Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs Ordinary meeting
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LIBE European Parliament
Follow its sittings
Jim O'Callaghan
At the same time, we will continue efforts to strengthen the effectiveness of migrant return systems. The returns regulation will be formally adopted in October, and then our attention must turn once more to implementation. Linked to this, we will also advance discussions on the Commission's forthcoming proposal regarding the digitalization of returns procedures. Ireland recognizes that migration is a European challenge requiring a joint European response. That includes cooperation with countries of origin and transit, strengthening the external dimension of migration policy, and developing legal migration pathways that help address labor and skills shortage across Europe.
The Irish presidency will continue to support work on strengthening Schengen governance, advancing implementation of the EU visa strategy, and progressing the EU digital travel application. We will also continue to stand in solidarity with those displaced by Russia's illegal war of aggression against Ukraine. This will include working with member states and the Commission on the continued implementation of the temporary protection directive, which has now been extended, as parliamentarians will know, until March 2028. We will facilitate further discussions on a coordinated, fair, and sustainable approach for a future transition out of temporary protection. Turning to internal security.
Europe faces a rapidly changing geopolitical and security landscape, which member states cannot address alone. The publication of the Protect EU internal security strategy provides an important roadmap for strengthening Europe's internal security. The Irish presidency will prioritize advancing this work. We've begun to examine the Commission proposal to strengthen the mandate of Europol and will do likewise with the proposed strengthening of Frontex when that proposal is published. Providing member states with the tools and resources necessary to address organized crime and enhance resilience is a critical investment in our collective security.
This is why we will also seek to progress the internal security fund as part of the next multiannual financial framework. The fight against organized crime is a central priority for all member states, and the Commission's work on access to data, the revision of the European investigation order, the proposals concerning organized crime, the strengthening of Eurojust, and efforts to combat firearms trafficking each represent important opportunities to improve cross-border cooperation. The Irish presidency will work constructively with member states and this parliament to advance these files as and when they are presented. Drug trafficking continues to pose a serious threat to communities across Europe. We will prioritize implementation of the EU drug strategy and action plan, including through the European Ports Alliance public-private partnership to strengthen cooperation against organized criminal networks.
We are equally committed to tackling migrant smuggling, a heinous crime committed by people with no regard for human life. The Irish presidency will prioritize progressing the migrant smuggling directive and support efforts to strengthen operational cooperation across the Union. We sincerely hope the parliament can soon reach a position on this important file to allow trilogues to begin under our presidency. Chair and honorable members, security and justice must always be accompanied by a firm commitment to fundamental rights and democratic values. The Irish presidency is committed to supporting the Council's ongoing work to uphold and strengthen respect for EU values and fundamental rights.
Protecting victims and strengthening prevention efforts must remain a top priority for all of us. The Irish presidency will also place a strong emphasis on protecting and promoting the rights of the child. Children are rights holders and their rights must be protected and upheld. We will support initiatives that enhance children's participation in decision-making processes and advance work on the proposed regulation on the recognition of parenthood. We will continue to champion the rights of minority communities and those who experience discrimination, racism and hate.
Particular attention will be given to combating domestic, sexual, and gender-based violence.
This will include the adoption of Council conclusions which will support the implementation of the new EU anti-racism strategy. At the same time, we're working to advance important discussions on the child sexual abuse regulation, with the next trilogue chairman taking place tomorrow. The urgency of protecting children from online exploitation and abuse requires the Council and the Parliament to redouble our efforts to reach a balanced compromise, and we will continue to work with you to do so. Digitalisation itself presents enormous opportunities for justice systems across Europe. The Irish presidency will support ongoing efforts to modernise justice systems through digital technologies while ensuring robust safeguards for privacy and data protection.
We will seek agreement on amendments to the EU data protection regulation for EU institutions and bodies, progress work under the digital justice package, and support implementation of the Digital Justice at 2030 strategy. We will also continue work on the European Union's accession to the European Convention on Human Rights, an important step in reinforcing the Union's commitment to human rights and the rule of law. Colleagues, the challenges we face are very significant, but so too is our capacity to respond when we work together. The success of the justice and home affairs agenda depends on close collaboration between Member States and the European Parliament. The Irish presidency and I are committed to that partnership.
The logo of the Irish presidency is Ní neart go cur le chéile. It means there's no strength without unity. This is the official slogan of the Irish presidency. Working together, we will build a safer, fairer, and more resilient Europe. Go raibh míle maith agaibh go léir.
Thank you very much for your time and I look forward to the rest of our engagement and thank you once again, Javier, for inviting me here.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, Jim, thank you, Minister, for your initial presentation that shows how ambitious your presidency is. And as far as the Parliament is concerned, you can count with our institutional responsibility and cooperation in order to achieve the goals that we share. And now we move on to the round of political groups. We will start with EPP, Mrs. Ana Miguel Pedro. Floor is yours for two minutes.
Ana Miguel Pedro
Thank you, dear chair. Senhor Ministro, agradeço em primeiro lugar o facto de estar connosco aqui hoje. Senhor Ministro, o pacto em matéria de migração e asilo foi um passo necessário, mas não foi suficiente. E não sou eu quem o diz, são 17 governos europeus reunidos em Munique no sábado. O Senhor Ministro estava lá.
Os problemas estão identificados, os procedimentos continuam lentos, o Eurodac não regista tudo o que deve registar e a União continua sem um verdadeiro mecanismo de crise.
Ceuta mostrou a dimensão do problema. Em dois dias, dezenas de milhares de pessoas entraram numa cidade com pouco mais de 80.000 habitantes. O governo espanhol falou em cerca de 70.000. Houve dezenas de mortos e uma fronteira externa da União que foi ultrapassada em horas. O pacto prevê regras para situações de crise, mas Ceuta expôs a pergunta: conseguem essas regras ser acionadas a tempo de proteger a fronteira e as pessoas?
Precisamos de decisões rápidas na fronteira com uma base jurídica europeia clara, de identificação eficaz no Eurodac e de retornos que sejam executados e não apenas anunciados. Por isso, senhor ministro, duas perguntas muito diretas. Primeiro, se a presidência irlandesa vai levar as conclusões de Munique ao Conselho e pedir formalmente à Comissão uma proposta legislativa de reforço do pacto ainda este semestre? E segundo, se vai a presidência defender um mecanismo de crise que permita suspender procedimentos e fechar fronteiras perante instrumentalização como em Ceuta, sem esperar pela próxima emergência? Muito obrigada.
Minister.
Jim O'Callaghan
Yeah, thank you very much for your question. And the first part of your question concerned the pact itself. I think it's important to point out that as of last Friday, the pact was only operating for 15 weeks. And I've had an opportunity to engage with many of the Home Affairs ministers throughout the Union in terms of how the pact is operating within their member states. My view is that the pact is working at present.
And if you look at the numbers of persons seeking applications for asylum throughout the European Union, which we think is too large, those numbers have reduced quite significantly. The border procedure that is available under the pact, I believe is working very effectively. We're seeing already in certain member states that applications that were made after the 12th of June have not only concluded at first instance, but have concluded at appeal as well, and we're seeing the effective implementation of the returns mechanism under it as well. So I think the pact is working, and we spent very many years throughout the Union trying to get agreement on the pact, and I would not like at this early stage to say it isn't enough or it isn't working. Having said that, it is always the case that member states can seek to have further measures introduced or additional measures added on to what is there at present.
Ireland, holding the presidency, will certainly facilitate that. You referenced the very tragic events and serious events that happened in Ceuta at the beginning of August. That was a very serious event. It also resulted tragically in the loss of many lives. But when you look at how the Irish presidency responded to that, we immediately called an emergency meeting of the Home Affairs ministers in early August, and that resulted in very significant outcomes and consequences in terms of the identification of areas where there is needed to be further progress.
I'm well aware of what the Commission has said recently in terms of further measures in terms of emergency response measures. I'll wait for the Commission to come forward with those proposals, and obviously as presidency, if they come during our time period, we will certainly respond in an engaging and constructive way. Thank you.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, Minister. And now I give the floor to Monsieur Fabrice Leggeri, Patriots. I'm sorry, who's taking the floor? Are you taking the floor? Yes, please go ahead.
No, for the Patriots, Ewa...
Ewa Zajączkowska-Hernik
I didn't hear my second name.
Szanowny panie ministrze, będę mówić po polsku. Irlandzka prezydencja deklaruje sprawiedliwe, zdecydowane i oparte na zasadach podejście do migracji, do migracji azylu i powrotów. Chciałabym więc zapytać, co w praktyce oznacza słowo stanowcze? W sierpniu po wydarzeniach w Ceucie pod pańskim przewodnictwem ministrowie spraw wewnętrznych mówili o ochronie granic zewnętrznych, skutecznych powrotach i współpracy z państwami trzecimi. I zaraz mam parę pytań.
Jakie irlandzka prezydencja ma stanowisko w sprawie powrotów osób, których wnioski azylowe zostały odrzucone i które nie mają prawa pobytu w Unii Europejskiej? Czy popiera pan możliwość tworzenia ośrodków powrotowych poza terytorium Unii Europejskiej oraz wywierania realnej presji na państwa trzecie, które odmawiają przyjmowania własnych obywateli? Cały czas mówicie o tym, by wyeliminować przemyt ludzi. Sytuacja w Ceucie pokazała, że poza słowami w zasadzie nie ma żadnych konkretnych działań uderzających w przemytników, więc chciałabym zapytać, czego się boicie, że jesteście tak nieskuteczni w walce z przemytem ludzi i nielegalną migracją? I chciałabym zapytać, jak pan ocenia politykę Sancheza, który zalewa Europę i zalewa Hiszpanię nielegalnymi migrantami?
A na koniec chciałabym poruszyć wątek mojego kraju, ponieważ od początku wojny miliony Ukraińców przekroczyły polską granicę, a jednocześnie nasza wschodnia granica jest celem instrumentalizacji migracji przez Białoruś i Rosję. Dlatego pytam wprost, czy uważa pan za sprawiedliwe, aby państwo znajdujące się w takiej sytuacji było jeszcze zmuszone do przyjmowania migrantów relokowanych z innych państw Unii albo do ponoszenia związanych z tym kosztów? Dziękuję.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, Mrs. Szajkowska-Hernik. And now I give the floor to Minister O'Gorman.
Jim O'Callaghan
Yeah, thank you very much for your question. And your first question is what does it in fact mean when I say that the Irish presidency wants to be decisive and fair when it comes to returns. I think that must be guided by the data. It is the case that only one in four irregular migrants issued with a return decision actually returns to a third country. So there is an issue in terms of returning people who have failed in their applications for asylum.
That is something that requires more effective measures. I recognize the fact that the Parliament has agreed a returns regulation that will come into effect early on the 1st of October later on this week. And that obviously reflects the views of the considered views of Parliament and the after the trilogues were discussed and negotiated and finalized. I think it is the case that people who have been refused asylum, that they should leave the territory of the European Union. It is the case that when people apply for asylum and they are granted asylum, obviously we accept them and allow people to stay here because they have passed through the asylum test.
If it is the case, however, after the very complex and complicated process we have in place, that a person who is adjudicated not to be entitled to asylum faces no consequence, well that undermines the whole system that we have in place. And I think that is why Ireland is advocating a fair but firm policy. And if you have your asylum application rejected within Europe, you must leave. You also raised the issue of migrant smuggling. And as we all are aware, organized criminal groups to a large extent are behind the smuggling of very vulnerable people into the European Union.
We need to ensure that we have strong legislative measures in place to combat migrant smuggling. I will work with the Parliament in respect of legislative measures that arise, but it is a real threat to the Union and that is why it requires a coordinated response to the scourge of migrant smuggling.
Elena Yoncheva
Thank you, Chair, for giving me the floor. The Migration Pact is now in force, yes, but Bulgaria and other external border Member States continue to confront organized smuggling. And how does the Irish Presidency intend to close the gap between the Pact's legal design and the reality at the external border, low effective return rates and persistent smuggling networks? And what concrete results does the Presidency expect by the end of 2026 on the anti-smuggling package and early identification of implementation failures in Member States under migration pressure? So, thank you.
Jim O'Callaghan
Thank you very much for your question. And obviously migrant smuggling and human trafficking is an issue, as I highlighted in my answer a few moments ago. It's a profitable business for criminal networks with an estimated turnover of billions of euro. I am aware that smugglers use the external border, they'll use land, they'll use sea and air routes to facilitate irregular migration. In late November 2023, as you're aware, the Commission proposed an anti-migrant smuggling package composed of a proposal for a directive, which aims at clearly defining and effectively sanctioning the offense of migrant smuggling, and a proposal for a regulation with the objective of improving law enforcement cooperation and enhancing Europol's work.
I note that the co-legislators reached an agreement on the regulation with targeted amendments to the Europol regulation, and as a result, the capacities of Europol and Member States in the area of fighting migrant smuggling are enhanced. On the directive, the Council adopted the general approach in December 2024, which is more than one and a half years ago, and I suppose as the Irish Presidency, we hope to start negotiations with you as soon as possible once the Parliament has defined its position, and we urge you to do so as soon as possible. I should also point out, by the way, just in specifically in terms of what you say, in July, the Commission presented a new proposal for a sanctions regime targeting serious illicit activities originating outside the Union, and we see this as an important new instrument in the toolbox to fight the serious threat the Union faces from serious criminality and criminal networks that are originating externally and often acting far beyond the reach of our criminal justice systems. Thank you.
Michael McNamara
Ar dtús báire, fáilte anseo inniu, is ba mhaith liom caint leat faoi an Phalaistín agus an cruachás atá á lorg acu anois. I'd like to specifically talk about the Irish Palestine Scholarship Programme because the right to education in Palestine is of course illusory in the context of schools, universities being blown up. It is a mechanism by which the Irish people bestow a right to education upon some lucky few Palestinians. This year, the embassy, like previous years, replied to applications saying, all documents received, nothing further required. There was even a discussion of evacuation, how they would be evacuated, but then they subsequently received a communication saying, we confirm that your documents have been sent to the Department in Dublin for processing.
Now, that's your department, Minister. To date, 115, according to media reports, have been refused. Now, that's a marked change. Last year, there was an 84% success rate, it's now a 70% failure rate.
So Minister, I'd like to ask why is this processing being carried out in Dublin in circumstances where the visa policy on the Department of Foreign Affairs website says that visa applications for Palestinians will be processed in Tel Aviv? So why is that change occurring? And secondly, will you commit to giving these people an effective remedy because they have a right of appeal? They have appealed. But the reality is that they're waiting months for an appeal and they will continue to wait months.
But the university place that is their gateway to a future is now. If they get an answer at Christmas or Easter, it's irrelevant whether it's a refusal or an acceptance because the scholarship is gone, their place is gone. So Minister, you talked about decisiveness and fairness. Will you make a decision on their appeals? Will you commit for that today?
And will you ensure that they have the fairness of an effective remedy? That is a basic human right across the world. Because an appeal process that drags on long after they need a decision is neither effective nor fair. Nor does it vindicate what the Taoiseach said he was unusually unequivocal in New York last week when he said nobody will be able to say that we did not know, let it not be said that we did not act.
Jim O'Callaghan
Thanks very much, Michael. Thanks for your question. And can I just say at the outset that I think, and this is probably a domestic question more than a European question, I think that the Irish government has really led when it comes to our response to the ongoing trauma and genocide in Gaza. I think we have made huge efforts to stand up to the illegal activity of Israel and the war crimes committed there. And I also think we have done so whilst being consistent in our condemnation of Hamas for the atrocities of the 7th of October.
The specific issue you raise is in respect of visas. As you know, the Department of Justice gets vast numbers of applications for visas each year. You've asked me to comment specifically on a general group of visas, which are visa applications for Palestinian students. Like, I'm aware at present that over 50 of those visa applications have been granted by the Department of Justice. I'm also aware, and I'm slightly restrained in terms of what I can say, that there are court proceedings that have been initiated by one of the persons who did not succeed and is bringing judicial review proceedings against me in respect of it.
What I think I can say, however, is that when it comes to the granting of visas, this is in light of the decision that was made by third-level institutions to grant scholarships to very many students from Gaza. It would have been much preferable had the third-level institutions come to me and the Department of Justice in advance of granting those scholarships and said that they wanted to establish humanitarian scholarships. That has happened in terms of Medevac. You'll be aware that I, along with the Department of Health, agreed evacuations of people from Gaza for the purpose of getting immediate medical attention. And that was done in a coordinated way between the hospitals, the Department of Health, and the Department of Justice.
Similarly, and I've communicated this back, similarly, what should happen here is the universities, before announcing scholarships, should come and talk to the Department of Justice. Because I hear what you say in respect of it. I am adopting a humanitarian response to it. Like, it is the legal responsibility of my colleague, Minister Colm Brophy, who's responsibility for visas. But it is certainly the case that visa applications have been granted and I wouldn't like the word to go out from here that we have rejected all applications.
We haven't. The last time I looked, about 10 days ago, there were over 50 visa applications granted. Thank you.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, Minister. And now I give the floor in this second round to Mr. Adrián Vázquez. Señor Vázquez.
Adrián Vázquez Lázara
Muchas gracias, presidente. Hablaré en castellano, señor ministro.
Señor ministro, la presidencia irlandesa ha situado entre sus prioridades avanzar hacia un enfoque justo, firme y basado en normas para la gestión de la migración. Y en este contexto, como sabe, el pasado mes de abril, el Gobierno de España aprobó por decreto una ley de regularización extraordinaria que beneficiará a cerca de 500.000 personas que están ahora mismo en situación irregular dentro de Schengen, con criterios laxos y, por supuesto, sin contar con la opinión del resto de Estados miembros. Y yo le quería preguntar que, aparte de generar esa clara mensaje de insolidaridad por no preguntar al resto de Estados miembros por parte del Gobierno español y de generar un efecto llamada cuyas consecuencias ya vimos en Ceuta, quería preguntarle si usted opina que este tipo de regularización sin coordinación y con consecuencias para toda la Unión Europea es compatible con ese enfoque de firme, justo y basado en normas. Y también le quería hacer otra pregunta, otra pregunta también basándome en lo que la presidencia irlandesa lleva en su documento de prioridades sobre la defensa del Estado de derecho, que consideran un valor fundamental que debemos defender y reforzar. Y quería preguntarle sobre su opinión de que en algunos Estados miembros, y yo por supuesto incido en el mío, en España, vemos cómo el señalamiento de jueces por parte de ministros por hacer su trabajo de forma independiente se ha convertido en una constante en todas las declaraciones de muchos de los ministros de nuestro Gobierno.
Y quisiera preguntarle qué opina usted como ministro de Justicia de un Estado miembro que un ministro critique abierta y recurrentemente el trabajo de jueces independientes cuando no les gusta su trabajo. Muchas gracias.
Jim O'Callaghan
Thank you very much for your questions. Your first issue was in respect of the decision of the Spanish government. I think it was announced last April in respect of a new regularization program for persons who were resident in Spain illegally. I'm not going to comment on individual decisions made by member states, particularly when the decisions they've made are within their own competency. We need to accept, and I very much respect the fact that when it comes to the grant of citizenship through naturalization, that is a decision for member states to make.
And each member state can set out its own rules in respect of how it should grant naturalization. So I won't, with great respect, make comments about the Spanish government specifically in respect of that. However, if member states want to come to the Irish presidency or wish to raise in Council that we need greater harmonization when it comes to the granting of citizenship through naturalization, that is something I will inevitably look at. Your second question again was specific to statements I'm unaware of in respect of the Spanish government. I'm not going to respond to specific issues in respect of the Spanish government, but I will emphasize that respect for the rule of law means implicitly and expressly recognizing the independence of the judiciary.
And I know from my experience as a Minister for Justice that when judges make decisions, those decisions are being made because they're applying the law. And in many respects, judges don't have an opportunity to respond or to defend themselves. So I do recognize the importance of the independence of the judiciary, and I think all politicians should similarly respect that.
Fabrice Leggeri
Thank you, Chair. I will speak in French. Monsieur le ministre, avez-vous vraiment lu la stratégie antiraciste de la Commission européenne ?
Et pensez-vous qu'elle traite réellement de toutes les formes de haine? Vous souhaitez lutter contre l'antisémitisme, la haine antimusulmane et toutes les formes de racisme, c'est nécessaire. Mais dans cette stratégie, il n'y a pas un mot sur la haine antichrétienne. En 2024, plus de 2200 crimes de haine antichrétiens ont été recensés en Europe. En France, 843 actes antichrétiens ont été recensés l'an dernier, en hausse de 9%.
L'Irlande elle-même n'est pas épargnée. L'OSCE y a documenté des actes de vandalisme et des tentatives d'incendie contre des églises. Pourtant, dans votre pays, l'Irlande, près de sept habitants sur dix se déclarent catholiques. Alors pourquoi cet oubli? Comment prétendre contribuer à la paix en établissant ainsi une hiérarchie entre les victimes de la haine?
Les chrétiens seraient-ils les seuls que l'Europe aurait désormais le droit d'oublier? Merci beaucoup.
Jim O'Callaghan
Thank you very much for your question. And I should just point out that later this week at the Council meeting, the Home Affairs and Justice Council meeting that I'll be chairing, we will be discussing the issues in respect of the EU anti-racism strategy. You I think have highlighted concern about the fact that there isn't reference to anti-Christian discrimination or racism. I think it is important that we recognize that an anti-racism strategy is about respecting fundamental human rights. And human rights are inherent to people because they are human, irrespective of their religion or of their race or of their ethnicity.
And it is extremely important within the European Union that anyone who wishes to practice their religious faith is free to do so and protected to do so. And it is implicit in my view within any anti-racism strategy that any form of anti-religious bigotry against Christians just as much as against Jewish people or Islamic people is unacceptable to the European Union. However, I've no doubt that when we come to discuss this matter at Council later in the week that some of the issues you've raised will be highlighted. And again, I'm happy to adopt and take on board any suggestions from member states in respect of issues of concern to them.
Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle
Thank you, Minister. And now Mrs. Raquel García Hermida-Vanderwalle.
Gracias, Presidente. Thank you, Minister. Thank you for letting us hear the beautiful Irish language here today, which we don't do often. Thank you also for your words on the migration pact. I'm really surprised that the colleagues just refuse to acknowledge the fact that the pact has just gone in.
The return regulation has not even gone in yet. And member states in May were not even doing what they should be doing to prepare for the pact. Of all political colors, by the way. And the implementation report of the European Commission is very clear about that. So let's do our homework first and then ask for additional measures later.
My question is also related to fundamental rights, Minister. We are very concerned about the growth and the rise of hate speech online. This has serious consequences on the fundamental rights of different minorities and communities within our Union, including but not only the LGBTQI+ community. So my question to you is, is the Irish presidency willing to move forward a proposal or work together with the Commission or promote among the member states a proposal to criminalize online hate speech throughout the Union? Thank you.
Jim O'Callaghan
Thank you very much for your question. And at the outset, I want to say again in respect of the migration pact that it is only 15 weeks in operation.
increased cooperation and effectiveness in respect of returns. So I think it is too early to make definitive decisions in respect of the pact, but it is working and I would like to see member states ensure that they cooperate with each other as outlined in the pact. You've indicated you have concerns in respect of hate speech online. Obviously the presidency will work proactively to implement the new EU anti-racism strategy and apply its guiding principles in tackling racism in all forms. And I will engage constructively with other member states.
Obviously hate speech legislation exists in many jurisdictions at present and is effective in many jurisdictions at present. In terms of trying to extend that in terms of online, like I think the effect of hate speech in most jurisdictions is that it can apply in respect of hate speech, incitement to hatred and incitement to encourage people to kill. The laws that exist in very many countries are operable in respect of such hate speech that is online. Thank you very much.
Michael McNamara
Thank you very much. Just Minister, returning to your statement that the university should have approached your department. This is not the first year of this program, it's the third. It worked successfully for previous years. The only difference this year is the failure rate.
I understand the Department of Foreign Affairs of your government was instrumental in the setting up of the program, so I don't think you can land it all on the university. But the question really I wanted to ask, Minister, is will you ensure that they get decisions? Because if they don't get decisions, they have no effective remedy. I welcome your commitment to firmness and fairness in our migration policy. And I welcome Ireland's commitment also on Palestine.
But we have to make sure that our actions are that our words are matched by our actions. So they need decisions because as you know full well, Minister, you represent Dublin Bay South, there's many of the best universities and many of the largest universities in Ireland are located there. The universities are open, the programs are starting, they have scholarships for this year. This is a once in a lifetime chance for these people. Will you give them decisions, accept or reject, but take them out of limbo?
Jim O'Callaghan
Thanks, Deputy. Again, this is very much a domestic issue, but I will do my best to respond to it. I fully recognize and I've informed officials, and I know Minister Brophy has informed officials as well, about the difficulty that applicants in a war zone such as Gaza may have in terms of procuring documents. But I also have to recognize as well, Michael, that there's a huge number of applications for visas that come in for student visas from many parts of the world. I'm trying to get through them all as quickly as possible.
But we don't have a decision that has been made to expedite one group of persons' applications over another group of persons' applications. There has, as I said already, over 50 visas have been granted to Palestinian students who want to come to study in Ireland. There's also an appeal process in place. I can't just set aside the rules because these issues are highlighted in the parliament here or in the media. There are very many deserving cases when it comes to visas.
I and Minister Brophy have to be fair in how we respond to them. But certainly it is the case that now since there is litigation in existence, that that is going to have to play its course out and we're going to have to see what the court rules in respect of it. But thank you for your issue.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, Minister. As we don't have today the usual time restrictions, I would ask whether there is any member wishing to take the floor in a follow-up question. If well, if that is not the case, I give the floor back to Minister O'Gorman for his final remarks.
Jim O'Callaghan
Thank you very much, Cathaoirleach, and I want to thank all of the members here who've listened and who have contributed questions. And obviously, if there are any further issues of concern to colleagues throughout the Irish presidency, please feel free to engage with us. And as I said to you, the presidency will seek to advance a fair, firm, and rules-based approach to migration in the home affairs area, to work to strengthen Europe's security and resilience, and to support a justice agenda that remains firmly grounded in respect for fundamental rights and the rule of law. And I know these are key issues, having spoken to you, Javier, for the Parliament, and I look forward to working closely with you, as well as with the Commission and Member States over the coming months to advance these shared priorities. Working together, we can advance an agenda and deliver practical, effective, and balanced solutions that strengthen the security, resilience, and values of our Union.
And as I said, in line with our motto, Ní neart go cur le chéile, no strength without unity, I look forward to working with you all and your continued cooperation. And I conclude by saying that although it is halfway through the Irish presidency, I think there is a benefit being before the Parliament at that time when so much work has progressed to date and to hear the views of parliamentarians in advance of our presidency concluding at the end of the year. Thank you very much.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, Minister. Thank you for your presence here in this committee, which has been not only presentation of priorities, but also sort of mid-term review of what the presidency is doing. As you know, we have, I mean, a strong relation with the presidency. There are quite a number of important files that are being negotiated. We do expect a fruitful outcome from all of them.
And we thank you for your work in order to, in order to achieve these shared objectives of the Parliament and the Irish presidency. We do hope the best and we wish you the best in the coming months that certainly will be at least as busy as the ones you have already got behind you. So, thank you, thank you very much, Minister. Thank you very much. We have been very efficient in the time management of this first part of this meeting.
So we have been able to bring forward the presentation by Dr. Lorraine Nolan.
Lorraine NOLAN
The EUDA is helping Europe detect emerging threats faster and respond more effectively. Firstly, highly potent synthetic opioids. One of the clearest warnings emerging from the report concerns highly potent synthetic opioids, including fentanyls, nitazenes, and more recently, orphine opioids. These substances can rapidly emerge, cause severe poisonings at very low doses, and appear in products that users do not see as opioids, including counterfeit medicines. Our threat assessment, published in June, identifies a plausible risk of further emergence of highly potent synthetic opioids in Europe.
It calls on Member States to strengthen preparedness and contingency planning, improve laboratory and toxicological capacity, reinforce early warning and risk communication systems, and ensured continued access to evidence-based treatment and harm reduction measures, including opioid agonist treatment and naloxone. The key message is simple: preparedness measures should be in place before a crisis emerges, not after it has begun, because preparedness is what will save lives. Through the strengthened early warning system, our new network of forensic and toxicology laboratories, threat assessments, and the European Drug Alert System, the EUDA is helping Europe detect emerging threats faster and respond more effectively. Today, the early warning system monitors more than 100 synthetic opioids and over 1,000 new psychoactive substances. It is also important to keep the risks in perspective.
Europe benefits from decades of investment in evidence-based treatment and harm reduction. Our threat assessment does not imply that Europe will inevitably head towards a North American-style opioid crisis. However, we do know that harms can evolve rapidly and differ across Member States, and because of this, there is no room for complacency. Secondly, our report highlights cocaine and organised crime. This remains a major challenge for Europe.
Our analysis estimates that 2.5 million young adults used cocaine in the last year, and at the same time, 330 tonnes of cocaine were seized in Europe in 2024. These figures illustrate both the scale of demand and the continued availability of the drug, which is at a historical all-time high. Trafficking methods continue to diversify, and criminal groups are increasingly exploiting legitimate businesses and infrastructure. These developments have implications far beyond the drug market itself: they contribute to violence, corruption, intimidation, and the infiltration of legal economies. The EUDA is responding by strengthening the evidence base for European action.
Through strategic analysis, research, and cooperation with the Justice and Home Affairs agencies, we support a better understanding of the links between drug markets, organised crime, and wider security threats. At the same time, we continue to invest in prevention, treatment, and support for people who are affected by stimulant use. Through international initiatives such as Scale-Up, we are helping advance research and treatment responses for psychostimulant use disorders, while the European Prevention Curriculum is strengthening prevention capacity across Europe. To date, we have trained over 3,000 professionals through this mechanism. This balanced approach reflects an essential principle: effective security policies and effective public health policies reinforce each other.
The third issue I would like to highlight is ketamine. In some settings, and particularly recreational ones, ketamine is no longer viewed as a niche substance, but an established drug. And what concerns me most here is the risk of normalization. The report highlights growing concerns linked to ketamine. Although treatment entries remain relatively low, they increased from over 400 in 2019 to almost 1800 in 2024.
Yet awareness of the risks often remains limited. Frequent ketamine use can lead to dependency and severe bladder damage. In March this year, the agency published a situational report on ketamine in Europe, identifying key recommendations to address evolving supply and demand. We are now working closely with partners to support their implementation, close the monitoring gaps, and strengthen detection through wastewater analysis, toxicology monitoring, and hospital surveillance. And finally, I would like to highlight the importance of a balanced, whole-of-society response to drug-related challenges.
As I presented to the committee in March, the EUDA's presidency of the Justice and Home Affairs Agencies Network is advancing the one-safety approach. This recognizes that today's interconnected health and security challenges require closer cooperation across sectors, agencies, and communities. To support this, our agency has launched our civil society platform and will launch our new cities network on September 30th next. Together, these initiatives will strengthen knowledge sharing, support local responses, and help translate evidence into action. Honorable members, the European drug situation is becoming more complex and increasingly connected to wider health and security challenges, but Europe is also better prepared than before.
Our task now is clear: to connect evidence to preparedness, preparedness to prevention, and prevention to resilience. Europe's greatest strengths remain cooperation, our focus on science, evidence, human rights, and practical action. Thank you for your attention.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, Dr. Nolan, for your presentation. Extremely interesting. And now I would like to open the floor to political groups, starting with EPP, Mr. Blaga.
Vasile Blaga
Thank you, Chair. Thank you, Director Nolan. I want to mention one good example from Poland because this year in the port of Gdynia, Polish police seized more than one ton of heroin. This operation was possible thanks to information from the British authorities and British services. And this shows how important international cooperation is.
And I have two short questions. After Brexit, how do you see cooperation with British police, with also British agencies and British secret services? Does it work well or are there still some gaps? And the second question is about cryptocurrency. How big is this problem today when we talk about drug trafficking?
How are criminal groups currently exploiting cryptocurrencies to fund illegal operations? Thank you.
Thank you very much for the question. And maybe to come first to the collaboration with the UK authorities.
Lorraine NOLAN
This year in July, our agency signed a new working arrangement with the UK. And while since Brexit we have had engagement with the UK authorities primarily relating to our early warning system, I really believe now that this working arrangement puts us into a hugely different place in terms of our advancing our cooperation with the UK on both the health and the security side. So certainly under that now as we begin to agree our work plan together, there certainly is opportunity and more expansion to intensify our engagement there. But I should add that the European Drugs Agency is not a law enforcement agency in relation to its role. What we provide is the strategic analysis to support law enforcement operations, but also to monitor and evaluate trends and to help and assist how law enforcement operations need to advance in light of this as well.
You also raised a question on cryptocurrency. Certainly we can see again that this is a very concerning dynamic in relation to the European drugs market and I guess it really represents the innovative strategies that criminal networks are increasingly utilizing to advance their networks and their activities. Again, we are not a law enforcement agency, but it is the strategic analysis that we actually perform that helps informed and direct. We have very, very strong cooperation with Europol as an agency and one of the things we do extremely well together is technology foresight in terms of the internal security hub. We are involved in the foresight cluster and again looking at how technology advances, the role it plays and the responses we need in light of this is an important focus in those activities.
Fabrice Leggeri
Thank you very much, Chair. I will speak in French. Merci Madame la Directrice, merci Madame la Directrice pour votre présentation. On le voit à travers les statistiques que vous avez indiquées, on le voit aussi dans chacun de nos pays, il y a une consommation croissante de drogues, il y a une violence croissante et une criminalité de plus en plus violente à cause du trafic de drogues. Alors récemment, le Parlement européen a adopté une résolution contre le trafic de drogues et pour la protection aussi de nos frontières, et notamment nous avons indiqué que votre agence, l'Agence de l'Union européenne pour les drogues, avait vocation à travailler avec Europol, avec Eurojust et avec les autorités nationales pour davantage encore partager l'information.
Donc ma première question porte sur les actions que vous avez l'intention de mener pour renforcer la coopération avec les agences comme Europol ou Eurojust ou avec les autorités nationales, et j'aurais souhaité savoir en priorité quels sont les types d'autorités nationales avec lesquelles vous pensez développer une coopération plus forte encore. Ma deuxième question porte sur les difficultés éventuelles que vous rencontrez, et j'aurais souhaité savoir si vous vous heurtez parfois à des difficultés parce que des institutions ou des administrations au niveau européen ou national seraient infiltrées peut-être par des groupes criminels avec des phénomènes de corruption.
Mais je voulais savoir aussi s'il y avait une espèce d'infiltration idéologique avec peut-être de la complaisance de la part de ceux qui essaient de promouvoir ce qu'ils appellent un usage récréatif des drogues. Je voulais savoir s'il y avait là une espèce de bataille culturelle à mener pour montrer le caractère nocif de la consommation de drogues. Et ça m'amène à la dernière question qui est les conséquences sur les sur la santé publique et sur les politiques de santé publique. Est-ce que vous avez également des coopérations avec les acteurs de santé publique au niveau des États membres et des institutions européennes ? Merci beaucoup.
Lorraine NOLAN
Okay, there are many aspects to your question, so I will do my best within the time that I have available. I think possibly the best place for me to start is with the collaboration with the Member States. Everything we do at the European Drugs Agency is done on the basis of network collaboration, and our partnership with the Member State authorities is absolutely integral to the work that we do. So we work with what are known as the Reitox national focal points, which are the Member State representatives who coordinate then their interface with us as an agency and the data exchange across national level. So I think we do have a very well-established and we do have a very robust system of interchange.
And we, even though we are a Justice and Home Affairs agency, many of the national focal point representatives actually come from the health perspective, and they coordinate at national level with those that are operating in both the health and the law enforcement side. So I don't believe there are any gaps there in relation to that activity at all. In relation to the difficulties in terms of communication, the risks associated with drug use, absolutely, this is an issue that is something that is very central to prevention campaigns. I mentioned the focus the agency places on prevention in terms of drug use itself. We follow an evidence-based model.
And actually, the evidence-based model is much more focused on addressing the underlying causes of development of drug misuse or disorders in individual, which may more often come from marginalization and vulnerability. So the prevention ethos is very much so centered around the development of resilience, life skills, and giving kids the confidence to say no. That being said, risk communication around drugs is part of a prevention strategy. Where it has been used, it may not always be used as effectively. And this year we are launching a new research campaign to look at the role of information, our new research project to look at the role of information campaigns as part of an evidence-led prevention campaign.
We also issue through our drug alert system many risk communications relating to drugs. So it is part of the work that we do, but as part of a prevention strategy, which I think your question related to, that is something we are now researching more to see the value of that and where it sits properly within a prevention strategy, but also equipping Member States with the tools to design information campaigns in an evidence-led way. Chair, can I have another moment? Okay, to come to the question on the resolution from the committee on maritime drug trafficking.
Again, as I mentioned to the earlier question, we are not a law enforcement agency, but we do provide strategic analysis. And we work very closely with the member states, both the law enforcement, but importantly in this area, the customs authorities. We also work with the Maritime Analysis and Operations Centre for Narcotics, which is based in Lisbon, who work in the area of illicit drug trafficking in the non-freight or the cargo space. So through that strategic analysis, we monitor diversification in trafficking routes and methodologies and modus operandi, and we certainly are closely monitoring those developments. They are called out within the report itself.
We also are a partner in terms of the European Ports Alliance, which the committee will be aware of, and our role in terms of the Ports Alliance, again, is to bring that strategic intelligence. We play a role in capability development with the customs and the law enforcement practitioners across Europe. And again, that is based around how illicit drug trafficking and maritime trafficking is evolving. And we are also working on developing infrastructure supports in the form of new detection tools to assist the officers in the field in their interception of cargo. We also are working, I've mentioned our collaboration with Europol and the other Justice and Home Affairs agency, to look at foresight and the technology advancements in that space as well, so that we can stay ahead and that we can stay prepared for the future advancement.
Thank you.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you. And now Mrs. Jontcheva. You're not taking the floor. Okay. Then Mr. McNamara.
Vincenzo Sofo
Grazie Presidente, grazie mille per avermi dato la parola. Mi scuso per il ritardo, ma purtroppo è dovuto agli spostamenti all'aereo. Grazie mille per la presentazione di questo report su un tema che noi riteniamo di primaria importanza, perché dobbiamo dirlo chiaramente: la droga è un virus che purtroppo ha preso tante generazioni in questi decenni e ancora in questo momento continua purtroppo a diffondersi nella nostra Europa. La droga purtroppo porta a morte, distruzione di famiglie e porta a ingrassare le finanze della criminalità organizzata. Per cui ringrazio la Commissione, ringrazio voi, perché questo ritengo sia una delle priorità della nostra Europa, della nostra Unione Europea.
E rispetto a questo, leggo dal report che purtroppo in pochi anni c'è stato il 39% di persone entrate per la prima volta in più nel trattamenti legati all'utilizzo di cocaina. Negli ultimi dieci anni la potenza di cannabis e hashish è aumentata del 66%, alla faccia di chi parla purtroppo troppo spesso di droghe leggere. E nell'ultimo anno, in un solo anno, c'è stato il 61% in più di decessi per fentanyl in Europa. E abbiamo visto quanto in questi mesi stiano girando anche qui in Europa video davvero raccapriccianti che ci denotano purtroppo quella che è la realtà rispetto a questa droga. Video di esperienze e di accaduto che noi vedevamo venire dagli Stati Uniti e che adesso purtroppo, l'avevamo annunciato, ci sono anche qui in Europa.
Quindi chiedo a voi quali sono le misure che l'EUDA propone per fermare la diffusione di nuove droghe come il fentanyl qui in Europa.
Oltre a questo la seconda domanda è legata a un file legislativo di cui sono relatore nel quale si parla di precursori di droga perché noi giustamente ci concentriamo sulla diffusione al commercio delle molecole che diventano droga ma chiedo a voi non sarebbe il caso di concentrarci anche su tutte quelle sostanze chimiche appunto i precursori che permettono poi di trasformare queste molecole in droghe sintetiche. E infine faccio un riferimento a un tema che mi spaventa moltissimo perché leggo in una parte del report che si parla di programmi di distribuzione di aghi e siringhe per ridurre il danno. Ecco questa io credo che sia stata una strategia fallimentare utilizzata spesso anche in Italia e utilizzata in Europa quella della riduzione del danno che invece porta alla legittimazione del consumo di droga tra tante fasce di popolazione in particolare fra quelle fasce che invece noi dovremmo cercare di proteggere di coloro che già consumano droga invece si trovano spinti a consumarne ancora di più invece che essere portati ad essere aiutati in centri nei quali possano recuperare dal loro dalla loro dipendenza. Ecco questo credo che sia una strategia fallimentare e vi chiedo se non sia il caso di rivederla perché i dati fattuali in ogni parte d'Europa ci raccontano questo. Noi invece dobbiamo raccontare alla popolazione anche in virtù del tema culturale di cui parlava poco fa che la droga uccide sempre e comunque e dobbiamo fare in modo che non sia più diffusa all'interno dell'Unione Europea tramite campagne culturali ma anche tramite delle azioni che siano dure da tutti i punti di vista per colpire i trafficanti di morte.
Grazie.
Lorraine NOLAN
Thank you chair and thank you for the question again many angles to your question so I will take them in turn. Your first question related to fentanyl and I guess I will include with that the broader class of highly synthetic opioids. I think it's really important for me to clarify as I did within my opening statement we certainly are not in the situation of the crisis that has been seen in other jurisdictions and I'm referring really here to the situation that has been seen with synthetic opioids in North America. And as an agency we have invested heavily in preparedness in this area under our extended mandate but also I think going back decades. I think one of the strengths of the European system has been our investment in treatment and harm reduction in the context of opioid misuse in Europe.
And where we do see localized outbreaks across Europe it tends to happen in those member states that have not reached the thresholds for OAT treatment services that are set out by the World Health Organization. We also have invested in harm reduction measures including naloxone which is a life saving in relation to overdose situation. Last this year we last year we conducted a specific threat assessment on synthetic opioids in the Baltic region and this year we have followed up with another threat assessment on preparedness for this eventuality in Europe. And that issues recommendations on maintaining high access to OAT services the availability of naloxone to deal with acute overdose situations as well and highlighting the importance of emergency response networks and having them established within member states before outbreaks occur bringing together all of the expertise you need in frontline A&E services law enforcement capability paramedics and the forensic and the toxicology analysis that is needed there.
Also through our early warning system, we have monitored over 100 synthetic opioids. We have risk assessed 12 that has led to the control of 10 with two more under consideration. And in Europe now, because of the strength of our early warning system, we are able to go from detection to risk assessment characterization of harms in a matter of just 13 weeks. So we have a tremendous capability to go from detection to control. That being said, we cannot be complacent.
We see that it is a situation that rapidly evolves and we really need to avoid the situation that has happened in North America. In quarter one of next year, we are launching an intensified initiative on synthetic opioids and I would welcome the opportunity to maybe come back and brief the committee on our work in that area as well. Precursors you mentioned as well, Chair, if I may have a few more moments. Precursors are a new area of responsibility for the agency. Under our new mandate, we were given a role in the monitoring of precursors.
We have always monitored the synthetic drug market. Since 2024 when we took on the role, we have carried out assessments of 14 precursors. That has led to the recent control of nine precursors in Europe, two more are under with more under active consideration and we also know from the member states that there is increasing interest for more precursor assessments to be carried out by the agency as well. We work very closely with law enforcement across Europe on this issue as well and part of our role is about developing law enforcement capabilities to address the rise in synthetic precursor or to address the rise in synthetic drug production. We are developing a database of European drug production incidents and we are also developing intensified libraries of substances including NPS to assist law enforcement personnel in the field as well in this area.
International collaboration is really important in the context of precursor and precursor supply into Europe. Last week, the European China dialogues took place in Brussels and we had the pleasure of welcoming the Chinese delegation to our agency in Lisbon. That also gave us an opportunity to discuss the supply of precursors from the Chinese market into Europe and to identify some practical areas of collaboration that we can take forward in relation to that. You also had a point on needle exchange programs and drug consumption rooms. Just to say that in relation to this area and particularly of drug consumption rooms, we know they have been a controversial issue across member states.
They are growing in numbers. We see that 13 member states now have drug consumption rooms. And I think the important thing as experience is growing is to monitor the benefits that they bring from both the health and security perspective. And this year, we are developing guidelines to assist the member states in monitoring the value that consumption rooms bring as part of an overall strategy for addressing and reducing harms associated with drugs.
Michael McNamara
Thank you very much, Chair, and welcome Dr. Nolan on your first European drug report. Your report draws repeatedly on wastewater analysis and I think this perhaps deserves more attention. Knowing what drugs people are taking, what drugs are being taken in particular parts of the Union, in particular regions of our countries is, I think, very important from a couple of perspectives. First, it lets us measure the extent to which enforcement is working. We, of course, can readily ascertain what resources are being put into enforcement, but the extent to which they're working is often difficult to gauge.
But second and equally if not more importantly, it lets us plan the health responses that we need and of course wastewater analysis gives us the warnings that we see because you see a gradual increase in in the prevalence of a drugs in a particular area.
It also provides a very accurate evidence of substance use. It's not sort of intelligence gathering which can be accurate, can be inaccurate at times. So I've really two questions. The wastewater treatment analysis done by the Sewage Analysis Core Group Europe, the SCORE network used in this report, 115 cities from 25 countries took part, but Ireland only joined last year and only Dublin is sampled. So which countries and regions are missing and what's holding them back?
Is this an expensive analysis to carry out? And if you know what is the main obstacle to it being more prevalent across Europe? And second, can you give any examples of where wastewater data has changed a decision, whether maybe a health alert has been issued or additional resources have been put in place in anticipation of a problem which would otherwise maybe have taken lives without that forewarning which it provides? Thank you.
Lorraine NOLAN
Thank you very much for that question in relation to our wastewater analysis program. And first of all, it is one source of data and information, and as an agency we collate information from many sources. But you are right in relation to its value. And I think what we have to remember in terms of wastewater analysis, it is an analysis and a reflection of the picture at a single point in time. It's not a continuous monitoring methodology within that sense, but it certainly gives a sense of patterns of misuse.
And I think its value, as you have said, is it may be an indicator of the emergence of new substances, which is very important for our work, but also I think more along how health services may need to be directed and may need to be adjusted in light of the patterns that we are seeing here. We work with the SCORE network, so it's not analysis that is actually directly carried out by our organization. It's work that is done through a partnership approach using this network. And the reality is that it really is up to the member states in relation to their involvement and which cities they see and they may wish to prioritize for involvement as well too. Certainly it is new for us and we really do want to grow it and we want to keep encouraging participation in those activities as well.
And we do see evidence that or we are seeing that more countries and more cities are becoming involved in it as well too. We may be missing some countries in relation to Eastern European countries as well. But we can see among the member states that everybody is interested in this. And I think the reports and the releases that we issue in relation to it get an awful lot of traction as well too. So as we say, we will continue to encourage it.
In relation to it, you know, making a decision or issuing of a risk communication per se, not in isolation. I would have to say that it is an information and a data source that is taken in combination with information that we see in terms of ketamine, for example, some very interesting results in relation to the wastewater analysis and ketamine and what we are seeing in terms of the growth of use across cities.
That certainly was taken into account in terms of the situational analysis review on ketamine that we did earlier this year. So it certainly is a contributor to those kinds of communications, recommendations, or as you put it, decisions that we may make as well. Thank you.
Saskia Bricmont
Thank you very much. Welcome, Director, and thank you for the presentation of this important report. Hearing from you shows that there are a lot of expectations from the agency, a lot of work ahead, and what does it mean in terms of budget allocation and resources? I would like to hear from you on this one. Another challenge that you pointed already in March 2026 is the cooperation with the other EU agencies, the JHA agencies mainly, and the fact that agencies have to stop working in silo and work in cooperation.
There are reforms from certain agencies coming. What would be your main recommendations in order to be complementary in your work, in your tasks, and also avoid maybe overlaps between the different agencies? I have another question related to work and priorities. Since the issue of drugs is way more under the political radar today, how, what would you recommend to keep a balance between preventing measures, working on demand, supporting services for drug users and communities affected, and the other more repressive answer that we see coming? What role can the agency play in looking at that?
And finally, it's also related to all the aspect of pollution, waste related to the drug sector. The chair of LIBE will love it, but maybe we can also think about working closer with the ENVI committee, with the SANT committee, see how we can contribute to this more transversal approach inside our Parliament, because obviously there are criminal-related issues to environmental waste and pollution, but we have definitely a global approach to take also on our side. So what do you think about that and how can we work together on this? Thank you.
Lorraine NOLAN
Thank you very much for the questions, very helpful. In relation to my view on budget and resources, I obviously have the benefit of being new to the agency and having arrived nine months ago in the agency with a staffing complement of just over 140 members of staff and a budget of 37 million. And in view of all of the complexity that we are talking about in terms of the European Drug Report, my honest opinion is we don't have enough resources and we don't have enough budget. And if we look what is set out for us as an agency under the new MFF, we certainly are currently within that proposal positioned as an agency where the budget is maintenance, so enough for just maintenance and managing the inflation. And when, you know, irrespective of mandate increases or extensions for the agency, even in terms of pure growth alone, there is so much more that we could do and that we really want to do.
I have spoken of the threat assessments that we have carried out in relation to synthetic opioids. We have done two, we will be doing more intensive work here today, but in overall terms by this year we will have published four threat assessments. We really want to be able to do many more of those and we should be doing many more of them, but the biggest constraint is the availability of resources within the agency as well too. Our international collaboration activities, it is a global market, there is so much more we could do in terms of international collaboration to reduce particularly supply, I think. Secondly, I would say that the research and innovation agenda is going to be so important, the work on foresight in really advancing the preparedness and there is so much more that we could do there as well too.
So it's not just a question of budget for us, it is also a question of the headcount approval, so we need to have both the resources and both the budget. So that would be my view in relation to that and I think it is important under the opportunity of the MFF that is reflected. You asked about cooperation with the Justice and Home Affairs agency and within the nine agencies that are there we have very strong cooperation. But I think your question was more specific to the mandate extensions of the other agencies including Eurojust and Europol. And I think as the revision of those mandates is being considered, it really is important to reflect on that, the collaborative nature of the work that we have to do in this space.
The European Union Drugs Agency, I believe, is really uniquely positioned in that our work is focusing on both the health-related aspects and the security-related aspects. And just like in response to my last question on wastewater analysis, we bring data and information from so many sources and we look at the interconnectedness of both the health and the security challenges. We are uniquely placed and we have a very bespoke offering in relation to strategic analysis. So I think as the mandates are being discussed for the other agencies and there is investment going into the system for both Europol and Eurojust, which has to be the case, it is important that the indirect impact on agencies like ours where we really want to be able to contribute and should be able to contribute playing to our strengths are taken into account as well. And your final point on environmental aspects of what is the increasing rise of synthetic drug production in Europe, I think this is a very excellent point and one that is often overlooked.
And just to give some context of this, we do have a very strong history and culture of synthetic drug production in Europe, particularly MDMA and methamphetamine derivatives. For every one kilogram of MDMA ecstasy that is produced, up to 58 kilograms of waste are produced and that is waste that is going into the environment, into our ground and our surface water that is largely uncharacterized with regards to its impact on the environment. It is a really important topic and this year we have launched a new research initiative focusing exactly on this, the environmental impact of synthetic drug production in Europe. So I think having that opportunity for engagement with the ENVI Committee, with permission of course with the chair, would certainly be a very well-invested strategic discussion. Thank you.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you. And now in this start the second round, el señor Vázquez Adrián Vázquez.
Adrián Vázquez Lázara
Muchas gracias, presidente. Muchas gracias, directora Nolan. Le voy a hacer una pregunta en nombre de mi compañero Juan Ignacio Zoido, que bueno, consideramos todos que Europa tiene un problema muy serio con el fenómeno de la droga y en ciertas zonas de Europa, como en Andalucía, el tráfico de drogas está disparado. Hace una semana salía un artículo en el Wall Street Journal que se hacía una pregunta demoledora: ¿es Marbella la nueva Acapulco?
El problema europeo de la droga va mucho más allá de la salud pública y en Andalucía, región de España, este fenómeno está trayendo consigo mayor presencia de bandas criminales internacionales, ajustes de cuentas a plena luz del día o incluso el reclutamiento de menores como sicarios, una situación impensable para Europa hace unos pocos años. Entretanto, los agentes policiales no tienen medios para frenar a las bandas. Por eso las preguntas son: ¿le preocupa a la Agencia Europea de Drogas el aumento del narcotráfico en Andalucía? ¿Cree que reforzar los medios técnicos de los agentes policiales debería ser un imperativo político de seguridad para España? Muchas gracias.
Lorraine NOLAN
Thank you very much for the question. And again, I think it really speaks to the general point of one of the most concerning developments in Europe in relation to the drugs field is the serious rise in drug market related violence. We know that Spain is particularly experiencing a very acute impact in this area and we've had members of the Spanish police that have lost their lives very sadly over this year in relation to tackling and addressing this. And I really do have to commend the enforcement efforts of all of our law enforcement personnel across Europe and the very, very excellent work that they are doing. As I have said, the European Drugs Agency is not a law enforcement agency itself.
Our role is in relation to providing the strategic analysis of illicit drug trafficking and drug markets. We work in partnership with others as I have said throughout the hearing today. But I think what's incumbent on us as an agency is to work constantly to increase the strength of our strategic analysis. And there are a number of priorities for us that we are focusing on in relation to this. First of all is the capacity to monitor drug market related violence across Europe because there are very many gaps within the data and there are different methodologies for collection.
So we need to address those data gaps and to harmonize collection methodology and reporting from across the Member States because it is so important to be able to have the clearest picture possible to be able to make comparative analysis and really see the year-on-year developments within this challenging area. As an agency also, I've mentioned our research programs. We are specifically investing on a research program in the area of drug-related homicides to both build the strategic analysis but also to assist in developing future monitoring capability. But amongst the most serious, I think, developments of all in Europe that we are seeing is the recruitment of minors by organized crime associated with the European drug market. And this is really an intensive focus of our research program.
And we've had a number of projects in this area. Our Safe Futures project has been ongoing for a number of years and that is really looking at the predisposing factors for recruitment of young people into organized crime and also how we can work to prevent this and how actually it takes place, so the methodologies that are used. This year we are complementing that with a program known as REWIRE, of which there are two components to. And REWIRE is looking at the online element of youth recruitment into drug-related organized crime and how social media and the online environment works as an accelerant, focusing on the misinformation, disinformation, and the grooming tactics that may be used and how we can work to address those, but also a second component which is focusing on monitoring.
And the third point that I would like to mention is networks because we really need to build our networks in this area. Earlier this year we launched the community of practice, a new community of practice in Europe which is focusing on youth recruitment, bringing together frontline law enforcement professionals, those in the education sector, the social sectors, academic and researchers to really think and look and analyze the practices that exist across the member states and to assist in identifying best practices. And this week we will launch a new cities network which is really important because very much so the cities are at the frontline of the really severe impacts of drug market related violence. For too long we have probably looked at our cities as being policy implementers. We really want to use this cities network to use the expertise that exists at that level to inform municipal policy in this area.
And this year we also launched a new civil society platform which is about connecting us more with the individuals, the families and the communities that are impacted by the drugs phenomenon and drug market related violence. Thank you.
Vasile Blaga
Thank you. I want to ask about the northern road as a major drug trafficking corridor and how your agency work with Europol to monitor the criminal groups are using this road and how the war in Ukraine change this road, the northern road. Another question, is Russia using drug money from northern road to avoid western sanctions and how drug related cartels organizations are exploiting sabotage operations with Russian intelligence services.
Lorraine NOLAN
Okay, thank you very much for the question. I think in relation to the northern road, this really comes back to the work that we perform in partnership with Europol to look at trafficking routes and how trafficking routes may be diversifying. And in that context, the role that we actually provide, it's more about strategic analysis as I have said, but also I think looking at future evolutions and the role for example that technology and use of technology may actually be, may provide in the future and how that may change. We also in terms of the war in Ukraine, yes, I think we have been very closely monitoring the war in Ukraine and its impact on the drugs situation in Europe. And I think probably there are two major impacts that we really have seen and that is we have an increasing migration population in Europe that have come to Ukraine.
And obviously we know that migrants are a very vulnerable population with respect to their predisposition to development of drug misuse problems. And we also have within the Ukraine a displaced population of injecting drug users and other drug users that have been displaced by the war and that have come to Europe.
So continuity of care in the context of the war in Ukraine has been an important consideration for us as well. In relation to the war in Ukraine and synthetic drug production, we have seen that from our engagement with Poland as a member state, that that has had a very significant impact on synthetic drug production in Poland, and in particular synthetic cathinone production. You will have seen that is flagged within the report. Many of the labs that have been dismantled and the seizures that we have made that have been made are actually coming from that region in Europe, and that is thought to be a direct consequence of the war in Europe as well. Thank you.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, Dr. Nolan. Any other member wishing to take the floor? Well, if that is not the case, I will take the opportunity because you mentioned normalization of the consumption of drugs. And given the numbers you have provided, it would seem that cocaine and synthetic drugs are quite normalized. I mean, I'm not talking about these images of devastating consumers of fentanyl that we have also seen, but those who seem to be socially acceptable and even linked to, let's say, successful or funny lifestyles.
Do you think we are doing enough? Because that's not part of the conversation, in my opinion, is that it is not part of the conversation. Of course, we celebrate the seizures of huge amounts of drugs by the law enforcement, but certainly that is not part of the conversation in my view. So are you satisfied with the efforts to raise awareness, or are we stepping back in this area?
Lorraine NOLAN
I think it's a really excellent question because it does seem that this is part of a recreational use aspect to the market. And very often when we talk about prevention, we focus much more on marginalization, social vulnerability. And in the context of recreational use and prevention, people who recreationally use drugs may not fit this picture. So I think part of the conversation here is very much so about what does that say in terms of the modern needs of prevention and how does that need to evolve. Certainly resilience skills and teaching young people the skills to say no is definitely part of that.
But I think there is a place, and I mentioned it earlier, in relation to information campaigns and risks. And particularly for a substance like ketamine, which is largely used by young males in their early twenties for recreational uses, but it causes catastrophic bladder damage. And I think increasing the understanding and the awareness of those risks in the context of that cohort of individuals absolutely has a place and could be a very effective strategy indeed. And this is why I mentioned the research program on the value of information campaigns that we are performing this year, because we are very much so an evidence-led organization. So we really need to know how to design these properly, how to make sure they are effective, what is the right communication methodology and the right communication means to target those messages and to get them across as well.
It's also where prevention strategies meet individuals. And I think targeting more at the third level institutions and individuals that are coming through that stage of life, it's a really important issue. I also think we have to really think about what is it that prompts such high levels of recreational abuse.
And one of the things that we increasingly see is the increasing challenge of mental health challenges in our young people. We all know that mental health challenges are a really strong predisposing factor in relation to the predisposition to develop a drug misuse disorder. So I think that joined-up conversation between, you know, mental health care and drug misuse and looking at integrated care pathways in this is an important element of it. But I think it really goes to speak to the point about we speak about needing a whole-of-society response across the educational sector, you know, across the health sector, across the security sector, the social sector, technology. We need to really start thinking about how do we bring about a whole-of-society design thinking and actually really start to look at cross-cutting initiatives, cross-cutting responses that really can go to the heart of tackling and addressing the problems that we face as well too.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, thank you, Dr. Nolan. And now it's customary to give you the floor back for your final remarks after this exchange if you want.
Lorraine NOLAN
I have to say, thank you very much, Chair, for giving me the floor to return back. I think I have spoken enough about the complexities that we face within the drugs market, within the drugs field within Europe. But I do want to give the committee the reassurance that as an agency that has gone through an expanded mandate, you know, we are very focused on delivering on that mandate and particularly strengthening the approach to preparedness. We have made a lot of progress in relation to the development of the new tools. They are actively implemented and as the agency now embarks on the development of our new EUDA strategy 2030, I think this is really around the positioning of our agency post the new mandate that is delivering meaningful and effective services for Europe, both in the security and the health-orientated domain.
I also want to thank the committee. I think the committee has been a very strong support to the agency and I know from the questions that have been asked today that continuing to ensure the agency is properly supported and resourced from both a budget and a human resource perspective is very central. And I think I really hear from the committee as well the value of your recognition of the balanced approach to addressing the drugs phenomenon in Europe, which has been part of our strength because we really look at it from both the health and security side and ensuring that really continues to be our overriding guiding principle within the drugs field. So thank you for that and I look forward to the opportunity to come back to the committee and update you at a further date and perhaps our new strategy, maybe another opportunity next year to come back and update you. Thank you.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you very much, Director Nolan, for your information, the information you have provided to the committee and for the fruitful exchange and we wish you the best in your duty. And now we will take a break and resume our session at 17:00 with the exchange of views with the European Commission on the Chisinau Declaration. Thank you.
Well, dear colleagues, let's resume our session. Moving to item number seven on our agenda, which is the exchange of views on the Chisinau Declaration. The Chisinau Declaration is a political declaration adopted on the 15th of May 2026 by 46 member states of the Council of Europe at the annual session of the Council of Europe's Committee of Ministers held in Chisinau. It sets out the states parties' views on the European Convention on Human Rights system, notably in the context of migration. Shortly after its adoption, the Commission issued a press statement welcoming the declaration.
In this context, we are pleased to welcome Mrs. Nassira Bouleouat, Director for Democracy, Security and Technological Innovation at the Secretariat-General of the Commission, to present the Commission's view on the Chisinau Declaration and its implication at EU level. So, Mrs. Bouleouat, you have the floor for eight minutes.
Nasira Bouleouat
Thank you, Chair, and thank you for the your invitation to this exchange of views extended to the Commission. We're happy to be here today to discuss the declaration adopted on the 15th of May by the Council of Europe, as known as the Chisinau Declaration. It is an important declaration, it highlights the crucial relevance of the European Convention of Human Rights and the values underpinning the Council of Europe, which are also our shared values. So, as observer to the Council of Europe, the EU could not be party to the adoption process of the declaration. Nevertheless, the Commission followed the drafting of the declaration in a supporting role.
The declaration touches upon sensitive topics and it is the result of various months of negotiation and compromise between the governments of the members of the Council of Europe. The result, as we see it, is a balanced text which reaffirms the commitment of the states party to the Convention, the independence of the European Court of Human Rights and the integrity of the entire Convention system. It addresses specific migration-related issues, which I will highlight now the main ones. It recognizes that the expulsion and extradition of individuals convicted of serious offenses can raise challenges. Therefore, the declaration encourages states parties to develop clear domestic frameworks in line with the Convention.
It recalls that mass arrivals present complex challenges for frontline states and a major risk for the life of migrants. And we have confirmed and seen this as we over the summer with the events in Ceuta. It also recognizes that a reduction of irregular migration reduces the loss of life at sea and calls on state parties to respond in conformity with the convention. Now the declaration also acknowledges that situations of instrumentalization may result in acute humanitarian crises where it's paramount to ensure that the protection of fundamental rights and ensuring an effective protection of our border and national security have to go hand in hand. The declaration further underlines that situations of mass arrivals create challenges for national asylum systems and encourage states to ensure that decision-making processes are fair and effective in these situations.
Finally the declaration recalls the importance of pursuing new approaches to ensure an effective and fair migration framework notably by referring to the return hubs. Overall in our view the declaration strikes a fair balance between the general public interest and the protection of individual fundamental rights in line with the European Convention on Human Rights. It's in line with the Commission efforts on new approaches to manage migration ensuring an effective migration framework protection of our external borders dismantling smuggling networks protecting preventing sorry illegal arrival and ensuring effective returns in full respect of fundamental rights all of this is is part of the centrality of EU migration policies which are reflected in the pact on migration and asylum. For this reason the Commission welcomed the declaration and we remain ready to work constructively with the Council of Europe with member states and with the European Parliament to meet current challenges and the future ones in the field of migration. Now I want to say a word and conclude on the importance for us of our strategic partnership with the Council of Europe.
Migration is a European challenge that requires a European response and this area of unprecedented geopolitical transformation the attacks on multilateralism and international law give prominence to this strategic partnership with the Council of Europe and it's important more than ever. So we need to joint forces to strengthen democracy implement effective migration framework in respect of fundamental rights and to protect also the internal security of the Union. So on our side we will continue to follow this process closely in the Council of Europe and including its possible follow-up. So I hope that my presentation was clear. Thank you for your attention and ready to take your questions.
Thank you.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you very much. Now we open the floor to groups present in the room. We start with EPP, Mrs. Lena Dupont.
Thank you.
Lena Düpont
Thanks, Chair, and thanks to the Commission here for being ready and also available for the discussion and also for highlighting again the process or the steps in the processes that led actually to the declaration as such. And I think that the previous years really clearly had shown that instrumentalization is one of the very pressing issues on the external border of the European Union, not only for the member states affected, but also of course for the European Union as a whole, and as such creating numerous security challenges, asylum and migration challenges, but also of course in the broader public debate has a very prominent prominent role for good reasons. So I also very much welcomed actually the letter of the signatories, of the signatory states here, really addressing instrumentalization as a phenomena that has evolved over the last month and years, and you just also mentioned yourself the recent examples in Ceuta. We also very much welcomed the comments by the Commission or the statement made by the Commission President in her State of the European Union speech in Strasbourg just a couple of weeks ago. Addressing to that, I would I would be very interested actually in having a bit more detail on what is the Commission foreseeing there, so what can we expect also for the political discussion, if you can answer that.
And connected to the question of course on the work of the Council of Europe, you also mentioned in your last sentence that of course the Commission is also following the follow-up, the possible follow-up of that declaration. Do we already have a sense of what the follow-up will be and what do we do with that at European level in the sense of there are a lot of links actually to European law as such where we of course then need to also address it, probably also in proposals from from our policy perspective. Thanks.
Nasira Bouleouat
Thank you, indeed, so instrumentalization, as I said, referenced in the in the declaration but also in the President's speech. If I understand well your question of what's foreseen on the side of the Commission, not the Council of Europe. So what's foreseen on the side of the Commission, as you know, we already have this communication on instrumentalization, but also the President promised and referred in her State of the Union speech to the elaboration of a European emergency framework. I cannot give you details about this, but this is really meant to address the challenging situation that the Union is facing at its external borders, like the one we have seen, as I said earlier, in Ceuta. So the work is in the making, so I cannot give you more details, but I can tell just take you tell you that the services are taking this the elaboration of this framework forward.
When it comes to the follow-up at the level of the Council of Europe, well, first to be mentioned that with regard to the member states, they can implement the elements in this declaration as they see fit, and some of them may wish to take even legislative measures, but this is the prerogative of the member states. For the Council of Europe itself, our information is that they have not yet agreed on the next step. So the Council of Ministers are discussing, but for the time being these discussions are inconclusive yet. So this is the state of play for now.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, Mrs. Bulowat. And now I give the floor to Monsieur Leggeri, Patriots.
Fabrice Leggeri
Merci Monsieur le Président, je vais m'exprimer en français. Merci à la représentante de la Commission pour son intervention. La déclaration de Chisinau marque un véritable tournant. Pendant des années, certains gouvernements ont dénoncé les difficultés posées par l'application de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme en matière d'immigration, mais aujourd'hui ce constat n'est plus isolé puisque 46 États membres du Conseil de l'Europe se sont mis d'accord à Chisinau pour réclamer une rupture nette. C'est précisément parce que cette évolution mérite d'être débattue au Parlement européen que notre groupe, le groupe des Patriotes, a pris l'initiative de demander ce débat en commission LIBE.
Pourquoi ? Parce qu'un État est souverain, il doit pouvoir contrôler ses frontières, décider qui entre sur son territoire et qui doit quitter son territoire. Or aujourd'hui, l'interprétation de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme par les juges de Strasbourg rend extrêmement difficile l'expulsion de certains étrangers, y compris lorsqu'ils ont commis des infractions graves ou posent des problèmes de sécurité et d'ordre public. Et donc c'est précisément pour cela que les 46 États s'accordent sur l'extrême nécessité de revoir et corriger l'application excessive des articles 3 et 8 de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme en matière migratoire. Et évidemment, la Commission européenne ne peut pas rester à l'écart de ce débat, et ce d'autant plus que le commissaire européen à la migration, Magnus Brunner, a lui-même salué cette déclaration de Chisinau.
Alors pour mon groupe, il y a deux questions simples à la Commission européenne. Premièrement, est-ce que la Commission européenne partage toujours le constat de ces 46 États ? Et deuxièmement, la Commission européenne est-elle prête à en tirer les conséquences dans le droit de l'Union européenne, et notamment à amender là où c'est nécessaire la législation de l'Union européenne afin de se prémunir contre des interprétations excessives de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme ? Merci beaucoup.
Nasira Bouleouat
Je pourrais répondre en français ? Merci Monsieur le Président. Merci pour vos questions. Je confirme, la Commission partage le constat et elle a soutenu la déclaration, elle continue à la soutenir. Donc c'est une position claire de la Commission européenne qui engage la Commission européenne.
Le Conseil ne l'a pas fait pour des raisons que vous connaissez certainement, mais la position de la Commission est claire à cet égard, nous soutenons cette déclaration. En termes d'amendement de la législation, si on parle de la législation retour, elle vient d'être adoptée et on espère que le Conseil va l'entériner le 1er octobre, n'est-ce pas ? Donc à ce sujet, je pense que ce comité aussi a travaillé sur la question et nous avons revu et nous sommes vraiment satisfaits de l'accord qui a été acquis entre le Parlement, le Conseil pour permettre d'avoir un nouveau système de retour. Et bien évidemment, le prochain engagement que la Commission a pris, c'est celui de réformer aussi le mandat de l'agence Frontex pour qu'elle puisse aussi jouer son rôle par rapport à la problématique que vous soulevez, c'est-à-dire soutenir les retours de façon efficace.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, thank you Madame Polowat.
I wonder if there is any follow-up question from the members present in the room. Yes, Monsieur Leggeri.
Fabrice Leggeri
Merci, Monsieur le Président. Puisque nous avons, je crois, un peu plus de temps et puisque Madame la représentante de la Commission a effectivement marqué l'accord de la Commission européenne pour aller dans le sens d'une qui est celui de la déclaration de Chisinau. Plus précisément, ma crainte est parfois de voir que des juges, des juges alors soit de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme, soit des juges de la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne, arrivent à contrecarrer la volonté des législateurs, que ce soit le législateur Conseil ou le législateur Parlement européen. Et donc, dans des situations où nous observerions, ou dans des situations où la Commission européenne observerait une telle dérive de la part de certains juges de ces deux cours, à Strasbourg ou à Luxembourg, est-ce que vous envisagez d'apporter les correctifs nécessaires dans la législation de l'Union européenne pour qu'il n'y ait pas d'ambiguïté sur l'interprétation à avoir et finalement couper court à l'innovation parfois excessive de certains juges ? Merci beaucoup.
Nasira Bouleouat
Alors, premier principe, respect de l'indépendance de la Cour, donc la Commission européenne respectera ce principe, évidemment, je pourrais jamais vous dire le contraire. Je note dans cette déclaration aussi la mention qui concerne la subsidiarité. Pour nous, c'est très important que ce principe soit réaffirmé dans cette déclaration, au sens que on voit bien que sur des dispositions qui nous intéressent, il est souligné que les juges nationaux prendront des mesures et que la Cour n'interviendra si et seulement si il est nécessaire. Donc je pense que c'est un développement assez intéressant en termes de réaffirmation du principe de subsidiarité. Donc ce sont d'abord les tribunaux locaux et nationaux qui établissent le droit et on comprend bien qu'ici la Cour réaffirme ce principe.
Donc je voulais juste souligner cet aspect-là. Ensuite, en termes de réforme, si vous voulez aller plus loin dans le cadre législatif européen, je comprends votre question et je pense que le cadre qui a été annoncé par la présidente pour venir en aide, pour encadrer si vous voulez les situations d'urgence qui mettent une pression phénoménale aux frontières extérieures de l'Union, devrait répondre aussi à un certain nombre de, enfin devrait donner la souplesse dont on a besoin pour assurer si vous voulez l'intégrité de nos frontières, pour assurer aussi la sécurité de l'Union et pour avoir si vous voulez une réponse en termes de examen de qui peut rentrer sur notre territoire. Ce cadre de référence, je peux pas vous en dire plus parce qu'il est vraiment en cours d'élaboration, mais il devrait répondre à certaines des préoccupations.
Javier Zarzalejos
Merci. And now I give the floor to Mr. Vannacci, the floor is yours.
Roberto Vannacci
Merci, merci le Président.
Merci, je vais parler en italien. Io ringrazio anche il collega Leggeri che ha appena parlato, che ha centrato alcuni aspetti del problema. Ma con la dichiarazione di Chișinău, fondamentalmente 46 membri del Consiglio d'Europa hanno detto a chiara voce che la giurisprudenza della Corte europea dei diritti dell'uomo in tema di migrazione, invece di considerarsi una soluzione, è invece un problema. La Corte infatti, invece di garantire la tutela dei diritti dell'uomo fondata sul diritto, sembrerebbe propendere per una interpretazione faziosa e ideologica che tende a proteggere gli immigrati clandestini, fra cui anche dei terroristi islamici, ignorando contestualmente i fondamentali diritti dei cittadini dell'Unione Europea di poter vivere in un ambiente sicuro e protetto da criminalità e terrorismo, ma anche protetto dagli arrivi clandestini. Diverse sentenze hanno infatti impedito di fatto il controllo delle frontiere e la sovranità di uno Stato di poter decidere chi può entrare attraverso le frontiere stesse.
I recenti fatti di Ceuta ci evidenziano inoltre che tale dichiarazione sembrerebbe anche essere debole, perché la stessa dichiarazione accetta un atteggiamento attendista in questi contesti specifici come quello di Ceuta, ovvero quello di attendere di ricevere gli orientamenti della Corte sull'applicazione della Convenzione in quello specifico contesto, che sembrerebbe essere una formula totalmente vuota e parimenti inefficace, soprattutto in situazioni di emergenza come quelle che abbiamo visto quest'estate che si sono verificate a Ceuta. Agli Stati membri invece dovrebbe essere consentito di utilizzare tutti gli strumenti a loro disposizione, comprese anche le forze armate, per proteggere le proprie frontiere e respingere quella che non ha altro termine di definizione che quello di invasione. Non abbiamo bisogno di una Corte di Strasburgo che ci dica che proteggere gli immigrati è più importante che proteggere gli italiani, i francesi o gli spagnoli. E noi vorremmo riaffermare un principio fondamentale, ovvero che l'unico modo per entrare in un paese dell'UE, dell'Unione Europea, deve essere la via legale, e l'unico modo per rimanerci deve essere caratterizzato dal rispetto delle leggi, delle norme, dei valori, della lingua, della cultura e della civiltà della nazione che lo ospita. Allora la domanda è molto semplice: la Commissione come vuole arrivare alla fine ad accettare questo stato di fatto, ovvero la sovranità degli Stati e la protezione delle frontiere esterne dell'Unione Europea?
Nasira Bouleouat
The way we understand this declaration is to be fit for purpose for the reality of today. So, and we think that this is what Member States collectively, Member States of the Council of Europe, undertook to take forward. And as I said, I think it will be for the Member States to implement this and give it a follow-up.
Now, an interesting element in this declaration also is the possibility to have third-party participation. And I think here the effort is also to invite third-party to the court and and be part of the process. There is also, I think, a very open offer from from in this declaration to provide guidance to the member states and probably to address the areas where member states seek a bit more of a guidance and a clearance. So I think this is also on on offer in this declaration and it needs to be to be to be recognized. But it's difficult for us as the Commission, we are not here to interpret and and speak about the declaration of the Council of Europe.
It's not our declaration. I can only speak for the workstreams that the Commission and the President of the Commission has has has promised to undertake in the near future. We have done already a lot in terms of upgrading and updating and making our legal framework for migration fit for purpose. And as I said, there is more to come because we still want to address the continued challenges that we are facing in terms of migration. Thank you.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you. Thank you. This is really what I would like to also to ask a question because you you mentioned the importance of the strategic partnership with the Council of Europe. And but the European Union is not a signatory of the of the European Convention. So in practical terms, or if you wish in institutional terms, how can you develop a strategic partnership when you're not part of the European Convention?
And at the same time, what are the I would say the elements or components or the pillars of this strategic partnership that we want to develop?
Nasira Bouleouat
Yeah. Thank you very much. So yes, as I said, our role as as Commission in this process has been a supporting one. And so the member states are the ones who are sitting. We have this observer status definitely in the Council.
So so we have attended the drafting sessions, but the supporting role is also for us important to to express our position and see the consistency with the EU law and the EU acquis. So this was our role in there. And as far as it is now, there is nothing and everything, sorry, is aligned with with our EU legal framework. The strategic partnership, yes, it is very important because because it's part of our engagements and principles. But also when it comes to our own charter is very much inspired by the European Convention on Human Rights.
So so that also elevates our partnership with the Council of Europe. So we have treaty provisions which give external powers to the Commission to cooperate with a number of organizations and certainly the Council of Europe is one of them. We see that in this area in particular of of migration, there are only benefits from from working together, you know, the EU institutions and the Council of Europe.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, Madame Bouleouat.
If there are no further questions, then I give back the floor to you, just in case you would like to make some final remarks.
Thank you, Chair. Well, I don't have any further comments to make, save that, of course, we will keep this committee informed of the next initiatives that we will table in relation to migration. Thank you.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you. You know this committee attaches a lot of importance, part of main responsibilities, that of migration and borders. That's right. That's why we do thank you for your engagement and thank you for the information provided to the committee and the exchanges with the members. Thank you.
Thank you.
And we will resume our session, we are taking a vote at six, so there'll be...
Javier Zarzalejos
So, dear colleagues, take your seats so we can proceed with the vote. Get your cards ready. I can see that we have quorum and now I'm going to announce those non-LIBE members taking part in the vote today. For the EPP group, Niels Flemming Hansen will replace Lukas Mandl. From S&D, Isilda Gomes will replace Ana Catarina Mendes.
Sabrina Repp will replace Francisco Assis. Viviane Costanzo will replace Evin Incir. Jens Geier will replace Muriel Laurent. Javier Moreno Sánchez will replace Juan Fernando López Aguilar. Matthias Ecke will replace Matjaž Nemec.
Emma Rafowicz will replace Chloé Ridel. Bernd Lange will replace Birgit Sippel. Gabriele Bischoff will replace Cecilia Estrada. For the PfE group, Virginie Joron will replace Jarosław Suchocki. Gilles Pennelle will replace András László.
Valérie Deloge will replace Susanna Ceccardi. No replacement reported in ECR or in Renew. For the group of the Greens, Isabella Lövin will replace Alice Kuhnke and Thomas Waitz will replace Erik Marquardt. No replacement reported from the Left and in ESN group, Susanne Vorvendeg will replace Mary Khan. Those are all replacements that have been reported to the secretariat.
Then we now move to the vote of the first file, which is a proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council establishing the exchange, assistance and training programme for the protection of the euro against counterfeiting for the period 2028-2034, the Pericles IV programme, and repealing Regulation EU 2021/840.
We now proceed to the block vote. It will be an electronic vote. Vote is open. Vote is closed. And it is adopted.
And then we move to the final vote, which is a roll-call vote. Vote is open. Vote is closed. And it is adopted. And now we vote on the second file, which is a draft for a Council directive amending Directive 2015/637 on the coordination and cooperation measures to facilitate consular protection for unrepresented citizens of the Union in third countries and directive establishing an EU emergency travel document.
So we vote also, it will be an electronic vote. We vote on compromise amendment one. Vote is open. It is now closed. And it is adopted.
We now vote on compromise amendment 1A bis. Vote is open. It's a roll-call, yeah. Vote is open. Vote is closed.
And it is rejected. Compromise amendment 1A. Vote is open. Vote is closed. And it is adopted.
Compromise amendment two. Vote is open. Vote is closed. And it is adopted. Then we move to compromise amendment 2A.
Vote is open. Now it's closed. And it is adopted. Compromise amendment three. Vote is open.
Vote is now closed. And it is adopted. Now compromise amendment four. Vote is open. Now it's closed.
And it is adopted. And now we vote on the text as amended. It's a roll-call vote. Vote is open. Vote is closed.
And it is adopted. So we end our voting session. The committee has concluded. Thank you.