respected. But if we want Europe to be competitive in artificial intelligence, we must also look at the foundations on which this technology depends.
AI requires semiconductors, computing power, cloud infrastructure, and resilient supply chains.
And today, too much of this capacity is concentrated outside of our continent. This leaves us dependent on others for the key technologies that will shape our economic future. That is why Europe must act with determination. We need to invest in our own industrial capacity, we need secure access to critical technologies and components, and we need stronger European cloud and computing infrastructure. If we want artificial intelligence that is competitive, trustworthy and aligned with our values, then Europe must build the technological foundations right here at home.
Thank you.
Jüri Ratas
Austatud eesistuja, head ametikaaslased, austatud volinik. Raport, mida täna arutame, näitab selgelt, et tehisintellekt on kujunemas oluliseks tööriistaks Euroopa Liidu kaubanduses. See rõhutab vajadust arendada tehisintellekti lahendusi tolliprotsessides, riski hindamises ja tarneahelate jälgimises. Kui suudame need protsessid ühtlustada, ühtlustada ja digitaliseerida, saavad ka väikeste liikmesriikide ettevõtted, sealhulgas Eesti eksportijad, kiirema ligipääsu turgudele ja vajalikule teabele. See muudab kaubanduse tõhusamaks ja loob võrdsemad tingimused.
Raport juhib õigustatult tähelepanu ka sellele, et peame vältima olukorda, kus meie kaubandusandmed ja strateegilised tarneahelad sõltuvad tehnoloogiatest, mida kontrollivad kolmandad riigid. Eesti digiriigina teab väga hästi, kui oluline on andmete turvalisus ja tehnoloogiline autonoomia. Seetõttu ma seda raportit toetan. See loob praktilise raamistiku, mis tugevdab Euroopa kaubandust ja parandab meie ettevõtete konkurentsivõimet. Ma tänan, aitäh.
Devroni
Då tack, herr talman. AI förändrar just nu allt. Det förändrar hur vi producerar, hur vi exporterar och hur Europa konkurrerar. Förändringen i sig är inget problem, problemet är vem som sätter spelreglerna. Just nu domineras AI-marknaden av några få globala techjättar, medan små och medelstora företag lämnas efter.
Här måste Europa skilja sig från andra. För att AI ska inte bara vara ett verktyg för de största bolagen i Silicon Valley, den ska hjälpa familjeföretaget i Halmstad eller industrin hemma i Borås. Därför måste AI-verktyg vara tillgängliga, enkla, prisvärda, speciellt för små och medelstora företag. De företag som har byggt upp vårt samhälle och finns i vår vardag. Europa behöver mer innovation, investeringar och mer frihandel, men frihandel kräver också rättvisa spelregler.
Vi kan inte ha en global kapplöpning där den som tar minst ansvar vinner mest. Därför behöver vi internationella standarder för AI med tydliga regler. Vi behöver ett gemensamt ansvarstagande som människor och företag faktiskt kan lita på. För ansvarsfull AI är inte ett hinder för konkurrenskraft, det är en förutsättning för verksamheters långsiktighet. Europa ska därför inte välja mellan innovation och trygghet, vi ska bygga båda.
Teknik är aldrig neutralt, de speglar de värderingar som vi bygger in i tekniken. Och den AI som utvecklas i Europa ska stärka alla våra olika företag, vår gemensamma handel och vår konkurrenskraft, och till syvende och sist vår gemensamma välfärd. Tack.
Szanowni państwu, chcemy wygrywać, prawda? Europa chce wygrywać.
Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz
Ale jest jeden konkretny warunek do wygranej konkurencji z Chinami i z Ameryką i na nim dzisiaj chciałabym się skupić. Sztuczna inteligencja jest infrastrukturą krytyczną i musi być chroniona jak infrastruktura krytyczna. Musi być chroniona przed wrogim przejęciem przez konkurencyjne mocarstwa. Nasze dane nie mogą trafiać do państw trzecich. AI musi się rozwijać w sprzyjającym środowisku.
Łatwy dostęp do finansowania. Jasne i stabilne zasady. Przewidywalne ramy regulacyjne. I wtedy wzmocnimy naszą pozycję. Ta silna pozycja zależy też od jedności.
Zjednoczeni zbudujemy suwerenność technologiczną inwestując w infrastrukturę obliczeniową, fabryki AI, na przykład Piast AI w Poznaniu, Gaja AI w Krakowie. Nasze dane nie mogą trafiać do państw trzecich. Ja mam nadzieję, że wszyscy rozumiemy już, że suwerenność technologiczna to jest warunek wszelkiej suwerenności.
Michał Szczerba
Europa musi uwierzyć w swoje możliwości. I sztuczna inteligencja ma wpływ na handel, na konkurencyjność, na odporność gospodarczą. AI zmienia także sektor obronny. Unia Europejska potrzebuje kompleksowej strategii w zakresie AI w gospodarce, w przemyśle, w administracji i w usługach. Już dziś 42% firm handlowych wykorzystuje AI, 29% planuje wdrożenie tak zwanych asystentów AI wspierających zakupy.
AI usprawnia zarządzanie łańcuchami dostaw, transakcje transgraniczne, wykonywanie przepisów celnych, budowanie odporności na zagrożenia hybrydowe. Unia stawia również na współpracę z partnerami. Ale co najważniejsze, konsekwentnie musi budować europejską suwerenność technologiczną. Standardy, kompetencje, własną infrastrukturę obliczeniową, europejską chmurę, fabryki AI, sektor półprzewodników. Bez tego pozostaniemy zależni od innych.
Naszą odpowiedzią musi być połączenie konkurencyjności i bezpieczeństwa. Gratulacje dla sprawozdawcy, dla Brando Benifei. Wszystkiego dobrego.
Krzysztof Hetman
Dziękuję bardzo, panie przewodniczący, panie komisarzu, szanowni państwo. Wykorzystanie sztucznej inteligencji w unijnym handlu może nieść za sobą szereg korzyści, które mogą przyczynić się do wzmocnienia konkurencyjności unijnej gospodarki, obniżenia barier wejścia na rynki międzynarodowe, zmniejszenia kosztów zwalczania oszustw i nieuczciwych praktyk handlowych czy też usprawnienia procedur eksportowych i importowych. Za szczególnie istotną uważam możliwość wykorzystania AI dla zwiększenia skuteczności bezpieczeństwa kontroli celnych i nadzoru rynku w Unii Europejskiej, szczególnie w kontekście nowych umów handlowych, między innymi z krajami Mercosur. Technologie oparte na AI mogą znacznie zwiększyć skuteczność wykrywania niezgodności, przekładając się tym samym na zwiększenie bezpieczeństwa europejskich konsumentów. Sztuczna inteligencja może stać się dla europejskiego handlu ogromną szansą pod warunkiem, że zbudujemy system, który będzie nie tylko innowacyjny, ale również bezpieczny, skuteczny i suwerenny.
Jest tylko jeden problem. Jeśli zaczniemy ten projekt od regulacji, jak mamy to w zwyczaju w Unii, a nie zaczniemy od budowania systemu, to będzie jak zwykle, świat nam ucieknie.
Dziękuję.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, dear colleague. I have three requests for the catch-the-eye. First one is my friend Mr. Terheș, seat 350.
Cristian Terheş
Thank you. Stimați colegi, acest raport vorbește despre competitivitate și autonomie strategică în domeniul inteligenței artificiale. Dar propune exact rețeta care a slăbit Europa: mai multă birocrație, mai mult control și mai multă intervenție a statului. Europa nu poate câștiga cursa globală a inteligenței artificiale sufocându-și propriile companii cu și mai multe reglementări. Adevărata suveranitate tehnologică nu se obține prin rezoluții și strategii pe hârtie, ci prin investiții, energie accesibilă și ieftină, libertate economică și susținerea capitalului european.
Nu poți inova prin reglementări. Arătați-mi un singur produs inovativ creat de Comisia Europeană sau de Parlamentul European. Raportul vorbește și despre promovarea modelului european de guvernanță AI într-un standard global. A crede că lumea va copia modelul european într-un domeniu unde Europa nu conduce înseamnă a te îmbăta cu propria propagandă autolăudativă. Am văzut deja acest experiment cu Pactul Verde.
Câte țări din lume au preluat acest model economic sinucigaș impus de von der Leyen în Europa? Dacă transformăm inteligența artificială într-un nou labirint birocratic, Europa nu va produce viitorul, îl vom importa de la alții. Pentru ca Europa să fie din nou competitivă, are nevoie din nou de libertate economică. Mulțumesc.
Romana Jerković
Kolegice i kolege, povjereniče, nema dvojbe da umjetna inteligencija je velika prilika za našu industriju i konkurentnost našeg gospodarstva, kao što nema dvojbe da umjetna inteligencija itekako mijenja tržište rada nevjerojatnom brzinom. I više nije pitanje utječe li ona na radnike, već kakve će posljedice taj utjecaj imati. Hoće li umjetna inteligencija pomoći radnicima i olakšati svakodnevni rad ili ćemo dopustiti da tehnologija postupno smanjuje sigurnost i kvalitetu radnih mjesta? Ako tvrtke zahvaljujući umjetnoj inteligenciji ostvaruju veću dobit, onda i radnici moraju imati koristi od te tranzicije. Uvođenje umjetne inteligencije mora pratiti zaštita radničkih prava, socijalni dijalog i ulaganje u znanja i vještine koje će ljudima omogućiti da se prilagode promjenama na tržištu rada.
Europa mora pokazati da konkurentnost i zaštita radničkih prava mogu i moraju ići zajedno. Hvala.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much. El señor Juan Fernando López Aguilar desde el sitio 316.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Gracias, presidente, comisario. La inteligencia artificial es una revolución tecnológica tan vertiginosa como imparable que cuando este Parlamento Europeo legisló era conocedor de que esa legislación sería obsoleta al día siguiente. Y sin embargo, a pesar de ello, ha sido una legislación pionera y a través del llamado efecto Brussels merece ser preservada en todos los ámbitos de actuación de la Unión Europea, incluido el de la estrategia comercial. Pero eso sí, respetuosa con los principios que la inspiran. En primer lugar, consistencia con el estándar europeo de derechos fundamentales y particularmente de protección de datos, que es el más alto del mundo.
En segundo lugar, principio de prevención: usos restringidos y usos prohibidos por incompatibles con los derechos fundamentales protegidos por la Carta. Pero en tercer lugar, supervisión humana, lo que implica un esfuerzo del que la Comisión tiene que ser responsable de garantía de que ese estándar de inteligencia artificial sea transparente, con dación de cuentas y tenga control democrático. Gracias, presidente.
Speaker 387
Muchas gracias, señor López Aguilar. Commissioner Mr. Schinas, the floor is yours.
Konstantinos TSIKOSTAS
Gracias, presidente. Honorable members, thank you first of all for this very interesting and productive discussion, because this debate is not about choosing between competitiveness and values. On the contrary, Europe's values lie at the heart of our competitiveness. They create trust, an increasingly valuable commodity. Companies need legal certainty.
Citizens need safeguards. Partners need reliability. And Europe needs the capacity to act for itself in a world where AI, data and trade are becoming increasingly strategic. The Commission therefore supports the ambition behind this report to place AI at the heart of the trade policy, while keeping at the same time our approach open, sustainable, secure and rights-based. The AI Act gives us the framework.
The AI Continent Action Plan and the Apply AI Strategy give us the industrial and deployment agenda. Our digital industrial trade policy gives us the external channel to promote trusted data flows, cooperation and fair competition. Now, our task must be implementation, always anchored on Europe's interests. The Commission will work with all of you, the European Parliament, to ensure that AI strengthens European exporters, that it supports our SMEs, that it modernizes customs, that it protects the rights of the people and that it projects Europe's model globally. Because for us, ladies and gentlemen, this is a top priority.
Thank you.
Brando Benifei
Thank you colleagues for a rich debate and thank you Commissioner Tsitsikostas for your support on the direction of this report. But I want to be frank, from the Commission we need also not only support, but also the ambition that matches the one of the Parliament with action. So on global AI governance, we must say that from Bletchley Park to Seoul to Paris to Delhi, we have been seeing the building of a fragile international architecture of AI safety cooperation. This is also important for the topics that we are discussing today based on my report. This asymmetry where some countries signs declarations and others do not participate tells us everything about where race dynamics are taking us.
and resources with like-minded partners and keep AI safety a genuine political priority, not a side event to investment announcements. On the personal data topic that was raised, digital trade agreements must facilitate data flows but not at the price of data protection. Our adequacy framework and our citizens' fundamental rights are not a bargaining position. They are the foundation of trust in the digital economy and the Commission must treat them as such. On the open source topic, I've heard some objections, but I want to be very frank.
A handful of firms today control compute, cloud and data simultaneously. In that landscape, open source AI is not an ideological preference, it's a structural response to concentration. So delaying open source strategy is a wrong signal at the wrong moment. Thank you colleagues again for this discussion. This report tries to give a clear and coherent framework for Europe on such an important topic as AI in trade.
I hope we can make a good use of this and I want to ask the Commission to use it thoroughly to advance in this important endeavor. Thank you very much.
Speaker 387
Grazie onorevole, the debate is closed, the vote will be held tomorrow. Next item on the agenda is Parliament's statements, commemoration of the genocide of Armenians and Greeks in Pontos in Asia Minor. I would like to inform members that there will be only one round of political group speakers on this debate, therefore there is no catch-the-eye procedure and no blue cards will be accepted. First speaker on behalf of the EPP group is Madame Vozemberg.
Elissavet Vozemberg-Vrionidi
Thank you Mr. President. Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, ιστορική ημερομηνία η σημερινή. Η 19η Μαΐου είναι για την Ελλάδα η φρικτή ανάμνηση της συστηματικής εξόντωσης των Ελλήνων του Πόντου. Ημέρα εθνικής μνήμης για τις θηριωδίες, τα βασανιστήρια, τον ξεριζωμό και τον αφανισμό ενός ακμαίου ελληνικού πληθυσμού με ισχυρή εθνική ταυτότητα από την Τουρκία που υπηρετεί πάντοτε συνειδητά αναθεωρητική πολιτική περιφρόνησης του διεθνούς δικαίου. Τα τραγικά γεγονότα έχουν αποτυπωθεί ανεξίτηλα στην παγκόσμια ιστορία και αποτελούν διαχρονικά βαθιά πληγή στην καρδιά του ανθρωπισμού.
Η καταγραφή της ιστορικής αλήθειας αποτελεί θεμέλιο για τη δημοκρατία, γι' αυτό τα θύματα ζητούν δικαίωση που απορρέει από τον κώδικα των ευρωπαϊκών αξιών μας. Σήμερα απευθυνόμαστε στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, το κορυφαίο δημοκρατικό θεσμό με άμεσα εκλεγμένους εκπροσώπους από τα εκατομμύρια των Ευρωπαίων πολιτών. Ζητούμε να σταθεί στο ύψος των περιστάσεων ανταποκρινόμενο σε ένα δίκαιο και ηθικό αίτημα όλων των Ελλήνων. Ζητούμε από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και από όλα τα κράτη μέλη να αναγνωρίσουν τη γενοκτονία των Ελλήνων του Πόντου και της Μικράς Ασίας. Η διεθνής αναγνώριση της γενοκτονίας αποτελεί ένα διαρκές χρέος απέναντι στα θύματα και τις επόμενες γενιές για τη διατήρηση της ιστορικής μνήμης και την προάσπιση της δημοκρατίας, της ειρήνης και της ανθρώπινης αξιοπρέπειας.
Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, σήμερα που η ειρήνη και η ασφάλεια δοκιμάζονται από οδυνηρές συγκρούσεις στη γειτονιά μας και από απρόβλεπτες διεθνείς συνθήκες, σας ζητώ να ενώσουμε τη φωνή μας με το δίκαιο αίτημα της πατρίδας μου. Να αναγνωρίσουμε τη γενοκτονία των Ελλήνων του Πόντου. Η αναγνώριση αυτή καθεαυτή αποτελεί σοβαρή πράξη ευθύνης και είναι η οφειλόμενη ηχηρή απάντηση σε όλους όσους περιφρονούν το διεθνές δίκαιο, την ειρήνη, την ελευθερία, τη δικαιοσύνη και την αξία της ανθρώπινης ζωής. Σας ευχαριστώ.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much Madame Vozemberg, Mr. Papandreou on behalf of the S&D group.
Nikos Papandreou
Thank you chair. Κυρίες και κύριοι, σήμερα 19 Μαΐου θρηνούμε τη γενοκτονία των Ποντίων. Εκτελέσεις, βιασμοί, πορείες εκτοπισμού προς το εσωτερικό της Ανατολίας, κινούμενα νεκροταφεία. Με αυτόν τον τρόπο έχτισε η Τουρκία το σύγχρονο κράτος της. Με αυτόν τον τρόπο έσβησε το πλούσιο πολιτισμό των Ποντίων με ιστορία δυόμισι χιλιάδων ετών.
Η άρνηση του γεγονότος έχει συνέπειες. Δεν είναι μόνο ζήτημα μνήμης και ιστορικής δικαιοσύνης. Η έλλειψη μιας συγγνώμης και η σκόπιμη διαστρέβλωση της ιστορίας επηρεάζει και σήμερα τις ελληνοτουρκικές σχέσεις. Γιατί όταν ένα κράτος δεν κάνει τον ιστορικό του απολογισμό, όταν δεν αναγνωρίζει τα εγκλήματα και τις τραγωδίες του παρελθόντος, αναπαράγει μια κουλτούρα αναθεωρητισμού και ισχύος. Και το βλέπουμε και σήμερα.
Στις παραβιάσεις στο Αιγαίο, στο casus belli απέναντι στην Ελλάδα, στη γαλάζια πατρίδα, στην προσπάθεια να αλλάξει την ονομασία του Αιγαίου, στην κατοχή μέρους της Κύπρου, στη συνεχή αμφισβήτηση διεθνών συνθηκών και στις παραβιάσεις ελλαδικού χώρου. Έτσι ελαφρά τη καρδία ο σημερινός αρχηγός του κράτους δεν αισθάνεται καμία ντροπή όταν λέει θα 'ρθουμε νύχτα ή θα σας πετάξουμε στη θάλασσα όπως το '22. Ας δούμε ότι τα τελευταία δέκα χρόνια η Τουρκία αφήνει τη Συρία να αλωνίζει τους χριστιανούς, κυνηγάει τους Κούρδους, βομβάρδισε τη Συρία, τη Λιβύη και το Ιράκ. Μετέτρεψε το ύστατο σύμβολο του χριστιανισμού, την Αγία Σοφία σε τέμενος. Η πολιτική της τότε γενοκτονίας εκφράζεται σήμερα με μόνιμη επιθετικότητα.
Δεν μπορεί να υπάρξει πραγματική συμφιλίωση χωρίς αναγνώριση της ιστορικής πραγματικότητας. Η μνήμη δεν είναι εκδίκηση. Είναι προϋπόθεση δημοκρατίας, ειρήνης και σεβασμού του διεθνούς δικαίου. Ευχαριστώ.
Emmanouil Fragkos
Σήμερα, αυτή τη μαύρη επέτειο της 19ης Μαΐου, ημέρα μνήμης της γενοκτονίας των Ελλήνων του Πόντου, καταθέτω ξανά ψήφισμα στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο και να είστε σίγουροι πως θα το καταθέτω κάθε χρόνο, ωσότου το δίκαιο αίτημα να εισακουστεί. Ζητώ λοιπόν από όλα τα κράτη μέλη να κάνουν αυτό που έκαναν για τους Αρμένιους. Να αναγνωρίσουν τη γενοκτονία των Ποντίων από τους Τούρκους. Τώρα. 353.000 ψυχές ζητούν δικαίωση.
Δεν ήταν απλά τραγωδία, ήταν καθαρή γενοκτονία. Μία οργανωμένη εξόντωση των Ποντίων από το οθωμανικό κράτος. Ποτάμια με αίμα, παιδιά, γυναίκες, γέροντες. Χωριά που χάθηκαν, φωνές που δεν ακούστηκαν ποτέ. Και φυσικά δεν ήταν μόνο οι Πόντιοι.
Πάνω από 1.200.000 Αρμένιοι, 250.000 Ασσύριοι και 600.000 Έλληνες στη Μικρά Ασία εξοντώθηκαν από το ίδιο καθεστώς. Τρεις γενοκτονίες, ένα κοινό χέρι, ένας σφαγέας. Και σήμερα η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, η ίδια που μιλά για δικαιώματα και ευρωπαϊκές αξίες συζητά ακόμα την ένταξη της Τουρκίας στους κόλπους της. Αν είναι δυνατόν να εντάξουμε το κράτος έθνος δολοφόνο που αρνείται τις γενοκτονίες που διέπραξε. Του κράτους σφαγέα, του δούρειου ίππου που απειλεί το χριστιανικό χαρακτήρα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.
Γιατί η Τουρκία όχι μόνο δεν σταματά να παραχαράσσει την ιστορία, να προσβάλλει τη μνήμη μας, αλλά συνεχίζει να μας απειλεί και να εκβιάζει σήμερα με τη δήθεν γαλάζια πατρίδα του Αιγαίου. Και η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση όχι μόνο κάνει πως δεν βλέπει, αλλά συνεργάζεται κανονικά με το Ισλάμ μέσω της Τουρκίας, του Κατάρ και άλλων εχθρικών συνύπαρξής μας χώρες. Ε όχι πια. Οι Πόντιοι ξέρετε δεν ζητούν εκδίκηση, ζητούν αναγνώριση, δικαιοσύνη, τιμή και πάνω από όλα την ιστορική αλήθεια. Να αναπαυθούν εν ειρήνη οι ψυχές των εκατοντάδων χιλιάδων νεκρών τους.
Και να είστε σίγουροι πως θα την έχουν. Όσο υπάρχουμε εμείς, η φωνή τους δεν θα σβήσει. Δεν συγχωρούμε, δεν ξεχνάμε.
Γιατί η Ρωμανία κι αν επέρασεν, ανθεί και φέρει κι άλλο. Δεν θα πεθάνει ποτέ.
Emmanouil Fragkos
Σας ευχαριστώ. Η Τουρκία διακηρύσσει πως συνέβη κάτι πριν από 100 χρόνια, άρα σήμερα να ξεχαστεί. Δυστυχώς, έχουμε γνωρίσει πρόθυμους συναδέλφους παπαγάλους τέτοιων πληρωμένων θέσεων. Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, δεν μιλάμε για 3,5 εκατομμύρια στραγάλια. Μιλάμε για 3,5 εκατομμύρια ανθρώπους που σφάγιασε ο τουρκοϊσλαμισμός, εκ των οποίων 353.000 οι Έλληνες του Πόντου, απλά και μόνο επειδή ήταν χριστιανοί.
Δεν το ξεχνάμε, καθώς αυτοί ήταν οι παππούδες μας. Όμως θα μπορούσε να είναι οι δικοί σας παππούδες. Θυμίζουμε ότι υπήρχε καθοδήγηση Γερμανών πολιτικών και στρατιωτικών που τέσταραν μεθόδους που τελειοποίησαν στη συνέχεια. Κάθε χρόνο ζητάμε από την Τουρκία αναγνώριση, ανεπιτυχώς. Φέτος ζητάμε επίσης να αναγνωρίσει η Γερμανία τη συμβολή της στη γενοκτονία και να πάψει την απαράδεκτη στήριξή της στον τουρκοϊσλαμισμό.
Ο τουρκοϊσλαμισμός στόχευσε τον ελληνισμό και κάθε εκδοχή χριστιανισμού και μη Τούρκων. Πρόκειται για μία διαμάχη του ελληνισμού με τον τουρκισμό, του χριστιανισμού με τον ισλαμισμό, του σκότους με το φως, του πολιτισμού με την άλωση, με τους φόνους και τις κλοπές. Τι ντροπή να λες ότι είσαι Τούρκος. Σύμμαχός μας η μνήμη, η ιστορική γνώση, η ευθύνη. Εχθρός μας οι πληρωμένες διακοπές για εσάς και την οικογένειά σας, τα δωρεάν εισιτήρια της Turkish Airlines και οι νομιμοποιημένοι και ελεγχόμενοι ισλαμιστές ψηφοφόροι που σας υπόσχονται.
Διαλέξτε πλευρά. Σας ευχαριστώ.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much. Our next speaker is Mr. Arvanitis, on behalf of the Left.
Nathalie Loiseau
Chers collègues, on ne doit jamais employer le mot de génocide à la légère. Je sais que dans ce Parlement on a vite fait de confondre l'émotion face au meurtre de civils avec l'invocation d'un génocide. Pourtant, chers collègues, la réponse au terrorisme du Hamas est brutale et disproportionnée, mais ce n'est pas un génocide. La guerre meurtrière de la Russie contre l'Ukraine non plus. Il faut être sérieux avec les mots qu'on utilise.
Mais si on ne doit pas parler à tort et à travers, on ne peut pas fermer les yeux devant un génocide lorsqu'il a lieu. Le sort que les Jeunes-Turcs ont réservé aux Arméniens, aux Grecs pontiques et aux Assyriens ne fait pas simplement partie des horreurs de la Première Guerre mondiale. C'est bien autre chose qui s'est passé : la recherche intentionnelle, méthodique et systématique de l'élimination d'un peuple, ou plutôt de trois. Un génocide donc. Le nier ne disculpe pas, ne grandit pas.
C'est en regardant son passé en face qu'on construit son avenir dignement. Regarder le passé permet aussi de comprendre que même quand la machine génocidaire est à l'œuvre, on peut agir pour tenter de l'enrayer. J'en veux pour preuve, parmi tant d'autres, le sauvetage de 4 000 Arméniens près du mont Moïse par une escadre de navires français, dont le commandant, l'amiral Dartige du Fournet, n'a pas attendu les ordres pour sauver des vies. L'histoire de ce triple génocide nous apprend aussi autre chose : une tragédie pareille ne surgit pas de nulle part. C'est dès 1909 que des massacres étaient commis contre les Arméniens avant qu'ils ne subissent le premier génocide du XXe siècle.
Rien ne fut fait. Ce sont d'innombrables tueries qui ont précédé le génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda. Rien ne fut fait. Quant à la Shoah...
Speaker 387
Thank you, Madam. Thank you very much. Our next speaker is Mr. Arvanitis, on behalf of the Left.
Konstantinos Arvanitis
Κύριοι και κυρίες συνάδελφοι, 19 Μαΐου σήμερα. Ζούμε μέρες βεβαίως άκρατου αναθεωρητισμού και η Άγκυρα είναι βασικός συντελεστής των δεδομένων και της ιστορίας. Είναι αρνητικός ουσιαστικά πρωταγωνιστής. Αυτή τη στιγμή μιλάμε εδώ και στην Κύπρο υπάρχει στρατός κατοχής σε κράτος μέλος. Αυτή τη στιγμή που μιλάμε το καθεστώς της Άγκυρας θέτει θέμα επικίνδυνου αναθεωρητισμού με το ψευδοαφήγημα της λεγόμενης γαλάζιας πατρίδας με την ανοχή των Βρυξελλών.
Σήμερα που μιλάμε η κυβέρνηση της Άγκυρας προκαλεί με την απάντησή της στο αίτημα για αναγνώριση της γενοκτονίας των χριστιανικών πληθυσμών, των Ελλήνων του Πόντου και της Ιωνίας, των Αρμενίων και των Ασσυρίων. Φτάσαμε εδώ μετά από συνεργασία δημοκρατικών δυνάμεων εδώ στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο και είναι μια αρχή να γίνει αυτή η κουβέντα. Τονίζω, 353.000 Πόντιοι Έλληνες εξοντώθηκαν μέσα από εκτοπίσεις, πορείες θανάτου και συστηματικές διώξεις στο πλαίσιο μιας οργανωμένης πολιτικής εθνοκάθαρσης. Λευκές πορείες, το Άουσβιτς των Ποντίων. Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο έχει χρέος να υπερασπίζεται με συνέπεια τη συλλογική μνήμη και την ανθρώπινη αξιοπρέπεια.
Όχι σιωπή, όχι άρνηση, αλλά αναγνώριση και δικαιοσύνη. Σας ευχαριστούμε πολύ.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, dear colleague. Mr. Mazurek, on behalf of the ECR Group.
Milan Mazurek
Milióny našich európskych predkov zomierali kvôli okupačným islamským hordám, ktoré sa vždy valili do Európy zo všetkých strán. Milióny mužov zahynuli v boji a v ochrane Európy. Obrovské množstvo žien a detí bolo znásilnených a odvlečených či predaných do otroctva. Gréci a Arméni, ktorí sa stali obeťou genocídy islamského Osmanského tureckého impéria, sú jedným z mnohých dôkazov toho, aké peklo si museli predkovia v Európe po celé stáročia zažívať. A ja sa vás pýtam, pýtam sa celého tohto pléna, ale aj celej tejto Európskej komisie, ako by sa títo ľudia tvárili, keby dnes videli...
Speaker 387
Sorry, sorry dear colleague, we don't have translation. I beg you to begin again.
Okay, so I should start?
Speaker 387
Excuse me, but I think that we haven't fixed the problem. Yes. The problem is solved. Would you be so kind to begin again?
Milan Mazurek
Milióny našich predkov v Európe padlo v boji proti inváznym islamským hordám, ktoré sa po celé stáročia valili zo všetkých strán do Európy. Obrovské množstvo mužov zahynulo v boji za ochranu Európy. Nekonečne veľké množstvo žien a detí bolo znásilnených a predaných do otroctva. Naši predkovia si prešli peklom, ktoré si dnes nedokážeme ani predstaviť. Gréci a Arméni, ktorých si tu dnes pripomíname a ktorí sa stali obeťami zvrátenej genocídy tureckého Osmanského impéria, sú dôkazom toho, čo všetko museli podstúpiť naši predkovia len preto, že chceli ochrániť svoju identitu, len preto, že si chceli zachovať svoju kresťanskú vieru.
A ja sa pýtam celého tohto pléna a celej Európskej komisie, ako by sa všetky tieto obete islamského radikalizmu, fanatizmu a genocíd v Európe tvárili, keby dnes videli, ako tu oceňujete Angelu Merkelovú, ktorá sem pozvala milióny takýchto islamských radikálov? Ako by sa tvárili, keby videli, že najpoužívanejšie meno pre novorodencov v západnej Európe je Mohamed a že najväčšia mešita sa stavia tu vo Francúzsku v Štrasburgu?
Ako by sa dívali na to, ako ste zradili a zapredali Európu.
Speaker 387
Thank you very much, dear colleague, the debate is closed. Next item on the agenda is explanation of votes. Report Karin Karlsbro, negative trade-related effects in global overcapacity on the Union steel market, Mr. Terheş, seat 350, has the floor.
Cristian Terheş
Mulțumesc. Am votat în favoarea acestui raport deoarece protejarea industriei europene a oțelului este esențială pentru economia și securitatea Uniunii Europene. Europa trebuie să-și apere industria strategică, să reducă dependențele externe și să asigure un viitor competitiv pentru producția europeană de oțel și pentru locurile de muncă din această industrie. Pentru a reuși însă, Europa trebuie să renunțe la abordarea ideologică care îi sufocă propria industrie. Politicile de decarbonizare forțată au dus la creșterea explozivă a prețurilor la energie și gaze, făcând producția de oțel în Europa din ce în ce mai scumpă și mai puțin competitivă.
S-a vorbit despre oțel verde. Nu există oțel verde sau energie verde în sens ideologic. Există oțel de calitate și energie accesibilă și fiabilă. Dacă vrem cu adevărat să salvăm industria siderurgică europeană, trebuie să renunțăm la slogane și la suprareglementare. Pentru a fi din nou competitivă, Europa are nevoie de dereglementare, de prețuri mici la energie și de măsuri comerciale ce să reinstituie libertatea economică.
Realitatea economică nu se schimbă în bine prin cuvinte frumoase și slogane, ci prin decizii care dau șansa mediului privat să genereze prosperitate. Mulțumesc.
Thank you very much, dear colleague. Report Boris Budka, Research Fund for Coal and Steel research program and multiannual technical and financial guidelines, Mr. Terheş, seat 350, has the floor.
Cristian Terheş
Mulțumesc. Am votat în favoarea acestui raport deoarece consider că Fondul de cercetare pentru cărbune și oțel poate sprijini competitivitatea industriei siderurgice europene, inovarea și implicarea IMM-urilor, universităților și sectorului industrial în proiecte concrete de cercetare. Acest fond este unul dintre puținele instrumente europene care susțin direct dezvoltarea tehnologiilor industriale, modernizarea producției și menținerea locurilor de muncă pentru ca Europa să producă oțel competitiv aici, nu să-l importe din afara UE. Într-o lume în care China și alte puteri investesc masiv în industrie și tehnologii avansate, Europa nu-și poate permite să abandoneze cercetarea din siderurgie. Nu există autonomie strategică fără industrie europeană, iar fără cercetare și inovare vom deveni dependenți de actori externi.
Cercetarea în domeniul oțelului nu este o cheltuială, ci o investiție în puterea economică și strategică a Europei. Nu susțin însă direcția ideologică din raport cu privire la Green Deal și tranziția energetică forțată, care afectează deja negativ industria, locurile de muncă și securitatea energetică europeană. Dat fiind faptul că nu este suficientă, Europa are nevoie de adiție de energie, nu de o tranziție energetică care îi reduce capacitatea din prezent de a produce energie înainte de a construi alternative viabile. Mulțumesc.
Thank you very much, my friend. Next sitting is tomorrow, Wednesday, 20th of May at 9:00. The agenda has been published and it's available on the European Parliament website. The minutes of this sitting will be submitted to Parliament for this approval tomorrow after the votes. The sitting is closed.
Speaker 444
Mesdames et Messieurs, chers collègues, la séance est ouverte. Le procès-verbal et les textes adoptés lors de la séance d'hier ont été mis à disposition. Y a-t-il des observations ? Le procès-verbal est approuvé. Les décisions de plusieurs commissions d'engager des négociations interinstitutionnelles, conformément à l'article 71, paragraphe 1, du règlement, ont été annoncées lors de l'ouverture de la session, lundi 21 octobre.
La présidence n'a reçu aucune demande de vote sur ces décisions de la part d'un nombre de députés ou d'un ou de plusieurs groupes politiques atteignant au moins le seuil moyen. Les commissions peuvent donc commencer les négociations. L'ordre du jour appelle le débat sur le rapport de Monsieur Johan Van Overtveldt, au nom de la commission des budgets, sur le projet de budget général de l'Union européenne pour l'exercice 2025. Je rappelle aux députés que pour ce débat, il y a un tour d'orateurs des groupes politiques. Ensuite, nous passerons à la procédure des interventions à la demande, le catch-the-eye, et aux cartons bleus.
Je donne la parole à Monsieur Johan Van Overtveldt, rapporteur.
Johan Van Overtveldt
Merci, Madame la Présidente. Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, le budget 2025 est le premier budget annuel de la période post-révision du cadre financier pluriannuel. Et ce budget 2025 est un budget de transition. C'est le premier budget de la nouvelle législature, mais il est encore largement basé sur les priorités de la Commission précédente. C'est aussi un budget qui doit faire face à des défis majeurs, tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur de nos frontières.
La position du Parlement européen sur ce budget est claire et ambitieuse. Nous voulons un budget qui soutienne la croissance économique, qui renforce la cohésion sociale et territoriale, et qui permette à l'Union de jouer son rôle sur la scène internationale. Nous avons identifié plusieurs priorités clés. Tout d'abord, le soutien à la recherche et à l'innovation. C'est essentiel pour notre compétitivité future.
Ensuite, le renforcement de nos capacités de défense et de sécurité. Dans le contexte géopolitique actuel, c'est une nécessité absolue. Nous demandons également des moyens supplémentaires pour la gestion des migrations et le contrôle de nos frontières extérieures. Enfin, nous n'oublions pas la transition écologique et numérique, qui reste au cœur de notre projet européen. Cependant, nous sommes conscients des contraintes budgétaires.
Le remboursement de la dette liée au plan de relance NextGenerationEU pèse lourdement sur nos finances. C'est pourquoi nous insistons sur la nécessité de trouver de nouvelles ressources propres pour l'Union. Sans cela, nous serons contraints de faire des choix difficiles et de réduire le financement de programmes essentiels. Le Conseil a proposé des coupes sombres dans plusieurs domaines. Le Parlement s'y oppose fermement.
Nous ne pouvons pas accepter que des programmes comme Horizon Europe ou Erasmus+ soient sacrifiés. Nous entamons maintenant les négociations avec le Conseil. Ce ne sera pas facile, mais nous sommes déterminés à défendre les intérêts des citoyens européens. Nous voulons un budget qui soit à la hauteur des ambitions de l'Union européenne. Merci de votre attention.
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