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PLENARY European Parliament
Follow its sittingsAnd this is why, again, diplomatic engagement must go hand in hand with sustained pressure on Moscow and support for Ukraine. Thank you.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie, Vicepresidente. Iniziamo il dibattito a nome del gruppo del PPE, prego onorevole Novakov. Prego.
Благодаря, госпожо председател, уважаеми колеги. Има нещо, което никога не искам да чувам в залата на Европейския парламент. И то е, че дадена заплаха е прекалено далеч, за да бъде общ проблем. Защото разстоянието от Страсбург до Варна може и да е голямо. Но разстоянието от сигурността на един български гражданин до тази на който и да е друг европеец трябва да е точно нула.
Andrey Novakov
Моето поколение израсна с Европа, прие я за даденост. Но поколението на нашите родители нямаше този лукс.
Те изстрадаха, платиха с много лишения тази мечта, изгладуваха я и с много труд платиха нашето членство в Европа, вярвайки в обещанието, че принадлежим към общност, в която сигурността на един е отговорност на всички. И е време да покажем, че те не са се излъгали. Време е да покажем, че проблемът във Варна, проблемът в България, проблемът в Румъния е проблем за цяла Европа и Европейският съюз да изпрати мисия в Черно море, която да охранява търговските кораби. С единствената цел не да ескалират нищо, не да плашат никого, а да направят така, че сигурно да доставяме на нормални цени гориво, стоки и всичко, от което имаме нужда. Така е редно.
Колкото до това чия е заплахата, кой я отправя, мисля, че всички в тази зала си даваме сметка каква е. И без никой от нас да е бил на дъното на морето, за да види какви са отломките, е ясно къде водят всички следи. Време е Руската федерация да поеме политическа отговорност за тези атаки и да сложи край на тази война. Благодаря ви.
Tobias Cremer
Colleagues, as if terrorizing Ukrainian civilians wasn't enough, Putin is now also trying to copy the terror tactics of the Iranian regime. Inspired by the latter's attempts to choke off global energy supply in the Strait of Hormuz, Putin is now trying to choke off global food supplies in the Black Sea. In recent weeks alone, at least seven civilian vessels have been attacked by Russian drones, including in territorial waters of the EU. Putin's objective is as clear as it is cruel. By cutting off Ukraine, the breadbasket of the world, he seeks to drive up food prices, weaponize famine in the Global South, and cause unrest in our societies.
Even by the low standards of Vladimir Putin, this is a new level of cynicism. But we can do something about that. With NATO allies Romania, Bulgaria, and Turkey on its shore, we can launch a Black Sea maritime security mission, and with the EU's maritime security hub, we could detect threats earlier, share intelligence faster, and respond together. But these measures must be implemented now, because Putin is sinking quickly to new lows in weaponizing hunger and fear. So Europe must rise quickly to stop him.
Grazie onorevole. Per il gruppo ECR, prego onorevole Bryłka. Prego.
Anna Bryłka
Dziękuję pani przewodnicząca, panie przewodniczący. Od lipca mamy do czynienia z blokadą Morza Czarnego. Wpływa to nie tylko na Europę, ale także ma skutki o wymiarze globalnym, skutki w bezpieczeństwie żywnościowym i w stabilnych dostawach żywności. Kilka ważnych elementów. Po pierwsze, Polska i kraje przyfrontowe w 2022 i 2023 roku doświadczyły masowego importu towarów rolno-spożywczych z Ukrainy, co przyczyniło się do destabilizacji rynków rolnych i z przywiezionych do Polski około 4 milionów ton zboża tranzytem wyjechało tylko 700 tysięcy ton, reszta została na terenie kraju.
Po drugie, żadna infrastruktura lądowa nie zastąpi przepustowości ukraińskich portów morskich. Po trzecie, strona ukraińska w wypowiedziach ministra do spraw rolnictwa informowała, że zależy jej na eksporcie do Unii Europejskiej towarów rolnych o wartości dodanej. Przypominam, że zgodnie z przeglądem umowy stowarzyszeniowej z 2025 roku, Ukraina w standardach produkcji rolnej ma się dostosować dopiero do roku 2028, więc polscy i europejscy rolnicy mają i przy potencjalnej większej liberalizacji handlu mieliby do czynienia z głęboko nieuczciwą konkurencją. Po czwarte, kryzys wokół ukraińskich portów nie pojawił się z dnia na dzień. Jest to wynik kolejnych działań podejmowanych przez obie strony na Morzu Czarnym w ostatnich miesiącach.
Po piąte, ani Polska, ani inny kraj przyfrontowy nie mogą po raz kolejny stać się ofiarą kryzysu zbożowego, ofiarą zablokowania Morza Czarnego. Osłabianie polskiego bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego, osłabianie polskiej produkcji rolnej i polskich rolników jest również osłabianiem odporności państwa polskiego na zagrożenie rosyjskie i w tej Izbie powinniśmy o tym pamiętać.
Pani komisarz, nie usłyszeliśmy tutaj zbyt wielu szczegółów. Nie wiemy dokładnie, jakie działania podejmie Komisja Europejska. Jedynym rozwiązaniem jest porozumienie na Morzu Czarnym. Udało się takie zawiązać w 2022 roku i jest to jedyna szansa na to, żeby w jakikolwiek sposób ustabilizować tę sytuację. Dziękuję bardzo.
Cristian Terheş
Mulțumesc. Stimate doamnă înalt reprezentant, dragi colegi, securitatea la Marea Neagră nu este o chestiune ce privește strict doar România sau Bulgaria, ci trebuie să preocupe întreaga Europă. Atacurile rusești cu drone asupra navelor comerciale, infrastructurii portuare și rutelor de transport din Marea Neagră nu mai reprezintă doar amenințări la adresa Ucrainei, ci pun în pericol direct cetățenii europeni. Europa nu poate condamna agresiunea Rusiei doar prin declarații, în timp ce continuă să-i ofere avantaje economice și logistice. Este timpul ca Europa să treacă de la vorbe la fapte.
Unu: solicit Comisiei Europene și Consiliului să pregătească măsuri concrete de retorsiune economică, inclusiv închiderea coridorului de nord de transport feroviar dintre Asia și Europa care traversează Rusia. Dacă Rusia atacă libertatea navigației în Marea Neagră, Europa trebuie să pregătească restricții și restricționarea accesului la piața sa pentru mărfurile transportate din Rusia. Nu putem accepta ca Moscova să distrugă coridoarele comerciale din sud în timp ce profită de cele din nord. Doi: Europa trebuie să investească în apărarea antiaeriană și antidronă, precum și în securitatea la Marea Neagră. Aviația română a doborât zilele trecute două drone Gherani cu motor de reacție.
Viteza acestora a crescut de la 100 de kilometri pe oră, cum erau dronele Shahed înainte, la 900 de kilometri pe oră, ceea ce face de timpul de reacție foarte scurt. Solicit de aceea finanțarea hub-ului de securitate de la Marea Neagră și ca noul MFF să prevadă bugete clare pentru strategia Uniunii la Marea Neagră. Marea Neagră nu mai poate fi terenul de antrenament al agresiunilor rusești și nici punctul vulnerabil al securității europene. Mulțumesc.
Dan Barna
Doamnă președintă, doamnă înalt reprezentant, pentru Parlamentul European rezoluțiile sunt arma democrației parlamentare și mulțumesc grupurilor care au susținut să avem rapid o rezoluție și o reacție rapidă la degradarea situației din Marea Neagră. Vasele comerciale civile sunt atacate de drone fie aproape de apele teritoriale ale Uniunii Europene, ale României și Bulgariei, fie chiar în teritoriile românești. Și cred că vremea vorbelor a trecut, iar Uniunea Europeană și NATO trebuie să acționeze de urgență. Centrul pentru securitate maritimă din România și Bulgaria nu mai poate aștepta. Centrul pentru securitate maritimă trebuie să devină o realitate.
Cer Comisiei să elibereze fondurile ieri, nu acum. Cer statelor aliate să protejeze transportul maritim din Marea Neagră cu toate costurile. De aici, din Parlamentul European, vreau să felicit piloții români și spanioli care doboară drone rusești la Marea Neagră și care, cu munca lor, asigură securitatea întregii Uniuni. Pentru ei și pentru fiecare cetățean, astăzi Uniunea Europeană trebuie să propună soluții concrete. Mulțumesc.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole, prego onorevole Lagodinsky per il gruppo dei Verdi, pardon.
The American president ridicules Ukrainian heroes. The American president humiliates Ukrainian leaders. It belittles Ukrainian lives. Ukrainians are on their own. We are on our own.
But we have each other. And unlike Bulgaria's current prime minister, we know who is responsible. It's Russia. It's the Kremlin. Ships attack off Romania and Bulgaria's coast, Starlink facilities targeted in Lithuania, air raid alerts in the Baltic, sailors killed, grain routes threatened.
There is nothing hybrid about a burning ship. Nothing ambiguous about those who send explosive drones to our airports. We are in a pre-war situation with Russia. And Russia is already striking us while America is busy with diesel deals and midterm elections. Our response must be a strong Ukraine.
Our commitment to Ukrainians must be the answer to our ally's betrayal. But solidarity is coming home and we must reach Bulgaria and Romania. I urge the Commission and member states to deliver the European drone defense initiative, European space shield, and the maritime mission in the Black Sea. Only if we act shall we prevail over both the aggression and the betrayal.
Grazie onorevole. Ora per il gruppo The Left, prego onorevole Botenga.
Marc Botenga
Thank you President, High Representative. Now for five years we have heard here that all we needed is more weapons deliveries and more sanctions. Now your colleague European Commissioner Kubilius recently spilled the beans saying Europe has no independent peace strategy. None, zero. In five years of war we have not developed one strategy on how to end this war.
In the meantime the war is spiraling out of control. In the Black Sea indeed, but not only, also in Europe. And while the news of the day today is that the US, Russia, maybe China are preparing for talks potentially without Ukraine, Europeans are scrambling for a seat at the table because they never took any initiative to end this war. And today what do I hear? That we want to get involved more militarily.
No people, what has been lacking is diplomacy. Yes, you especially sir. From the German Schulstreik gegen Wehrpflicht to the Italian Soldi alla scuola non alle armi, European youth is mobilizing and telling you: we will not die for your refusal to negotiate. We will not die for your incompetence. Thank you.
Stanislav Stoyanov
Благодаря госпожо председател. Роден съм във Варна на брега на Черно море. За мен то не е просто географско понятие, то е моят дом. Войната излезе от телевизора и се приближи до домовете ни. Взривовете от атакуваните кораби бяха чути по българското крайбрежие.
Няма да споря кой е нанесъл поредния удар. И двете страни воюват. Дрон, определен от българските власти като украински, се взриви на наша територия близо до стратегическа газова инфраструктура. Войната излиза извън контрол. Това е ескалация.
Черно море става все по-опасно за търговското корабоплаване. Износът на зърно е затруднен, продоволствената сигурност е застрашена, туризмът е под заплаха. Все повече хора питат накъде ни води Европейският съюз в този конфликт.
Може би госпожа Калас и госпожа фон дер Лайен трябва да посетят Варна и да обяснят на хората как политиката мир чрез сила ще ни донесе мир и колко още пакета санкции срещу Русия ще са необходими. Вече сме на 22-рия. Да не се окаже накрая, че силата ни не стига, а сме пренебрегнали дипломацията. Пред нас има два пътя: още военно противопоставяне с риск от нова ескалация или реални дипломатически усилия за прекратяването на конфликта. Някои все по-настойчиво говорят за член 5 от договора за НАТО.
Член 4 явно вече не е толкова интересен. Но осъзнават ли риска от пряк сблъсък с ядрена свръхсила? Интересът на България и Европа е Черно море да бъде регион на мир, търговия и сътрудничество. Нужни са преговори между Русия и Украйна за устойчив мир. Европа има нужда от дипломация, не от по-голяма война, защото пряк сблъсък с ядрена сила може да доведе до ядрена зима.
Аз предпочитам снежната. Благодаря.
Sandra Kalniete
Kolēģi, Krievijas valsts sponsorētajā terorisma kampaņā viss ir atļauts: gan barbarisks cilvēksafari ar droniem, gan tirdzniecības kuģu apšaudīšana un nogremdēšana, gan sprādzieni, sabotāža, dedzināšana un digitālās infrastruktūras graušana tuvās un tālās kaimiņzemēs. Pagājušajā nedēļā vien Krievija noslepkavojusi vairāk nekā 100 Ukrainas civiliedzīvotāju. Melnajā jūrā bojā gājuši vairāk nekā 18 jūrnieku. Kolēģi, cik ilgi vēl mēs šo eskalāciju sauksim par hibrīdkari? Faktiski mēs Eiropā piedzīvojam sistemātiskus bruņotus uzbrukumus, kurus īsteno nevis kāda teroristu grupa, bet gan Krievijas valsts.
Karadarbība ir Krievijas stratēģija, lai destabilizētu Eiropu un apturētu mūsu atbalstu Ukrainai. Mēs nedrīkstam vājināt spiedienu pret Kremli. Mums tas ir jāpastiprina, lai piespiestu Krieviju pārtraukt bruņotos uzbrukumus Eiropā. Paldies.
Grazie onorevole, non vedo l'onorevole Negrescu, quindi prego onorevole Thionnet, prego.
Pierre-Romain Thionnet
Tout autour du continent européen, de la Baltique à la Méditerranée en passant par l'Atlantique Nord et bien sûr en mer Noire, la guerre d'Ukraine a des prolongements sur les mers. Grâce à la stratégie ukrainienne de harcèlement de la flotte russe et de ses bases en Crimée, les Russes n'ont pas pu obtenir la maîtrise de la mer, ni prendre Odessa ou projeter des forces ailleurs sur le littoral ukrainien. Néanmoins, la mer Noire est loin d'être une mer calme. Les frappes de drones sur des navires de commerce ou les intrusions de drones ces derniers jours en sont la preuve. Nous condamnons ces attaques dans les eaux territoriales de pays membres ou à proximité immédiate, de même que l'attaque de cargos liés à des armateurs turcs et chargés de blé ukrainien.
Il faut saluer l'attitude et les réponses apportées par nos alliés roumains et leurs pilotes qui ont pu abattre des drones russes dans une posture défensive bien maîtrisée et légitime. Tout ce qui va dans le sens d'une extension et d'une intensification du conflit est à dénoncer. La trêve énergétique entre Kiev et Moscou n'a pas duré, mais il s'agissait d'une bonne initiative pour poser les bases de négociations plus durables. La trêve dans les frappes de navires de commerce en mer Noire pourrait être une autre piste à soutenir dans la voie d'une désescalade. Avec la Turquie, acteur incontournable de la région, faire de la mer Noire un théâtre de refroidissement du conflit devrait être la priorité de l'Union européenne.
Je vous remercie.
Je vous remercie de me donner la parole, je vais parler en bulgare. Уважаеми колеги, войната в Украйна превръща Черно море в все по-опасна зона за икономическата и продоволствената сигурност на Европейския съюз. Застрашени са морските транспортни коридори, пристанища, подводните комуникационни кабели и енергийната инфраструктура. Но военните рискове имат и сериозни икономически последици. Не можем да позволим европейските стопани да плащат с поминъка си.
Elena Yoncheva
Госпожо Калас, знаете ли колко губи България на ден в резултат на превръщането на Черно море във военна зона? Затова настояваме Европейската комисия спешно да създаде специален гаранционен фонд за компенсиране на засегнатите сектори в Западното Черноморие. Фонд, второ, фонд за пристанищата Варна, Бургас и Констанца, който да финансира мерки за безопасност и резервно оборудване. И трето, механизъм за защита на подводната инфраструктура, бързо възстановяване на кабели, тръбопроводи, енергийни връзки. Чакаме действия от Вас, госпожо Калас.
Искаме солидарност, искаме действия от Вас. Благодаря Ви.
Bernard Guetta
Intolérables, ces provocations au large des côtes roumaines et bulgares doivent nous inquiéter, mais le pire n'est pas là. Le pire est qu'elles ne préoccupent nullement notre allié de l'Alliance atlantique qui fut le garant de notre sécurité collective. Non seulement Donald Trump n'en a pas dit mot, mais il en est à déclarer, je le cite, que la Russie s'est bien comportée en Ukraine. Je répète, que la Russie s'est bien comportée en Ukraine et qu'il préfère Poutine à Volodymyr Zelensky, autrement dit l'agresseur à l'agressé, l'impérialiste au résistant. Donald Trump n'est clairement plus notre allié, mais celui de l'assassin du Kremlin et rêverait désormais d'un sommet tripartite avec Poutine et Xi.
Il y a dans l'air un parfum de partage du monde. À l'un Taïwan, à l'autre l'Ukraine et l'Europe découpée en zones d'influence russe et américaine. C'est la bande des trois face au reste du monde et ce défi, c'est à nous, l'Europe, de le relever.
Antonella Sberna
Monsieur Guetta, il y a une carte bleue pour vous de Madame Grapini. À vous Madame, prego.
Yes, it's just here.
Merci. Vorbim de intensificarea atacurilor în Marea Neagră și de atacurile asupra transporturilor. Eu sunt din România. În România știți că au plouat cu drone. Dumneavoastră...
Just one second, doesn't work the translation, sorry.
Push on over, yeah, you have to select the language.
Maria Grapini
Merci beaucoup. Don't worry. Okay. Vorbim acum de intensificarea atacurilor în Marea Neagră. Eu trăiesc în România și știți bine că în România a plouat cu drone, acum atacurile transporturilor din Marea Neagră.
Dumneavoastră ați criticat Statele Unite. Vă pun o întrebare directă. Considerați că noi, vorbim de Uniunea Europeană, Comisia, Uniunea Europeană, liderii europeni, au făcut ce trebuie de la începerea războiului și a începerii atacului rus asupra Ucrainei? Am făcut tot ce trebuie pentru că nu putem să cerem altora să facă...
Speaker 26
Just one second, just one second, sorry, sorry. Try to speak, please. Okay. Did you hear from me?
Maria Grapini
Vorbim despre intensificarea atacurilor în Marea Neagră. Eu trăiesc în România. În România a plouat cu drone nu numai în Marea Neagră, și peste orașe. Vă întreb, ați criticat Statele Unite. Considerați că Uniunea Europeană, pentru că noi aici vorbim ce trebuie să facă Uniunea Europeană, a făcut ce trebuie de la pornirea acestui război?
Face ce trebuie Uniunea Europeană pe linie diplomatică? Pentru că nu putem să cerem altora să ne apere dacă noi nu avem un sistem de securitate pus la punct și nu ne apărăm noi.
Bernard Guetta
Premièrement, madame, je n'ai pas demandé à d'autres de nous protéger. J'ai reproché à d'autres, Donald Trump en l'occurrence, de s'allier avec Vladimir Poutine contre nous. C'est une différence. Deuxièmement, pour ce qui est de l'Europe, évidemment que nous sommes en retard, considérablement en retard puisque, pardonnez-moi de le dire, à l'exception de la France, tous les États membres ont refusé pendant des décennies toute idée de défense commune. Toute idée de défense commune.
Maintenant, nous avons à rattraper un retard de trente ou quarante ans et, pardonnez-moi de le dire, nous ne le rattrapons pas si mal que cela. Je vous remercie.
Virginijus Sinkevičius
Colleagues, in eight days, drones hit five civilian ships in the EU waters. Three sank and more than twenty sailors are dead or missing. Russia is a terrorist state. Nothing new, but now they also threatening food supplies for millions, especially in Africa and the Middle East. And that same week, US President Trump struck a diesel deal with Putin.
And he said, I quote, I want to thank President Putin. Putin doesn't need a thank you. He deserves a cell in the Hague. Madam High Representative, I come from Lithuania, from the Baltic state, like you. In the Baltic, Russian ships, warships now escort the shadow fleet.
Virginijus Sinkevičius
We cannot allow that in our waters. Europe must act, protect civilian ships in our waters and adopt the twenty-second sanctions package and finally stop the shadow fleet in our waters. Stop paying for Russian fossil fuels, every last euro. That's the only way to stop funding the Russian war chest and then seeing ships being attacked in our waters. Washington is easing the pressure on Putin, but Europe has no choice.
We have to increase it.
Dankeschön, Frau Präsidentin. Wir erleben eine unselige Eskalation des Ukraine-Krieges und ich frage mich, wohin das eigentlich führen soll. Dazu drei Gedanken. Erstens, Russlands systematische Angriffe auf zivile Infrastruktur der Ukraine sind klar zu verurteilen. Doch auch die Ukraine muss sich an das Völkerrecht halten, muss Angriffe auf zivile Ziele in Russland stoppen.
Özlem Demirel
Zweitens, die EU setzt weiter auf militärische Unterstützung und Sanktionen. Doch die politische Strategie, diesen Krieg tatsächlich zu beenden, sucht man vergeblich.
Mehr Waffen, mehr Angriffe, härtere Gegenschläge sind keine Friedensstrategie. Drittens, die Rechnung bezahlen vor allem die Menschen in der Ukraine und in Russland. Ja. Doch wenn Getreide- und Düngemittelexporte einbrechen und Handelsschiffe im Schwarzen Meer angegriffen werden, leiden Mensch und Natur weltweit, besonders im globalen Süden. Und deshalb sage ich klar und deutlich: Dieser Krieg muss enden.
Im Windschatten dieses Krieges erstarken Nationalismus und autokratische Kräfte. Wir brauchen eine Strategie hin zum Frieden, weg von der Eskalation. Es kann nicht sein, dass die EU immer noch nichts für den Frieden unternimmt.
Speaker 39
There is a blue card for you, if you... Please, Mr. Brandstätter. Prego, Mr. Brandstätter.
Helmut Brandstätter
Frau Demirel, ich weiß nicht, ob Sie das gesehen haben, die Bilder: Ein einjähriges Kind in der Ukraine liegt in einem Kinderwagen, wird ermordet. Kurz darauf die Mutter, die daneben gesessen ist. Haben Sie das gesehen? Was fällt Ihnen dazu ein? Und warum machen Sie immer einerseits, andererseits?
Haben Sie gesehen, dass die Ukraine begonnen hat? Haben Sie gesehen, dass die Ukraine in Russland zivile Ziele angreift? Wann kann ich von Ihnen hören, dass das Kriegsverbrechen sind? Würden Sie das auch sagen oder dürfen Sie das nicht?
Özlem Demirel
Natürlich sind alle Angriffe und alle Angriffe auf Zivilisten jederzeit zu verurteilen und nichts anderes werden Sie jemals von der Linken hören. Und gerade weil Kinder und arme Menschen leiden unter einem Krieg, sagen wir, brauchen wir eine Strategie hin zum Frieden. Die Wahrheit ist, dass die EU ihre geopolitischen Interessen über das Leben der Menschen in der Ukraine stellt und das verurteilen wir. Ja, Putin ist ein Autokrat. Ja, Putin hat völkerrechtswidrig diesen Krieg begonnen.
Doch jetzt gilt es, diesen Krieg zu beenden, und zwar so schnell wie möglich, und das ist das, was wir sagen. Und wir stehen niemals für doppelte Standards. Mir tut das Herz weh, wenn ich die Kinder in der Ukraine sehe. Mir tut das Herz weh, wenn ich die Kinder im Iran sehe. Mir tut das Herz weh, wenn ich überhaupt Kinder leiden sehe, und deshalb streite ich für soziale Sicherheit und für Frieden.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie, onorevole. Mr. Brandstätter, please. He wants to reply, if you want to hear, he wants to reply.
Speaker 41
Sie sagen also wirklich, die EU ist schuld, wenn Putin täglich Kinder ermordet? Ich hoffe, ich habe das falsch verstanden. Aber es hat so geklungen.
Sie haben es tatsächlich falsch verstanden. Selbstverständlich ist das Putin-Regime für den jeden Angriff, den es startet, selber schuld. Aber ich sage, dass die Strategie der EU eben immer nur auf weitere Waffen und Kriegsverlängerung zu setzen, auch keine richtige Antwort ist. Ich vermisse einfach eine Friedensstrategie. Ich sitze in diesem Parlament seit sieben Jahren und ich habe Herrn Borrell seit Anbeginn an des Krieges gefragt und frage auch Frau Kallas: Was ist unsere Friedensstrategie?
Özlem Demirel
Am Anfang des Krieges haben Sie gesagt, es kann keine Verhandlungen geben, es kann keinen Weg hin zum Frieden geben, wir müssen diesen Krieg auf dem Schlachtfeld gewinnen. Und das war eine verdammt falsche Strategie.
That's okay. Grazie, onorevole.
Yes, please, sorry, Mr. Lagodinsky, please.
Sergey Lagodinsky
Äh, danke, Frau Kollegin. Sie haben gesagt: Frieden. Dieses Parlament hat mehrmals zum Frieden aufgerufen und das machen wir schon seit Monaten.
Herr Selenskyj hat mehrmals gezeigt, dass er bereit ist, Friedensgespräche aufzunehmen. Es gibt auch natürlich Bemühungen seitens der USA. Es gibt eine Person und ein Land, was immer wieder sagt nein, und die sich nicht treffen. Wie wollen Sie Kreml, den Kreml dazu zwingen, dieses Friedensangebot anzunehmen?
Özlem Demirel
Wie ich schon sagte, das Putin-Regime führt einen Krieg für eigene Interessen und dieser Krieg ist zu verurteilen, lieber Sergey. Doch die Wahrheit ist auch, dass es Verhandlungen gegeben hat in Istanbul zu einer Zeit, wo natürlich auch die NATO-Strategie war, diesen Krieg zu verlängern. Und das ist etwas, was ich kritisiere. Ich sage ganz klar, es gibt immer mehr Menschen in der Ukraine, die sich auch für einen Frieden aussprechen, weil sie sehen, dass auf dem Schlachtfeld keine Lösung zu finden ist. Und deshalb fordere ich auf, dass die EU ernsthaft eine Strategie, eine Exit-Strategie raus aus diesem Krieg entwickelt.
Und dir ist auch bewusst, dass die EU gespalten ist. Auf der einen Seite steht Frau Kallas, die sagt, nein, dieser Krieg muss weitergeführt werden, koste es, was es wolle. Und auf der anderen Seite stehen Menschen, die sagen, nein, wir müssen einen Weg rausfinden.
Cristian Terheş
Nu sunteți prima reprezentantă a stângii. And I'll speak in English. Is that better? Cool. Now I'll speak in English just to make sure that we don't, you know, confuse each other.
Speaker 46
So you're not the first member of the left in this Parliament who's calling for peace. Peace is important. The question is at what cost. So in your country, if your country would be attacked by an aggressor, how much of your country would you give away or you would accept to give away in exchange for peace? You know what is missing in these debates?
Cristian Terheş
What do we need to do to achieve victory? That's exactly how the Cold War was won. When Reagan was asked, how do you see the end of the Cold War, he replied back and said simply, we win, they lose. This is the mindset that we need to have in order to make sure that Putin is losing in Ukraine. Thank you.
Özlem Demirel
Kollegen, lassen Sie uns doch die Ukrainer selber sprechen. Es gibt Umfragen, in denen die Mehrheit der Ukrainer sagt, ja, wir werden diesen Krieg so lange führen wie nötig. Und in der gleichen Umfrage sagen aber auch die Mehrheit der Ukrainer, ja, dieser Krieg sollte enden, selbst wenn es territoriale Verluste mit sich bringt. Meine Kritik ist, Ihnen ging es niemals wirklich um die territoriale Integrität und die Menschen in der Ukraine. Ich weine um die Menschen, die tagtäglich sterben, denn faktisch ist es so, dass die Kriegsverlängerung jetzt dazu führt, dass immer mehr Land von der Ukraine verloren gegangen ist.
Und das ist falsch. Und ja, natürlich ist das Putin-Regime zu kritisieren für diesen Angriff. Aber es ist keine Strategie, einfach immer mehr Menschen, junge, arme Männer in den Tod zu schicken. Und mir ist egal, ob das Ukrainer, Russen oder andere Nationen sind.
Cristian Terheş
You were talking about international order. What is exactly the international order that claims that we all of us recognize the sovereignty, the territorial integrity of all the countries? So if we accept this premise that in exchange for peace any country has to give away land to an aggressor, if we accept this precedence in Ukraine, and for a matter of fact we accepted this precedence before. That's how Kosovo was created. In 2008 when Russia attacked Georgia, we forgot about that attack.
Now we talk about giving away land in Ukraine in exchange for peace. Who's next? Where do we stop this madness? Thanks.
Özlem Demirel
Ja, lieber Kollege, Sie haben ja zurecht festgestellt, ich bin eine Linke und ich kritisiere genau diese Weltordnung, den Kapitalismus, den Imperialismus, der um sich greift und der über militärische Stärke sozusagen Einfluss in der Welt organisiert. Insofern ist das nicht meine Ordnung. Aber ich habe die Stimmen zum Beispiel von Herrn Guterres gehört, der damals eben eine Strategie hin zum Frieden entwickelt hat, wo Frau von der Leyen hier gesagt hat, darüber können wir nicht reden. Ich habe die Stimmen von Herrn Lula gehört, ich habe die Stimmen von anderen Friedensinitiativen gehört. Und man kann diese Initiativen ja falsch finden.
Aber wir haben nie ernsthaft in den letzten sieben Jahren über diese Initiativen diskutiert. Und das ist meine Kritik und so kann es nicht weitergehen.
Petras Gražulis
Sveiki, europarlamentarai. Kvaila yra diskusija, tai kas bus tada pagal Putino reikalavimus, jeigu atiduosim Ukrainą, o po Ukrainos greičiausiai Europą, o vėliau Putinas užsimanys viso pasaulio. Va tada bus taika. Tai bet nemanau, kad reikėtų veltis į tokias kvailas diskusijas. Bet aš noriu kalbėti iš esmės apie Europos Sąjungą, apie mus.
Ir aš prisiminiau Švento Rašto žodžius, kada fariziejams Kristus sako: jūs savo akyje nematot rąsto, o svetimoj aky matot krislą. Mūsų karas čia yra, Europos karas, o ne Amerikos. Jūs pažiūrėkit, kiek jau trys metai mes kalbame, kad nusavinsim ir atiduosim Rusijos centrinio banko aktyvus 300 milijardų eurų Ukrainai. Koks rezultatas? Nėra.
Jūs pažiūrėkit, Lietuva leidžia gabenti rusiškus grūdus per Klaipėdos uostą. Visi tyli, bet baltarusiškos trąšos važiuoti negali, nes Putinas neleido. Jūs pažiūrėkit, pro Baltijos jūrą plaukia šešėlinis laivynas. Ką mes padarėm? Kaltas Trumpas.
Ar Trumpas kaltas? Gal pažiūrėkim į save. Klausiu pagrindinį klausimą: o kodėl mes po šiai dienai Ukrainos nepriėmėme į Europos Sąjungą? Trumpas kaltas? O gal mes kalti?
Grzegorz Braun
Madam Kallas, while you are being busy here with nurturing and subsidizing the Kiev regime, bringing that most corrupted neo-Nazi regime as your chief partner, bringing it to the European Union, which you proclaimed several times, I heard it. War and warfare became Ukraine's national industry and main commercial export good. A few weeks ago, the Prime Minister of Niger in Africa alarmed the United Nations that they observe a strong concentration of armed forces, by the way French and Ukrainian, on their northern border.
So, what was your reaction? Do you want us to subsidize wars that Ukraine is going to fight on different continents for our people's money, our people's resources?
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole, c'è una... There is a blue card for you. There is a blue card for you. No. Mr. Negrescu, Vice-President, please.
Ah, sorry. I thought you didn't accept it. There is a blue card from Mr. Sippel. Please.
Lukas Sieper
English for you, sir. Thank you very much that you have accepted my blue card. I have two questions for you. The first question is how many buzzwords do you think you can fit into one speech? And the second question is, are you aware that recently in the Sahel region that you were describing, there were incidents of Russian mercenary soldiers using swastika symbols, even using chopped off limbs of killed civilians as swastikas, and doesn't that show us who the real enemy?
Thank you.
Grzegorz Braun
Sure, and is this, is this something that you would approve of? Subsidizing wars on distant continents, neo-Nazi, post-neo-Soviet propaganda? I don't approve it. I don't approve it. The difference between us is that I don't approve swastika symbols being used by anybody, including Ukrainians, including neo-Banderist, neo-Nazi Ukrainian, Ukrainian soldiers and politicians who cultivate, cultivate tradition of Ukrainian Nazi genocide.
It's your time.
Ms. President, before I give my second reply, I would like to make a personal statement in accordance with the rules of procedure, which takes precedence about any other proceedings. Yeah.
Prego.
Mr. Braun, I'm a well-mannered person. I try to be. So I ask you very politely to never, never hint again at the fact that I would approve of anyone using swastika symbols. I'm a German. I am, and I'm speaking now, let me speak.
Lukas Sieper
I listened to your speech, now let me speak. I'm a German. I grew up with the responsibility and the guilt of my people because of the Nazi terror. Don't you ever say that. And Ms. President, I want this on record and I want a consequence for this.
He cannot just tell me as a German that I approve of swastika symbols. This is a grave insult to my history, to my culture, to my beliefs, and to me as a person. To make this very clear. This is unacceptable, Mr. Braun. Now, I'm done with my personal statement.
Now to my second question to you, sir. If you, if you are against people using swastikas, if you are against foreign wars, how can it be that in your heart you cannot find the decency to support a country that is attacked by those very forces every day, a country that also threatens your country that you so valiantly defend?
Grzegorz Braun
Thank you for your question. Thank you very for your question. The tradition of Ukrainian genocide, Ukrainian Nazi Banderist traditions and practice is very dangerous to everybody, to anybody, to you also, but especially for Poles. More than 100,000, maybe 200,000 Polish people were killed, were exterminated by Ukrainians during the Second World War. By the way, your country had something to do with the events of the Second World War.
So, it is very dangerous and that is why I do not approve subsidizing the Kiev regime by the Brussels regime with my people's money. Thank you very much.
Victor Negrescu
Doamnă președintă, doamnă comisar, stimați colegi, situația de securitate din Marea Neagră cere un răspuns ferm din partea Uniunii Europene, deoarece vedem ce se întâmplă: nave civile atacate, drone care încalcă spațiul aerian românesc și european, comunități afectate de războiul de la granițele noastre. Consecințele sunt deja resimțite. Transporturile sunt perturbate, turismul și economiile locale au de suferit, oamenii sunt îngrijorați. Nu putem aștepta următorul incident grav pentru a acționa, inclusiv printr-o astfel de dezbatere. De aceea, în rezoluția Parlamentului European solicităm finanțarea și operaționalizarea urgentă a Hub-ului European de Securitate Maritimă la Marea Neagră, cu un rol central pentru Constanța.
Vrem un calendar clar și capacități reale de supraveghere și intervenție. Cerem și fonduri europene suplimentare pentru regiunile afectate, inclusiv pentru sectoarele economice care au avut de suferit și pentru protejarea comunităților locale. România și Bulgaria nu trebuie să fie lăsate să gestioneze singure aceste provocări. Europa și NATO trebuie să acționeze și asta trebuie să se întâmple acum. Mulțumesc.
Daniel Buda
Stimați colegi, Marea Neagră a devenit astăzi sub ochii noștri o zonă de conflict în care Rusia atacă nave civile, curmă vieți omenești și amenință direct securitatea Uniunii Europene, lovind navele comerciale în zonele economice exclusive și în apele teritoriale ale României și Bulgariei. Fiecare navă atacată în Marea Neagră înseamnă oameni morți, vieți puse în pericol, rute comerciale amenințate și riscuri suplimentare pentru securitatea alimentară mondială. De aceea, solicit Comisiei Europene: 1. Finanțarea europeană rapidă pentru România și Bulgaria destinată consolidării capacităților de detectare și neutralizare a dronelor și protejării infrastructurii portuare. 2. Consolidarea prezenței și a supravegherii maritime europene în Marea Neagră în strânsă cooperare cu NATO. 3. Accelerarea înființării Centrului de Securitate Maritimă la Marea Neagră.
Stimați colegi, securitatea Mării Negre este responsabilitatea întregii Uniuni Europene și aceasta trebuie să demonstreze că este capabilă să-și protejeze cetățenii. De aceea avem nevoie de finanțare astăzi și de acțiuni concrete, deoarece mâine s-ar putea să fie prea târziu. Mulțumesc.
Speaker 51
Grazie onorevole, vi chiedo di rispettare i tempi di parola. Prego onorevole Vigenin, prego.
Kristian Vigenin
Войната на Русия срещу Украйна стигна до нашия бряг. Системно са атакувани цивилни кораби, невинни моряци губят живота си.
Не трябва да позволим конфликтът да погълне Черно море, превръщайки го в нова военна зона. Нужни са незабавни и координирани европейски мерки: засилено морско и сателитно наблюдение, системи за ранно предупреждение и противодействие на дронове, ефективна защита на търговските кораби и техните екипажи. Трябва да ускорим създаването на център за морска сигурност във Варна с европейска подкрепа. Необходими са и дипломатически усилия за прекратяване на нападенията срещу цивилното корабоплаване. Трябва да укрепваме отбраната си.
Но нека не се заблуждаваме. Сигурността няма да дойде само с повече оръжия. Нужни са и дипломатически и политически мерки, както неведнъж е подчертавал българският президент Йотова и днес най-после го чух и от госпожа Калас. Ще търсим виновните, но това няма да върне загиналите моряци, няма да върне и стотиците хиляди мъже, които никога повече няма да прегърнат близките си. Няма да утеши майките, които ще плачат до края на дните си и в Русия, и в Украйна.
Antonella Sberna
Стига смърт, стига разрушение, нека да положим усилия да спрем тази война. Благодаря.
Thierry Mariani
Ces attaques qui visent délibérément des navires civils sont inadmissibles, d'où qu'elles viennent, que ce soit de la Russie ou de l'Ukraine, et il est vital qu'une désescalade s'engage enfin sur la mer Noire. Mais ce drame ne doit pas servir de prétexte pour que l'Europe persévère dans l'erreur. Que nous a dit le secrétaire général de l'OTAN, Mark Rutte, cette semaine ? Qu'il n'existe aucune menace militaire immédiate sur le sol de l'Alliance, c'est-à-dire en clair sur l'Union européenne aussi. La plupart des experts reconnaissent eux-mêmes que la Russie n'avance plus en Ukraine, n'a aucun intérêt à un conflit direct avec l'OTAN.
L'Europe aujourd'hui finance à perte cette guerre qui nous a déjà coûté des centaines de milliards que nous avons prêtés ou donnés à Kiev et qui ne seront jamais remboursés. On a appris qu'après les 90 milliards prêtés entre guillemets en début d'année, on va rajouter 70 milliards qui eux aussi ne seront jamais remboursés. Il faut que Bruxelles concentre ses efforts sur une seule ambition : proposer une sortie de crise, un cessez-le-feu et une grande conférence pour la paix, car la priorité, c'est que cette guerre s'arrête.
Nathalie Loiseau
Monsieur le député, est-ce que vous pouvez devant cette assemblée nous dire combien de fois vous vous êtes rendu en Crimée annexée, dans le Donbass occupé, pour participer à des simulacres d'observation électorale au profit du régime de Vladimir Poutine ? Et comment est-ce que vous pensez une seconde être légitime pour parler de cette guerre d'agression que la Russie mène contre l'Ukraine, que vous n'avez jamais condamnée, et l'Ukraine dont vous n'avez jamais souhaité que nous la soutenions ?
Madame Loiseau, je suis autant légitime que vous d'abord parce que je suis élu par les Français. J'aurais même la faiblesse de dire que quand je vois le score du parti que je représente par rapport à celui que vous représentez en soutenant Monsieur Macron, je suis peut-être au moins autant légitime. Enfin, est-ce que je me suis rendu souvent en Crimée ? Bien sûr. J'ai connu la Crimée sous la souveraineté ukrainienne.
Thierry Mariani
Vous le savez probablement, en Crimée il y a le plus grand cimetière militaire français à l'étranger, à Sébastopol. J'ai vu comment cette région à l'époque était abandonnée par le pouvoir central. J'ai vu aussi et discuté avec les habitants qui m'ont dit très clairement qu'ils ne se sentaient complètement rejetés par Kiev. J'ai vu ce qui s'est passé aussi à Odessa quand on a assassiné des gens en les faisant brûler dans la mission des syndicats. Voilà.
Alors vous m'autoriserez, j'espère, à avoir une opinion différente que la vôtre. Je connais cette région après avoir été président du groupe d'amitié France-Ukraine, participé à la campagne de Madame Timochenko, et je pense qu'aujourd'hui la priorité pour tous ces gens, c'est la paix.
Adrian-George Axinia
Astăzi vă voi spune adevărul, nu ceea ce vreți să auziți. De aproape cinci ani, România este afectată de instabilitatea din Marea Neagră. Sunt nave comerciale care navighează sub amenințare permanentă, sunt mine maritime în derivă, sunt drone deopotrivă rusești și ucrainene care se prăbușesc pe teritoriul țării mele, de asemeni drone maritime care au eșuat în apele românești. Iar Uniunea Europeană nu face mai nimic pentru a proteja și ajuta România. Din contră, ni se spune că trebuie să preluăm greul tranzitului cerealelor ucrainene.
Vă reamintesc tuturor că datoria principală a Uniunii Europene este față de cetățenii săi. Sunt patru lucruri concrete care ar trebui făcute. Unu: compensații financiare și ajutor pentru România și Bulgaria. Doi: fonduri dedicate pentru infrastructura de la Marea Neagră, pentru porturi, căi ferate și drumuri. Trei: sprijinirea concretă a fermierilor și producătorilor locali din România.
Patru: investiții în tehnologie antidronă și deplasarea acestora în România și Bulgaria. Mulțumesc.
Nikola Minchev
Уважаема госпожо председател, уважаема госпожо върховен представител, уважаеми колеги. Шест атакувани кораба, от които три потънали, невинни хора ранени, загинали или в неизвестност. Това е равносметката след атаката с дронове в икономическото пространство на България и Румъния в Черно море. Но последствията надхвърлят трагичните инциденти. Целта е ясна: да се засегне износът на Украйна, но също така и да се настани в съзнанието на все повече европейски граждани усещането за непосредствена опасност, да се намали желанието за подкрепа на жертвата на тази война и също така да се настани примирението към мир чрез капитулация.
Крайно време е някои лидери на правителства и държавни глави да спрат да си държат очите затворени пред лицето и името на агресора в тази война и да намерят сили в себе си да посочат Русия ясно и недвусмислено. С оглед развитието на геополитическите отношения, Европа повече от всякога трябва да инвестира в общата си отбрана, а държавите членки да участват активно в този процес. А ако сме внимавали в часовете по история, все така твърдо трябва да защитаваме идеята за справедлив мир и да се противопоставяме на безсъдържателното говорене за мир чрез капитулация. Благодаря.
Grazie onorevole. Prego onorevole Strolenberg. Prego.
Anna Strolenberg
You might not be interested in war, but war is interested in you. That at least is something that we can learn from the Russians. I don't often speak about war and weapons, but now I must. Because let me tell you, I am terrified that Putin won't stop in Ukraine, that he will come for us too with a direct attack. This message he gives us every day when he kills innocent Ukrainians, when he bombs our ships, when he violates our airspace.
And I see many young Europeans marching for peace, and my heart is with them. I prefer spending every penny on education, health, and climate. But we might long for peace, but if Putin wants to continue the war, the war will continue. So I see only one way forward: with a European peace plan funded by frozen Russian assets. Because we can no longer afford to wait for Trump's latest terrible idea, like the diesel deal, or now his idea to waive sanctions.
We must show leadership.
Jonas Sjöstedt
Tack så mycket fru talman. Ryssland uppträder allt mer våldsamt och omdömeslöst. Det gäller de urskillningslösa attacker mot civila mål i Ukraina och allt oftare att de också slår till mot fartyg som i Svarta havet. Det här är en upptrappning men det är ingenting nytt. I Östersjön har vi sett en rad ryska provokationer de senaste åren.
Allt ifrån att man stör ut våra GPS-signaler till en militarisering av den skuggflotta som fraktar den ryska oljan till direkta överflygningar över estniskt och finskt territorium av ryska krigsplan. Men den ryska aggressionen är inte ett tecken på styrka utan på svaghet. På att kriget går dåligt för Ryssland. Nu vill de skrämma oss till att inte längre stödja Ukraina. Det kommer att misslyckas.
Vi kommer att stå fast i att försvara vårt eget territorium och i att fortsätta stödja Ukraina för landets frihet, överlevnad och demokrati. Tack fru talman.
Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă
Mulțumesc frumos doamnă președinte. Si vis pacem para bellum. Dacă vrei pace pregătește-te de război este răspunsul pe care l-am primit la comisia ITRE din partea unui vicepreședinte când am cerut pace și negocieri de pace cu Rusia. Deci hai să ne pregătim de război că pacea va fi mai încolo. Vă interesează dronele rusești.
Care drone rusești? Sunt drone de producție rusească, americană, românească care se vând pe internet. Nu v-ați interesat să faceți o investigație când dronele ucrainene au distrus teritorii ale României pentru că Zelenski are tot interesul să intrăm în război și să provoace un război cu România, țară membră NATO, pentru că trebuie să izbucnească un război mondial. Nu v-ați interesat să faceți o investigație când o dronă românească era ucraineană trebuia să distrugă Oil Terminal ceea ce însemna că distrugea vreo trei județe. Nu vă interesează decât războiul.
Când eu am cerut pace, când v-am spus și v-am trimis scrisori să încercăm să negociem pacea cu Rusia pentru că n-aveți nicio șansă exact cum n-a avut Napoleon, m-ați trimis în investigații în comisii disciplinare. Voi merge până la capăt pentru pacea României, pentru pacea cetățenilor români, pentru teritoriile din Ucraina furate de Uniunea Sovietică și care au fost luate de Ucraina ilegal, un teritoriu artificial. Mulțumesc.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole, prego onorevole Pascual de la Parte. Chiedo ai colleghi di rimanere nei tempi per favore.
Nicolás Pascual de la Parte
Gracias presidenta, alto representante. La escalada en el en la guerra en el Mar Negro por parte de Rusia contra barcos mercantes forma parte de una guerra declarada híbrida a Europa. Rusia ha declarado una guerra de agresión criminal contra Ucrania y una guerra híbrida contra Europa y este es un capítulo más. Y ante esa agresión tenemos que responder con unidad, con firmeza por parte de la Unión Europea y por supuesto también por parte de la OTAN y con solidaridad con nuestros amigos rumanos y búlgaros. Dicho esto yo creo que la Unión Europea también podría presentar un plan de paz para Ucrania como ha dicho antes mi colega financiado con los fondos congelados rusos y poner en frente un plan de paz que comprenda todas las todas las los elementos necesarios.
Los tenemos, los hemos acordado entre nosotros, los hemos visto, hay discusiones en Miami, ha habido discusiones en Nueva York. Yo creo que la Unión Europea debía presentar ese plan de acuerdo con nuestros amigos ucranianos cuanto antes para demostrar que tenemos liderazgo y que no podemos depender ni de los giros ni de los vaivenes de Washington en este punto. Muchas gracias.
Thank you President. Let me first off say that I find it unacceptable that a colleague here says to the HRVP here that she wants to continue the war at all costs. Now unfortunately she's not listening now but anyway. Colleagues, Europeans are asking a simple question. What does Russia have to do before Europe reacts?
Where is the line in the sand? People are being killed in European waters. Next to the relentless terror waged on Ukrainians, Russia is striking our people, infrastructure, and the response is hesitation. Vice-President Kallas, you have our full support. You understand Russia.
The problem sits in national capitals. Weakness and a lack of unity costs European lives while an American president gambles with our security for his own electoral gain. Fear of escalation enables escalation. And I'm addressing here primarily the Member States' governments. Change the doctrine.
Rewrite escalation management. Act with confidence and unity in solidarity with all Member States suffering attacks. And last but not least, last but not least, do the opposite, the opposite of what Moscow wants. Double down on support for Ukraine now. That is the best answer we can give.
Thank you.
Taner Kabilov
Благодаря ви госпожо председател, уважаема госпожо върховен представител, колеги. Ескалиращите атаки, руски атаки в Черно море вече надхвърлят рамките на хибридните заплахи. Те поставят на изпитание европейското ни единство. И да, можем ясно да назовем Русия като агресор за разлика от министър-председателя на моята страна, който все още търси категорични доказателства за тези атаки. За България и Румъния последствията са особено сериозни.
Нарушаването на морските търговски маршрути застрашава износа на зърно, увеличава транспортните и застрахователни разходи и поставя под риск световната продоволствена сигурност. Черно море не е само регионален въпрос. То е мерило за способността на Европейския съюз да защитава своите стратегически интереси. Европа трябва да действа единно, решително и в тясна координация с нашите съюзници от НАТО. Трябва да ускорим изпълнението на европейската инициатива за противодронова отбрана, така че планираните способности да станат оперативни без ненужно забавяне.
Уважаеми колеги, България направи своя цивилизационен избор преди повече от две десетилетия и независимо от настоящата политическа конюнктура в страната, тя ще остане надеждно и стабилно звено в колективната отбрана на НАТО и сигурността на Европейския съюз. А Движението за права и свободи винаги е отстоявало този избор и ще продължи да бъде негов гарант. Благодаря ви много.
Ilhan Kyuchyuk
Благодаря госпожо председател, уважаема госпожо върховен представител, дами и господа колеги. Сигурността на Черно море е неразделна част от сигурността на Европейския съюз и България и Румъния трябва да бъдат подкрепени в този нелек момент за нашите две страни. Разбира се, случилото се през последния месец показва нуждата от стратегическо разбиране за региона на Черно море. И тук говоря за свързаност, сигурност и устойчивост. Но преди да говоря за стратегическите измерения, нека да акцентирам върху мерките, които би трябвало да бъдат предприети от страна на Европейския съюз.
По отношение на сигурността и наблюдението беше направено немалко на този етап, но е нужно още веднъж да се изкаже в тази зала необходимостта от ускоряване на центъра за морска сигурност на Европейския съюз, подкрепа за създаването на антидрон системи и разбира се, разширяване на съвместното наблюдение и патрулиране заедно с държавите от региона, включвайки НАТО и Република Турция. Дипломатически усилия, натиск за морско примирие или мораториум върху атаки срещу цивилни кораби и зърнена инфраструктура. И не на последно място, разбира се, икономическа подкрепа. Българските и румънските граждани не могат да бъдат оставени сами. Трябва да бъдат използвани всички инструменти на многогодишната финансова рамка, колкото и изчерпани да са те, и общата селскостопанска политика все още има ресурси, които могат да бъдат включени.
Благодаря ви.
Grazie onorevole. Prego onorevole Waitz. Prego.
Thank you, Chair, Madam Commissioner. Just to wrap up, we, the European Union, we are the ones defending international law. We are the ones respecting international law. Exactly this international law that Russia disregards, that Russia attacks, as it attacks Ukraine still after four years of war. We, the European Union, stand with independent Ukraine.
Thomas Waitz
We are supporting them with money, with weapons, with energy, and rightly so we do. But meanwhile, we ourselves are under attack by drones, by attacks on ships, even sinking ships in European waters, by cyberattacks. We are under attack by Russia and we need to defend ourselves. But we are also attacked in our own democratic fabric. There is massive campaigns, social media campaigns, troll farms, bot farms to influence our democratic fabric of the European Union.
And I'm saying to the right here, which is not really here today, you know, spreading pro-Russian Putin narratives is not patriotism. I call it treason. This is what you're doing here. You're attacking our unity and this is what we need to stand for. Stand united for international law, for human rights, and for democracy.
Let's do what we can. Thank you.
Li Andersson
Putin is killing civilians. He's doing it in Ukraine and he's doing it in the Black Sea, showing his complete disregard for the escalation risks of his war and the risks for global food security, as well as his lack of interest in any form of ceasefire or peace deal. But at this moment, I think we cannot speak about escalating Russian attacks without also mentioning the role of the US and of Donald Trump. During the last weeks, we've seen how Trump has undone sanctions against Russia, stated that Ukraine should change president, and purchased diesel, which is giving a symbolic win for Putin. Trump is telling Europe that we should resume buying Russian fossil gas.
We see how Putin and Trump are ideologically aligned and now Trump is once again enabling and encouraging Russian attacks at a moment when we should be putting more pressure on Putin, more pressure so that we could create the conditions for negotiations and a peace deal. So we need to support Ukraine, but we also need to speak the truth. Trump is no ally of Europe. He is aligned with Putin.
Grazie, Presidente. Io credo che dobbiamo esser chiari con i cittadini europei. Quello che sta accadendo nel Mar Nero, nelle acque europee, è una vera e propria minaccia diretta alla sicurezza dell'Europa. Quando una nave mercantile viene colpita o una rotta commerciale viene minacciata, sono in pericolo vite umane, approvvigionamenti essenziali e la stabilità dei nostri mercati. Su quelle navi viaggiano cereali, mais, fertilizzanti, beni indispensabili per l'agricoltura e per la sicurezza alimentare di milioni di persone.
Salvatore De Meo
Io credo che le rotte commerciali non possano diventare strumenti di guerra e i civili non possano pagarne il prezzo. Per questo l'Europa non può limitarsi ad osservare. Deve agire con determinazione, con iniziative diplomatiche ancora più forti, con un coordinamento più efficace con la NATO e strumenti adeguati per proteggere il traffico marittimo. La tutela di quelle rotte non rappresenta una semplice strategia, bensì un preciso dovere geopolitico, perché il futuro dell'Europa dipende anche dalla sua capacità di proteggere l'economia, le risorse alimentari e la qualità della vita dei cittadini.
Grazie, Presidente. Diciamo spesso che la guerra di aggressione russa in Ucraina ci riguarda e gli ultimi episodi lo dimostrano.
Alessandra Moretti
L'escalation nel Mar Nero costituisce una minaccia diretta alla sicurezza europea. È difficile continuare a parlare di attacchi ibridi quando si susseguono aggressioni alle navi commerciali nella zona economica di Romania e Bulgaria e nelle acque rumene. È un'escalation pericolosa che minaccia vite umane, la sicurezza marittima, la stabilità regionale e la sicurezza alimentare globale. Di fronte a questi attacchi che mirano evidentemente a minacciare l'Unione Europea e a scoraggiarla dal sostenere l'Ucraina, l'Europa deve rafforzare la propria difesa marittima e proteggere le regioni più esposte. Serve una risposta condivisa e coordinata a livello europeo, che includa ulteriori sanzioni contro la Russia, sostegno finanziario alle regioni più colpite e il rafforzamento della sicurezza marittima, contrastando droni e proteggendo le infrastrutture critiche.
Dobbiamo insistere nell'esercitare pressione economica sulla Russia affinché ponga fine alla sua guerra di aggressione e consenta all'Ucraina di ripristinare la propria integrità territoriale.
Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza
Doamnă președintă, stimați colegi, anul acesta 97 de atacuri cu drone au fost înregistrate lângă frontiera României, iar 35 de drone au intrat neautorizat în spațiul nostru aerian. Și vorbim despre un stat al Uniunii Europene și NATO. În spatele acestor cifre sunt în primul rând oameni care trăiesc în nesiguranță, agricultori, pescari și mici întreprinzători care încearcă să reziste. Noi, cei care locuim și avem familii la granița de est, avem nevoie și știm că trebuie să fim în siguranță, pentru că tot noi suportăm costul securității și pentru restul Europei. De aceea am cerut la Bruxelles finanțare specială pentru aceste regiuni, pentru că securitatea Europei începe de la frontierele sale, iar cei ce trăiesc acolo trebuie să fie apărați.
Vă mulțumesc.
Antonella Sberna
There is a blue card for you, Mr. Sturdza. Please, Mrs. Iovanovici, for 30 seconds.
Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă
Mulțumesc frumos. Domnule Sturdza, provenim din aceeași țară, din România. În 2023, raportul Organizației Națiunilor Unite cu privire la traficul de droguri a menționat că România, după intrarea Ucrainei în război, a devenit din țară de tranzit, țară de consum. Cea mai mică vârstă a unor a copiilor de consum de droguri, inclusiv în școli, este de 8 ani. S-a menționat că există o legătură directă cu drogurile care sunt aduse din Ucraina, pentru că transporturile ucrainene nu se controlează, este interzis să controlezi orice transport ucrainean.
Nu mai vorbim de cerealele care sunt modificate genetic și care au îmbolnăvit nenumărate animale din România. Ce considerați că ar trebui să facă Uniunea Europeană în aceste condiții în care e acuzată doar Rusia și nu se face nimic pentru apărarea populației române? Mulțumesc.
Grazie, onorevole.
Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza
Stimată doamnă Șoșoacă, vă mulțumesc, sunt multe întrebări într-una singură. Problema drogurilor în România este o problemă serioasă, am constatat străbătând în lung și în lat România că această problemă există și este serioasă în liceele din România, chiar într-un oraș ca Deva, în centrul Transilvaniei, problema drogurilor este complet scăpată de sub control. Problema cerealelor din Ucraina într-adevăr este o problemă de standarde, avem o problemă în raport cu calitatea produselor din Mercosur, dar totodată suntem direct afectați de calitatea cerealelor din Ucraina. Într-adevăr, România este una dintre țările care plătește cel mai scump prețul acestui conflict dintre Rusia și Ucraina. Vă mulțumesc.
Nathalie Loiseau
Alors que l'armée russe piétine sur le front du Donbass, la mer Noire devient le nouveau front de l'agression décidée par Vladimir Poutine. Les drones et les missiles pleuvent sur les navires de commerce et sur les ports ukrainiens, mais aussi dans les eaux territoriales de la Roumanie et de la Bulgarie. Peu importe à Moscou les pertes civiles ou l'interruption de l'exportation de céréales ukrainiennes vers le reste du monde. Au contraire, parce que le front ukrainien tient, Poutine veut désespérer l'arrière et intimider les soutiens européens de Kiev. Aujourd'hui, les Européens restent les bras ballants, se lamentant de la trahison américaine de l'Ukraine.
Il y a pourtant une solution simple. Nous devons protéger le ciel de l'Ukraine de l'Ouest et celui de la mer Noire des drones et des missiles russes. Oui, avec nos propres matériels et nos propres avions. Non, ça ne fera pas de nous des belligérants. Nous avons protégé le Qatar ou le Koweït et même les civils israéliens des tirs de missiles iraniens.
Il est temps de monter un Sky Shield européen et de dire à Vladimir Poutine : ça suffit.
Thank you very much. The last chance of asking for catch-the-eye will be during the next speaker and then it will be closed. And the next speaker is Mr. Clausen for one minute, please.
Per Clausen
Endnu engang har Rusland optrappet brugen af vold og trusler. Man angriber skibe i internationalt farvand, og man øger antallet af angreb, hybride angreb på EU-landene. Det står også helt klart, at Putins nye angreb koster liv og skader vores sikkerhed, også vores fødevaresikkerhed. Der er absolut ingen undskyldning for de russiske angreb. Angrebene understreger, at Putin ikke er det mindste interesseret i fred eller reelle forhandlinger, men igen og igen vælger konfrontationen og provokationens vej.
Derfor er det også ekstra vigtigt, at vi siger klart fra. Lukker for pengestrømmen til Putins krigsmaskine. Vi skal ikke snakke om at lette sanktioner, vi skal snakke om at skærpe sanktioner. Og vi må på ingen måde belønne aggressionen, men ramme Putin, hvor det gør ondt, og en af måderne er at bruge de indefrosne russiske midler.
Thank you very much. I don't see Mr. Tisvos, so we will take the next speaker and that is Mr. Nardella, please. The floor is yours for one minute.
Dario Nardella
Presidente, colleghi, la crisi della guerra in Ucraina e del Mar Nero sta determinando una vera e propria emergenza economica nel nostro continente, inclusa la sicurezza alimentare legata al dramma che sta vivendo tutto il mondo dei nostri agricoltori. In Italia, nel mio paese, un giovane, Michele, olivicoltore in Puglia, ha deciso di lavorare nella sua terra, ma è dovuto scendere in piazza con migliaia di agricoltori italiani per protestare contro l'esplosione del prezzo del carburante agricolo, del prezzo dei fertilizzanti e delle materie prime. Gli scaffali dei supermercati sono vuoti per il blocco degli autotrasportatori. La situazione è diventata insostenibile. Negli Stati Uniti in queste ore il governo americano ha deciso di stanziare un piano straordinario di otto miliardi di dollari, ma in Europa il grido di allarme dei nostri agricoltori è ancora inascoltato.
Perché se non capiamo con questo grido d'allarme che la situazione è diventata insostenibile e non agiamo subito, allora sarà davvero troppo tardi. Grazie.
Perché la Commissione europea non agisce? Perché il governo italiano non agisce? Perché gli altri governi europei non fanno ciò che serve?
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Fragkos for one minute, please.
Σας ευχαριστώ. Η προστασία της ανθρώπινης ζωής και της ελευθερίας της ναυσιπλοΐας αποτελεί αδιαπραγμάτευτη υποχρέωση. Το διεθνές δίκαιο όμως δεν εφαρμόζεται επιλεκτικά. Δεσμεύει όλα τα κράτη και όλα τα εμπόλεμα μέρη. Τον περασμένο Μάιο, ουκρανικό μη επανδρωμένο σκάφος που έφερε εκρηκτικά εντοπίστηκε στα ελληνικά ύδατα στη Λευκάδα.
Emmanouil Fragkos
Ο τρόμος που προκλήθηκε στο νησί ήταν μεγάλος. Στις 28 Αυγούστου, τουρκικό στρατιωτικό drone παραβίασε τον ελληνικό εναέριο χώρο κοντά στην Αλεξανδρούπολη, προσεγγίζοντας την περιοχή του πολιτικού αεροδρομίου και προκαλώντας την κινητοποίηση ελληνικών μαχητικών. Όλοι καταλαβαίνουμε ότι αυτό συνδέεται με τον διαρκή, απαράδεκτο τουρκικό επεκτατισμό. Τα περιστατικά αυτά εγείρουν σοβαρά ζητήματα ασφάλειας, κυριαρχίας και φυσικά λογοδοσίας. Ζητάμε να μάθουμε, κυρία Κάλλας, ποια συγκεκριμένα μέτρα λαμβάνει η Ένωση για την αντιμετώπιση τέτοιων περιστατικών.
Μιλάμε για περιστατικά στα οποία εμπλέκονται τρίτες χώρες που απολαμβάνουν ευρωπαϊκή στρατιωτική και οικονομική υποστήριξη. Και φυσικά πώς διασφαλίζεται η ενιαία εφαρμογή του διεθνούς δικαίου χωρίς εξαιρέσεις και χωρίς δύο μέτρα και δύο σταθμά. Σας ευχαριστώ.
Thank you. Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Mureșan for one minute, please.
Siegfried Mureşan
Thank you very much, President, High Representative, dear colleagues. Only this year, we have seen more than 30 drones violating Romania's airspace. We have seen very grave situations in Bulgaria as well. This means more than four times more incidents than last year. The situation is aggravating.
More than 40 merchant vessels were attacked in the Black Sea region this year. Sailors were killed, many sailors are also missing. All of this is happening because of the illegal, illegitimate, and unprovoked Russian invasion into Ukraine. Russia's war in Ukraine is a direct threat to European security, one we must respond to with unity and determination. Romania and Bulgaria are holding the line on the Black Sea.
We are absorbing the hits for all of Europe, but we cannot do it alone. This is why I have three concrete proposals and requests. Firstly, make the Black Sea maritime security hub operational now. Secondly, we shall open unused SAFE funds to Romania and Bulgaria for better defense capabilities in the Black Sea region. SAFE is an instrument that we need exactly in these types of situations.
And thirdly, earmark funding for Black Sea security in the next EU multiannual financial framework. The Black Sea is Europe's border, let us all defend it. Thank you very much.
Speaker 91
Thank you. Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms. Guzenina for one minute, please.
Thank you, Madam President. We Europeans, we know what happens when an aggressor thinks that he is unstoppable. It's now four years into Russia's war against Ukraine, war that is in fact against all of us in this House. Civilian ships are under attack in Black Sea, in European waters. And that's not all.
Maria Guzenina
Cyberattacks, drones, sabotage continue threatening the very foundation of our societies. We cannot afford Europe where hospitals lose power, communications collapse, and essential services are paralyzed. But President Trump's agreement with Putin brings that future even closer. Madam Kallas, Europe is not taken seriously.
There is a saying: if you are not at the negotiation table, you are on the menu. And right now, it still looks like Europe is on the menu.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Madison for one minute, please.
Thanks so much, dear colleagues. First of all, we have heard a lot of messages from the left to the right in the audience calling for the peace and we need a diplomacy. Definitely, we need diplomacy and peace, but it's always better when you have a gun when you're having negotiations. But what is proposed here is just surrender. The terms of the Russian terms, just to give away some territories.
I have to just remind that some of the territories in France have been part of Germany historically. Are you also ready in France to give up some territories? Probably no. But when we look for the future, the main problem actually what we have now is that do we have a political willingness and strength to help Ukraine as much as possible? And it doesn't matter that there are not problems in Ukraine.
Of course there are problems in Ukraine. There are problems also in European countries. But generally, there is a historical wording always been that, as you know, the strong men make good times and good times make weak men. Now we are in the European history in the times when we are in a transformation for the new area. The old area is getting over.
Luckily or unfortunately, it doesn't matter, but it's getting over. Now it's the question how the Germany, France, UK, Spain, Italy will react and transform to the new area, but not with those weak men as we have now in Europe. Thank you so much.
Thank you. Thank you very much, dear colleagues. We are under a certain time constraint here, so please stick to your speaking time. And the next speaker is Mr. Kovatchev for one minute, please.
Andrey Kovatchev
Благодаря, госпожо председател, уважаеми колеги. Руските удари по търговското корабоплаване в Черно море вече отнеха човешки животи, а всеки следващ удар носи още по-висока цена за европейската сигурност, за търговията, за хляба на милиони хора по света. Нека обаче да го кажем ясно: Русия е агресорът. Русия носи отговорността за войната в Украйна и за тази ескалация, която застрашава черноморския регион. Наивна и опасна е позицията на българското правителство да продължава да избягва ясното назоваване на Русия като източник на атаките.
С нишаване пред Кремъл не се купува нито сигурност, нито мир. Кремъл не се спира от колебания и отстъпки, той разбира само от езика на силата и на нашето единство. Ако искаме сигурност в Черно море, трябва да действаме решително чрез по-силно присъствие на НАТО, по-тясно европейско сътрудничество в отбраната и активно участие на България и Румъния във всички инициативи за повече финансиране на европейските отбранителни способности. Черноморският хъб за сигурност е една от тези инициативи със сигурност. България трябва да бъде част от решението, а не слабото звено в европейската сигурност.
Johan Danielsson
Не можем да бъдем наблюдатели на собствената си сигурност. Мирът не се защитава с мълчание пред агресора, а с воля и решителност. Благодаря.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Danielsson for one minute, please.
Fru talman, 90 % av Sveriges import och export går någon gång sjövägen. Det samma gäller för flera av våra länder. Sjöfarten bär våra samhällen, den förser oss med mat, med energi och det vi behöver för att vardagen ska fungera. Attackerna i Svarta havet angår därför oss alla. Minst 23 sjömän har rapporterats saknade eller döda de senaste dagarna och sjöfarare ska inte behöva riskera livet i Putins krig.
Johan Danielsson
Fri sjöfart är en rättighet och inget vi ska behöva be Putin om lov till. Därför måste EU, medlemsländerna tillsammans med Nato agera. Vi måste skydda civila fartyg, vi måste stärka sjöräddningen och vi måste försvara den fria sjöfarten. Och vi måste orka hålla Ryssland ansvarigt, för vi kan inte låta Putins hybridkrigföring skrämma oss eller fortsätta skada oss och Ukraina ekonomiskt. Tack för ordet.
Charlie Weimers
Mr. Danielsson, there is a blue card to you from Mr. Weimers. Do you want to take it? Okay. Seat 107, please.
Ja, när det gäller Ryssland och det hot som den regim vi ser i Kreml utgör, så är ju Socialdemokraterna och Sverigedemokraterna helt överens. Däremot så röstade vi förra sessionen om ett annat säkerhetshot, nämligen islamistisk infiltration här i Europa, och parlamentet krävde en ny strategi mot det och att Muslimska brödraskapet terrorklassas. Du röstade emot det, varför då, Johan?
Tack Johan Danielsson för att du tar frågan.
Mr. Danielsson.
Johan Danielsson
Tack, tack fru talman, tack för frågan. Det är klart att vi ska stå enade i alla typer av hot mot vår säkerhet. Vi ska stå enade i hotet som Putin och hans krigsföring i Ukraina innebär för Sverige. Vi ska också stå hot mot islamism, alla typer av extremism, högerextremism, all typ av hot mot vår inre och yttre säkerhet ska vi stå enade mot. Det finns mycket att diskutera i enskildheter i den resolutionen, men i frågan om att vi ska stå enade mot de typer av hot så är Socialdemokraterna alltid glasklara och kommer alltid att vara glasklara.
Tack för ordet.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms. van Leeuwen for one minute, please.
Thank you very much, Chair, Vice-President Kallas. I hope you paid close attention to this debate. I will speak about our food security now. Last week, a cyber incident disrupted supermarket supplies in Netherlands and Belgium, and in France, hackers manipulated refrigeration systems, destroying food supplies. Millions of Europeans faced empty supermarket shelves.
This is a very serious threat to our food security. These incidents are still under investigation, the origin has yet to be established. Our food security is already under high pressure. European agriculture is declining after decades of Green Deal legislation coming from Brussels, which increases our dependency on food imports. On top of that, the attacks have shown that EU food supply chain is vulnerable to disruption.
Even when enough food is available, a single disrupted link can result in empty shelves for our citizens. So Vice-President, our food supply chain is very vulnerable and the Commission must step up to protect it. So what is your action plan to ensure a secure food supply chain? For BBB, food security means protecting our EU food production, reducing strategic dependencies on other continents, and securing the entire chain from farmer to consumer. Thank you very much.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you. And the next speaker is Mr. Gomart for one minute, please.
Christophe Gomart
Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, la sécurité de la Bulgarie, la Roumanie engage bien sûr celle de l'Europe. Mardi dernier, j'étais à Sofia en séminaire sur la situation sécuritaire en mer Noire, en présence de la présidente de la République bulgare. L'émotion et la sidération étaient à leur comble car pour la deuxième fois en une semaine, des navires venaient d'être touchés dans leurs espaces maritimes par une attaque de drones dont l'un avait coulé corps et biens. Je suis intervenu deux fois pour défendre une Europe puissante, capable de protéger ses États membres, puis pour proposer une réponse concrète de l'Union européenne aux menaces sans précédent qui frappent les approches maritimes bulgares et roumaines. Voilà pour moi des mesures à prendre sans attendre.
D'abord la création d'un Conseil de sécurité européen, une instance restreinte et permanente, mobilisable par tous les États membres rattachés au Conseil européen, capable de décider en quelques heures et de rassembler des nations volontaires dans le respect de leur souveraineté. Ensuite la création de son bras armé opérationnel, un véritable état-major de guerre autonome, issu de la fusion de l'actuel état-major de l'Union européenne et de l'Eurocorps, doté d'outils numériques souverains pour planifier et conduire les opérations. Enfin, proposer à Sofia ou Bucarest la mise en place d'une base militaire européenne proche de l'un des littoraux, en mesure d'anticiper, surveiller, protéger la frontière maritime orientale de l'Union européenne et être en mesure de réagir. Merci.
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Mr. Toveri for one minute, please.
Pekka Toveri
Madam President, Madam High Representative, colleagues. Cutting undersea cables, burning warehouses, attacking airports with drones, and now this sinking or damaging of over half a dozen ships, over two dozen sailors killed, wounded or missing in one week. Increasing amount of attacks against us, and what is our response? Discussions. According to many experts of international law, the pattern of Russian actions is sustained, coordinated and aiming to hurt us, falling under the threshold of what is considered to be an armed attack.
Calling this hybrid warfare is just an excuse not to do anything, something where our leaders seem to be excellent. This can't continue. Now it is time to call Russia's actions for what it really is: armed attack against the whole EU. So let's act. Let's send maritime task force to protect EU's and Ukraine's maritime traffic.
Let's take compensation for damage done by Russia from Russia's frozen assets. Let's stop the shadow fleet. Let's just act. That's what our people expect from us. And by the way, Slava Ukraini.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms. Juknevičienė for one minute, please.
Rasa Juknevičienė
Colleagues, attacks in the Black Sea are within NATO's responsibility to act. I ask the Bulgarian government: what more must happen to call upon NATO to invoke Article 4 of the Washington Treaty? Why is there such fear of even mentioning Russia by name? When the Kremlin attacks Europe, it will not take into account how many pro-Putin remarks you may have made. The case of Bulgaria demonstrates that showing favor towards Russia is of no help.
Trump argues that lifting sanctions on Russia would help advance peace talks. But Kremlin-controlled media happy these days quote: "We will make a deal with Ukraine entirely on our terms" or "Russia's borders as we know do not end anywhere" titles. It has become a habit to blame the European Union, Brussels, for failing to respond adequately. However, when von der Leyen proposes concrete measures, a mechanism like to NATO's Article 4, it receives little support from Member States. Let us be frank: we are witnessing a historic point.
European peace strategy is clear: only by supporting Ukraine and only by responding appropriately can bring the peace. No more Yaltas in Europe.
Thank you. Thank you very much. Dear colleagues, we need to stick to the speaking time, otherwise we have problems. The next speaker is Mr. Stier for one minute, please.
Davor Ivo Stier
Hvala predsjednice. Rusija eskalira napadima na civilne brodove ispred obala Bugarske, Rumunjske i to čini jer smatra da može, da je Europska unija slaba, da neće odgovoriti, pa testira granice. S druge strane vidimo da niti proruski narativ koji je imao i premijer Radev ne štiti zemlje od ruske opasnosti i mislim da to isto tako mora biti lekcija za sve nas. Ali ono što Europa mora pokazati je da nije slaba i da je solidarna. I to mora pokazati ne samo u odnosu sa Rusijom, jer Rusija gleda što mi radimo i drugdje.
Kada idemo na primjer na Zapadni Balkan, sjetiti se ovaj napada na Banjsku, ljudi koji su odgovorni za to su i dalje slobodni u Beogradu, ništa se nije dogodilo, Europa šuti, to Rusija gleda isto kao znak slabosti. Stoga moramo progovoriti, moramo biti čvrsti i moramo biti solidarni i ovo nije samo pitanje sigurnosti Bugarske ili Rumunjske, ovo je pitanje sigurnosti za cijelu Europu. Hvala vam.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the last speaker before Catch-the-eye is Mr. Hetman for one minute, please.
Krzysztof Hetman
Dziękuję bardzo pani przewodnicząca. Pani komisarz szanowni państwo. Czy zdajecie sobie sprawę pod jaką presją i w jakim niepokoju żyją dzisiaj mieszkańcy regionów przygranicznych graniczących z Rosją Białorusią i Ukrainą? Czy macie świadomość tego jak dramatyczne skutki gospodarczo-ekonomiczne dla tych regionów ma wojna hybrydowa jaką wywołuje Federacja Rosyjska wobec nas wobec Unii Europejskiej państw przygranicznych? W sytuacji w której w województwie lubelskim w Polsce spadła już ruska rakieta 40 km od mojego domu ja tam mieszkam na co dzień.
What's the problem? Sorry. W związku z tym że spadają ruskie drony na Rumunię atakowane są statki u wybrzeży Bułgarii gdy jest presja na Litwę na na Łotwę. Proszę państwa Komisja Europejska zaproponowała pakt dla regionów wschodnich. Ale zatrzymaliście się w połowie drogi bo nie wypełniacie tego treścią instrumentami ani pieniędzmi.
Za chwilę trzeba będzie pomóc tym regionom ale będzie to 100 razy drożej. Proponowaliśmy zmianę mapy pomocy intensywności publicznej. Dlaczego z tego nie korzystacie? Dziękuję bardzo.
Thank you. So now we have reached catch the eye and if you stick to your speaking time of one minute I will be able to give the floor to all who requested catch the eye and I will begin with Ms. Maydell seat 11 please.
Eva Maydell
Thank you chair. Уважаема госпожо председател госпожо върховен представител скъпи колеги. Нямаме право на колебания когато край бреговете на България и Румъния в европейските води на Черно море се извършва злонамерено посегателство от страна на Русия. Не можем да допуснем дори само още един моряк да загине още един кораб да потъне или още един саботаж да съсипе важни комуникационни продоволствени или търговски връзки. Войната на Путин срещу Украйна отдавна напусна украинските граници.
Агресорът е ясен и не можем да приемем да обяснява действията си със защита на националните интереси. Точно затова Европейският съюз и нашите съюзници от НАТО трябва незабавно и без отлагане да засилят защитата на нашето морско и въздушно пространство като демонстрират решителна сила и осигурят реална сигурност. Само с общата ни решимост можем да принудим Путин да преговаря за мир. Благодаря.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much and the next speaker is Mr. López Aguilar seat 315 please.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Alta representante Kaja Kallas ante cualquier acto de guerra híbrida de Rusia perpetrado contra estados de la Unión Europea sea en el Mar del Norte las repúblicas bálticas sea en el Mar Negro Rumanía y Bulgaria solo cabe la solidaridad y en última instancia la del artículo 42.7 del Tratado de la Unión Europea que nos obliga a todos los estados miembros. Pero cuando en febrero se cumplan cinco años de la guerra de agresión de Putin contra Ucrania no basta. La Unión Europea tiene el deber de exigirse una iniciativa de paz y en su caso financiarla con los activos congelados de Rusia máxime cuando Trump ha perdido cualquier interés en la paz y ha llegado a un acuerdo de suministro de gas y combustibles fósiles nada menos que con Putin y con Rusia. Cuando Putin está amenazando a la Unión Europea sea en Ucrania sea en los bálticos sea en el Mar Negro y cuando Trump ha perdido cualquier interés en la paz la Unión Europea no puede permitírsela porque la paz es esencial en el continente europeo y es la razón de ser de Europa. Gracias presidenta.
Thank you very much and the next speaker is Mr. Brandstätter seat 190 please.
Helmut Brandstätter
Danke, Frau Präsidentin, Frau Vizepräsidentin Kallas. Putin führt schon lange einen hybriden Krieg gegen uns. Cyberattacken, Anschläge, Desinformation haben wir unterschätzt. Jetzt gibt es richtige Kriegsakte gegen europäische, gegen EU-Länder auch. Das dürfen wir nicht mehr unterschätzen, umso mehr, wo dieser Verbalverbrecher im russischen Fernsehen, Solowjow, regelmäßig sagt, Kiew muss so gebracht werden, dass man dort gar nicht mehr leben kann, und auch EU-Städte wie Berlin, London und Paris müssen zerstört werden.
Und dagegen müssen wir uns wehren. Und da werden wir auch sehen, wer steht zu Europa, wer steht zu uns. Und bei manchen Rechtsextremen habe ich das Gefühl, sie sind bei Putin, also gegen unsere Sicherheit. Und noch schlimmer wird das, was Trump gesagt hat. Er hat gesagt, Russland war wirklich sehr nett mit der Ukraine.
Und gleichzeitig haben wir die Bilder gesehen, wo ein einjähriges Kind im Kinderwagen ermordet wurde von einer Shahed-Drohne und unmittelbar darauf auch ihre Mutter. Das heißt, es wird noch mehr Opfer geben. Umso mehr müssen wir zusammenstehen, und nur ein starkes gemeinsames Europa kann uns hier in Europa auch sicher machen. Danke schön.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Mažylis, seat 582, please.
Liudas Mažylis
Dėkoju, pirmininke, gerbiama vyriausioji įgaliotine, kolegos. Spalio pradžioje Bulgarijos ir Rumunijos išskirtinėse ekonominėse zonose dronais atakuoti civiliniai laivai, vėliau incidentai užfiksuoti ir Rumunijos teritoriniuose vandenyse. Per dešimt dienų įvyko šeši išpuoliai, kiekvienas jų kėlė pavojų žmonių gyvybėms ir tai faktas, buvo žuvusiųjų. Tai trikdo laivybą, kelia grėsmę pasaulio aprūpinimui maistu. Tai primena mums, kad Rusija jau ne vienerius metus vykdo agresyvų karą Europoje, o dabar Kremlius sąmoningai plečia nestabilumo geografiją, vis dažniau įvairiomis formomis braudamasis į Europos Sąjungos teritoriją ir neketina sustoti.
Europos Sąjunga privalo neatidėliotinai imtis kur kas ryžtingesnių atgrasymo priemonių, nes kiekviena uždelsta diena tik drąsina Kremlių eskaluoti agresiją. Dėkoju.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Andriukaitis, seat 178, please.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Aš norėčiau atkreipti dėmesį, gerbiama vyriausioji įgaliotine, į tai, kad čia Parlamente iškėlė labai daug racionalių pasiūlymų. Pirmiausia, tai Juodosios jūros oro saugumo centras. Taip pat neabejotinai eskalavimo sustabdymo kompleksinės priemonės, kurias būtinai reikėtų aptarti kiek įmanoma greičiau su visų Europos Sąjungos šalių narių sostinėmis. Neabejotinai reikėtų žiūrėti, kaip NATO kontekste reaguoti ir sustiprinti kontrolę ir priešdroninius veiksmus šitoj Juodosios jūros zonoj, saugant Bulgarijos ir Rumunijos vandenų teritorinį vientisumą. Kita vertus, dėl maisto aprūpinimo pasaulio maistu, laikas pagalvoti apie Ukrainos grūdų ir žemės ūkio produkcijos galimybes vežti per Baltijos jūrą, sustiprinant Baltijos koridorių.
Thank you. Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Sieper, seat 9, please.
Lukas Sieper
Miss Commissioner, sometimes I believe that if you would walk outside of this Parliament and there would be one man beating up another man and you would come to help to this beaten man, people would accuse you of steering violence.
I think it is very clear by now what Russia is doing. Russia is waging a campaign of hybrid war that more and more and more is going towards the border of actual war, of actual armed incursion into our territory. We have seen helicopters, we have seen rockets, we have seen drones. And in light of this aggression, it is not us who want to defend Europe, who want to defend Ukraine, who are in favor of war. It is not us who are in favor of aggression, but it is very simply the aggressor and his lackeys, also here in this house, that so often are actually paid even by Russia.
Speaker 109
So in light of all of this, dear colleagues, do not fall back, do not give up, Slava Ukraini.
Thank you very much and the next speaker is Mr. Lopatka, seat 102, please.
Vielen Dank. Russland eskaliert und wir waren bisher sehr leise. Wir sollten viel lauter werden. Wenn zivile Schiffe vor bulgarischen und rumänischen Küsten angegriffen werden, dann scheint das für manche vielleicht zu weit weg. Wie würden wir reagieren, würden solche Angriffe in Rom, in Paris, in Berlin erfolgen?
Reinhold Lopatka
Und der Ort der Angriffe war ja kein Zufall, denn die Ukraine ist dadurch direkt und unmittelbar bedroht, weil das sind wichtige Handels- und Exportrouten. Und wenn diese gefährdet werden, dann erschwert das natürlich die Versorgung der Ukraine vor einem sehr schwierigen Winter. Daher müssen sich Bulgarien und Rumänien auf uns verlassen können, auch auf die NATO. Und ich kann Sie nur bitten, dass die Kommission hier stärker und entschiedener reagiert als bisher. Wir müssen zeigen, dass wir nicht nur eine Strategie haben, sondern dass wir tatsächlich entschlossen auch handeln.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much and the next speaker is Ms. Henriksson, seat 93, please.
Tack så mycket fru talman, högre representanten. Ryssland startade kriget mot Ukraina. Det pågår varje dag. Civila människor hamnar att ge sitt liv för Ukraina och vi ska minnas att Ukraina kämpar för oss, för vår frihet varje dag. Det vi har sett i Svarta havet är direkta attacker på EU-länder.
Det är mer än hybridattacker. Det är fullkomligt oacceptabelt och nu gäller det för EU och Europa att hålla ihop. Ryssland förstår bara ren styrka. Och det vi behöver göra nu är att våga använda de frysta ryska tillgångarna för Ukraina, se till att vi jobbar tillsammans. I varje huvudstad måste man inse att vi talar om vår gemensamma säkerhet härifrån framöver.
Och vad gäller Donald Trump, det var en otrolig, otrolig besvikelse att han vände Zelenskyj ryggen på det sätt han gjorde. Och vi måste inse att vi inte mera kan lita på den allierade som vi har haft tidigare.
Thank you very much and the last speaker during catch-the-eye is Ms. Tyszkiewicz, seat 39, please.
Marta Wcisło
Uwaga, uwaga, uwaga, zagrożenie atakiem z powietrza. Znajdź bezpieczne miejsce, stosuj się do poleceń służb, oczekuj dalszych komunikatów. Między innymi takie alarmy każdego dnia otrzymują mieszkańcy Polski wschodniej, Lubelszczyzny, tylko wczoraj cztery razy. Wiemy do czego zdolna jest Rosja. Na Ukrainie płoną miasta, giną niewinni ludzie, porywane są dzieci.
Na Morzu Czarnym atakowane są statki cywilne, giną ludzie, zagrożony jest transport żywności. Nie łudźmy się, że Europa Zachodnia jest bezpieczna tylko dlatego, że leży dalej od rosyjskiej granicy. Na wschodzie drony i rakiety, na południu ataki na statki handlowe, na zachodzie cyberataki, podpalenia, sabotaż, próby destabilizacji państwa. Czy naprawdę ktoś jeszcze wierzy, że to przypadek? Dla Putina nie ma znaczenia czy mieszkacie w Lublinie, Berlinie czy Brukseli.
Dziś alarmy rozbrzmiewają w Polsce wschodniej, na Lubelszczyźnie, z której pochodzę, ale zagrożona jest cała Europa.
Thank you very much. Thank you very much. Thank you, dear colleagues, for being so patient. And now I will give the floor back to the Commission and High Representative Vice-President Kallas, please, the floor is yours.
Thank you, dear members, for this very, very good debate. I will just react on some of the issues. Yes, it is true that Russia is weaponizing food security. And food security mostly, I mean, all the food that is going, the grain that is going via the Black Sea to Ukraine. I was giving you the numbers of the grain and barley that is going to African countries.
Kaja Kallas
And I feel that, you know, one plea that I have also for you is to do the outreach to the African countries so that they would also, you know, really try to influence this to have this Black Sea security arrangement because it's clearly affecting them. Yes, and it is also true that the other part of this food security is also related to cyber resilience. And we heard the MEP from the Netherlands pointing out how the cyberattacks can actually affect all of our food security, but of course this is a question of another debate. Now, coming to this debate, I heard very much, like very many member states, members of the Parliament saying that we don't have a plan, we don't want peace. That is not true.
I mean, Ukraine wants peace more than anybody because they have been under this bombardment for already four years now and fifth year is going on. So they really want peace. And Europe wants peace. That is also very true. I mean, this is not right to say that we don't want peace.
Kaja Kallas
The only one who doesn't want peace is Russia. Let's be very clear-eyed about this. Now, and I heard also accusations from this members of this house saying that we don't have a peace strategy. That is also not true. In February already, I presented to the foreign ministers, you know, a really maximalist plan how to enter into this peace talks because if Russia is presenting their maximalist demands and requests, we should put our maximum demands also on the table to sort of balance these negotiations.
And also to send a clear message to Russia that all of those things that they are interested in, lifting sanctions, you know, all of these things, actually Europe needs to be around that table because it's European decisions. And that is why, although American negotiators have been trying to, you know, push Ukraine into surrender for already almost two years, one and a half years now, why Ukraine hasn't surrendered on Putin's terms is because Europe has been supporting Ukraine. And we don't have a choice. We don't have a choice. But we have to be very, very clear that we are saying that we also have requests for Russia, we are not giving these things up for free because it is not only just peace, you know, that could be there, but it's also that this peace is long-lasting and just.
We have seen ceasefires before. I mean, in last 100 years, Russia has attacked, I mean, at least so many countries, some as many as three or four times. So we have to make sure how they will not do this again. Now, sanctions. Sanctions work because why Russia otherwise wants to lift them, right?
Kaja Kallas
And also they have deprived Russia for 1 trillion euros, and this is not the money that is going into the Russia's war coffins. Those members who said that, oh, they have a nuclear weapon, we should give them what they want. I'm sorry, but if we say that, then everybody's under threat. Everybody wants to have a nuclear weapon because it will give you, you know, by threatening to use this, you will get what you want. And this is a much, much more dangerous world.
I see that my time is running off. I just say one thing again. Ukraine agreed to energy ceasefire. Ukraine agreed to Black Sea arrangement. Ukraine agreed to ceasefire, you know, already one and a half years ago.
Who hasn't agreed is Russia, and that's why we really need to put more pressure on Russia and to be very firm that we also have requests and these things are not coming for free. Thank you.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, High Representative. I have received seven motions for solutions to wind up this debate. The debate is closed, and the vote will be held on Thursday. And we will move on with the next item on the agenda, which is the Council and Commission statements on the EU-UK summit, renewed ambition for a closer partnership. And as always, I will begin with the Council and Minister for State with responsibility for European Affairs and Defence, Mr. Byrne, please, the floor is yours.
Thomas Byrne
Vice-President, honorable members, Commissioner Šefčovič. Since the first EU-UK summit last summer, the relationship between the EU and the UK has become stronger. As presidency, Ireland supports the strongest possible relationship between the EU and the UK. This is in the interest of the European Union as a whole. The UK is an ally and a partner.
They share our values, and that's in a world where these values are increasingly under threat. We are vital partners in supporting Ukraine and countering Russian aggression, and we have a strong and shared commitment to multilateralism. Now, we are preparing for a second summit, which will take place in Brussels on the 20th of November. As we prepare for the second EU-UK summit, our hope is for an ambitious and balanced outcome that paves the way for deeper cooperation. At the summit, we will first take stock of the progress we have made over the last 17 months since the first EU-UK summit.
So, we welcome the UK's participation in Erasmus+. This is important in underpinning student exchange and ensuring that young people get to experience life and studies across different countries.
It's very welcome that this cooperation will start in 2027. The security and defense partnership has also structured our cooperation and has become a key enabler to advance practical cooperation on peace, security, and defense. Under this partnership, strategic consultations on Ukraine, Russian hybrid threats, peace mediation, and conflict prevention are taking place. The UK's participation in the EU's Ukraine support loan is also clear evidence of our close alignment. We look forward to other commitments that the three leaders set out a year ago becoming key deliverables of the next summit.
So we sincerely hope for a positive outcome in terms of the negotiations on a common sanitary and phytosanitary area, the linking of the EU and the UK emissions trading systems, and the creation of a youth experience scheme. The aim of the SPS agreement is to reduce the burden of trading agri-food products between the EU and the UK by aligning sanitary and phytosanitary rules. Linking our emissions trading system will combine our carbon markets and allow trading of EU and UK emissions allowances in both jurisdictions alike. This will contribute to our common sustainability goals and facilitate mutual exemption from the EU and the UK's respective carbon border adjustment mechanism. Both the SPS and ETS agreements are particularly important for Northern Ireland, and they will help ensure the continued smooth operation of the Windsor Framework.
The youth experience scheme is at the heart of our aim to build, to rebuild bridges between the young people across the UK and the European Union. It's a key priority. The scheme will provide opportunities for young people to live, to work, and to travel in each other's jurisdictions for up to three years. Another important goal, of course, is the UK participation in the EU internal electricity market. Negotiations are underway, and we look forward to substantive progress on this by the time of the summit.
Apart from these milestones, work is ongoing on strengthening ties in many other areas of mutual interest. This includes health security, police cooperation, judicial cooperation, and tackling irregular migration and smugglers' networks. In the preparation of the summit, the Council will closely cooperate with the Commission and Commissioner Šefčovič in finding solutions with the UK that work and are beneficial for both sides. Thank you very much for your attention.
Thank you very much, and I will now give the floor to the Commission, and Commissioner Šefčovič, please, the floor is yours.
Maroš Šefčovič
Thank you very much, Madam President, honorable Minister, dear Thomas, honorable members of the European Parliament. As it was highlighted by the Minister, indeed, we have been working intensively with our UK partners to prepare our upcoming summit on 20th of November. This will be the second summit at the leaders' level since the UK's withdrawal from the European Union, and it represents a significant progress in our relationship. We have been in close contact with our UK partners, with the President von der Leyen meeting with the UK Prime Minister in New York in September, or on my level, because we just concluded another conversation and a phone call with my counterpart Hamish Falconer just before the start of this session. And I would like to underline that our partnership with UK remains of vital importance in the current geopolitical, security, and economic context.
It is therefore in our best interest to make further progress in our relationship with a close partner and ally, while of course ensuring EU interests always remain at the heart of what we do.
Madam President, honorable members, dear Minister, I would like to highlight three points on our expectations for the summit. First, in the common understanding agreed at the 2025 summit, the EU and UK recommitted to the full, timely, and faithful implementation of the existing agreements. Namely, the withdrawal agreement including the Windsor Framework and the Trade and Cooperation Agreement. As I have underlined many times, these agreements are the cornerstone of our bilateral relations and the essential foundation for our cooperation. The withdrawal agreement protects almost 6 million EU citizens in the UK and about 1 million UK nationals in the European Union.
We must ensure they can fully enjoy their rights now and in the future. That is why we continue to push for solutions on all matters affecting them. The Windsor Framework plays a vital role in avoiding a hard border on the island of Ireland, thus protecting the hard-earned gains of the peace process. Work continues towards ensuring its full delivery as flexibilities for the benefit of people and businesses in Northern Ireland go hand in hand with the safeguards for the protection of the EU single market. As regards the Trade and Cooperation Agreement, it remains the most ambitious free trade agreement the EU has concluded with any third country.
So far, it has operated very well, allowing the EU and the UK to further develop our relationship on a firm and stable basis. Second, the summit will be an opportunity to take stock of achievements under the common understanding. Decisions on fisheries and energy were adopted one month after the last summit. While the agreement on the UK's association to Erasmus+ was signed in April, enabling the UK's participation in the program in 2027. We aim to complete negotiations on a common sanitary and phytosanitary area, a linkage between our emissions trading systems, and the creation of a youth experience scheme as a package for the summit.
Negotiations have also begun on agreements regarding the UK's participation in the EU's internal electricity market and on an appropriate financial contribution from the UK towards reducing economic, social, and territorial disparities between regions in the Union. These negotiations will continue beyond the summit. Third, the EU and UK continue to work together to support Ukraine. Following the signature of a contribution agreement on the 13th of July 2026, the UK can now participate under the EU's 90 billion euro Ukraine support loan. The EU and the UK stand firm in their commitment to support Ukraine as long as it takes to bring Russia's illegal war of aggression to an end and secure comprehensive, just, and lasting peace.
Given the geopolitical context, which is much changed since the withdrawal of the UK from the EU, and in view of the next summit, we believe there is merit in exploring new areas of cooperation of common interest. For example, businesses operating across EU and the UK are part of integrated value chains, and we are committed to cooperating on ways to support this. We recognize the importance of working together with close international partners and avoiding barriers to trade in responding to challenges of the modern global economy.
At the Partnership Council meeting in February, we agreed on the importance of engagement on economic security. In respect of bilateral trade of steel, we share the same need to swiftly implement effective domestic measures to protect our respective industries, and we will continue to work together, including through the Global Forum on Steel Excess Capacity, to address the root causes of global overcapacity and strengthen transparency in the global steel market. We also continue to look at ways to strengthen our cooperation on digital and defense industrial matters. Madam President, I will stop here. I very much look forward to the debate, and if there is any remaining time, I will also do my best to answer the questions.
Thank you very much, Commissioner, and we will now take the round of speakers on behalf of political groups, beginning with EPP and Ms. Carberry for one and a half minutes, please, the floor is yours.
Nina Carberry
Thank you, Madam President. Minister, Commissioner, just last week, Prime Minister Andy Burnham said on the EU-UK relationship, sticking with the status quo was not good enough, and I couldn't agree more. For farmers, consumers, and young people, the opportunities for deeper ties are enormous. On agri-food, the numbers speak for themselves: 35% of Irish food and drink exports go to the UK, almost 7 billion annually, and this deal could boost UK agri-food imports from Europe by a further 8%. For the farmer in Meath, for the suckler farmer in Galway, and the distiller in Offaly, that means less red tape.
We also need close cooperation on energy trading to bring costs down for consumers. The Greenlink interconnector from Wexford to Wales is expected to deliver 800 million euros in savings over its lifetime. By improving how electricity is bought, sold, and moved between our markets, we can put further downward pressure on consumer prices. But the November summit also needs to look further than this, to research and innovation. It was particularly welcome to see Prime Minister Burnham announce a 48 million pound research partnership to accelerate breakthroughs in dementia treatment earlier this month.
Having lost his own father to dementia only a few weeks ago, I think this announcement could not have been more fitting. With almost 6,000 UK projects linked to Horizon Europe, we must deepen cooperation on research, data sharing, and clinical trials. I'm fighting for a European brain health strategy, and closer UK cooperation must be part of that ambition. I hope November's summit is just the beginning of a positive reset. Thank you.
Speaker 117
Thank you very much, and on behalf of S&D, Mr. O'Riordain for one minute, please.
Aodhán Ó Ríordáin
Hope again, that's the theme of UK Prime Minister Burnham's premiership. Britain needs hope again, Europe needs hope again, and the relationship between us needs it too. We need hope again in the face of the climate emergency, hope that we can stand for peace and international law, hope for young people to live, study, and work freely across this continent once more, that our people can be housed, fed, and afford our bills. Hope that we can defeat the far right, the Brexit liars, and those who play politics with lives in Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland needs hope again that she will never return to her darkest days.
We need to ensure that the Good Friday Agreement is sacred, as are the institutions that underpin it, such as the ECHR and the Peace Plus program. So yes, I hope that one day the United Kingdom will come back to the European Union, and I hope that our sister party in the UK, the British Labour Party, would have the courage to believe in hope until they do, we must keep building a closer relationship and to turn hope into reality.
Vallet
Je vais aborder ce discours sous l'angle de la frontière du Nord, là où je suis élu à Calais, où les problèmes persistent malgré les investissements et l'excellente relation entre la France et le Royaume-Uni. Vous savez que depuis 2018, le Royaume-Uni a versé près de 766 millions d'euros et qu'il prévoit avec l'accord fait entre la France et le Royaume-Uni à nouveau le double de cette somme pour atteindre 1 milliard et demi d'euros jusqu'en 2029. J'espère que vous appuierez les autorités françaises pour la construction d'un centre de rétention administrative à Dunkerque puisque vous avez Calais mais aussi Dunkerque où il y a une immigration clandestine qui est assez forte et qui veut passer la frontière franco-britannique. D'ailleurs je me félicite que les policiers français puissent faire des contrôles en territoire britannique et inversement. Je veux aussi vous dire que on attend aussi la construction de ce cantonnement de CRS.
Speaker 118
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is on behalf of PfE, Mr. Valet for two minutes, please.
Vallet
J'ai été commissaire de police et la France engage énormément de forces mobiles, gendarmes mobiles et CRS à la frontière pour lutter contre l'immigration clandestine. Mais je souhaite aussi que nous allions plus loin. Vous savez que les drames à répétition se font cruellement sentir dans la Manche. Vous savez que les policiers et les gendarmes, quoi qu'en disent les ONG d'extrême-gauche, sauvent les migrants en mer puisque quand ils prennent des bateaux de fortune, ce qu'on appelle les small boats, et ben ils vont les sauver en mer avant même parfois le départ. Mais malgré ces investissements, malgré ces accords qui sont imparfaits, sur lesquels il faudra revenir, on a toujours des campements illicites, on a toujours une ville qui est alcatraisée puisque sur l'autoroute A16 qui mène à Calais vous avez des barrières et des grilles de 2 mètres de haut, les stations-service sont protégées, il y a beaucoup de risques, il y a aussi de la délinquance.
Donc les habitants de Calais comme les habitants de la France ont droit à la même sécurité. Je vous le dis sans polémique, c'est un sujet sérieux, c'est un sujet, moi avant d'être élu, qui s'est agi, je suis d'abord un élu, un député français au Parlement européen, et donc je relaie la parole des habitants qui attendent cruellement des actions concrètes, un budget que la France consacre à la lutte contre l'immigration clandestine y compris à Calais. Frontex également pourrait appuyer nos policiers et nos gendarmes dans cette lutte contre l'immigration clandestine. Enfin les filières, les passeurs doivent être traités comme des criminels comme le sont les terroristes, comme le sont les narcotrafiquants. D'ailleurs protéger les frontières c'est aussi protéger notre continent contre ces menaces dont on voit que sur certaines affaires, certains crimes, certains événements qui ont endeuillé nos pays et nos territoires, ils sont passés par les frontières.
Donc je vous assure que nous sommes à vos côtés si vous avez des propositions qui suivent ce que nous proposons, c'est-à-dire lutter contre l'immigration clandestine, lutter contre les filières et protéger notre continent et singulièrement mon pays la France.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker on behalf of ECR is Ms. Wiśniewska for one minute please.
Pani Przewodnicząca, dobre relacje między Unią Europejską a Wielką Brytanią muszą opierać się na konkretach. A więc po pierwsze bezpieczeństwo. Dalsze jest konieczne jest dalsze zacieśnienie współpracy w przemyśle obronnym i w walce z zagrożeniami hybrydowymi. Po drugie handel i rolnictwo. Musimy pamiętać o ochronie rolników przed nieuczciwą konkurencją i utrzymywać wysokie standardy bezpieczeństwa żywności.
Jadwiga Wiśniewska
Po trzecie młode pokolenie. Dobrze że Wielka Brytania wróci do programu Erasmus Plus, ale problem mobilności nie został w pełni rozwiązany, czego przykładem jest sytuacja w jakiej znaleźli się polscy studenci, którzy po brexicie zostali zmuszeni do płacenia zaporowych stawek. Brexit nie powinien być przeszkodą we współpracy tam, gdzie mamy wspólne interesy. Nasze relacje muszą być korzystne dla obu stron. Dziękuję.
Thank you very much. And on behalf of Renew, Mr. Gozi for one minute please.
Thank you President, dear Commissioner, Brexit has been a disaster. Ten years on, the verdict is clear. Prime Minister Andy Burnham is right to reopen the debate. The November summit must deliver real results: fewer barriers, more trade, greater support to Ukraine, and more opportunities for our young people. But we must go farther, much farther.
Sandro Gozi
Every option must be on the table, from a special partnership to a full EU membership. Colleagues, remember 2016. Marine Le Pen, Giorgia Meloni, and other nationalists celebrated Brexit as the beginning of the end of Europe. Ten years later, Brexit stands as an historic defeat for nationalist propaganda. And it sends the powerful message: history is not condemned to move backwards.
Nationalism is not our destiny. Brexit divided us; our future demands that we come together, not as rivals, but as partners shaping Europe's future. Thank you very much.
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Ms. Reintke for two minutes on behalf of the Green Group, please.
Colleagues, Brexit has caused more damage than good. I think I'm the fifth speaker in this debate who is quoting Andy Burnham because he's right. There has been so much damage economically, politically, but most of all for the people in the UK. We have seen two decades of division because that is what demagogues and populists cause. And this is the only thing that they cause: damage, pain, scars, broken promises.
Terry Reintke
Building unity and a future they cannot. But we can, because that is what the European Union has effectively done over the past decades: building unity, making friends out of enemies, creating peace instead of war, freedom instead of oppression, prosperity instead of small-minded national competition. Together with the United Kingdom for many decades. And this unity, colleagues, is worth fighting for, especially now when we have so many lunatics all around the world in power. So first, any move closer is a good move.
The better cannot become the enemy of the good in this. Whatever we can, we should do, be it Erasmus, be it Horizon, be it the Customs Union, you name it. Second, of course you can come back. We do not debate this here at all because we all agree: we want the UK back in the European Union. And thirdly, dear friends in the UK, whether you voted for Brexit or not, know this: the European Union is not your enemy.
It has never been and it will never be. That Brexit was a mistake and to admit that is not a sign of weakness, but it is a sign of strength. And it is a mistake that can be corrected by all of us. So let's do it. Thank you very much.
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Ms. Funchion for one and a half minutes on behalf of the Left Group, please.
Kathleen Funchion
A Chathaoirligh, and welcome Minister and Commissioner. Whilst I also welcome better relations between the London government and the EU member states, that does not mean that we must ignore each other's shortcomings. Let us not forget that there is an interstate case being brought against the British government for their policy on dealing with the legacy of the past. Granting amnesty to British soldiers who committed crimes in Ireland must not be tolerated by us in this House. Let us remind colleagues that Irish citizens in the north of Ireland are EU citizens too, and thus we must do what we can to protect their rights.
Let this Parliament be united when we tell the British government to bin their amnesty bill. We must also protect the Good Friday Agreement, the foundation for our hard-won peace and political progress in Ireland. In a recent visit to the north of Ireland, Prime Minister Andy Burnham stated that the issue of a referendum on Irish unity was off the table. However, it is the Good Friday Agreement that lays out the roadmap for Irish unity, not Andy Burnham, and public opinion clearly supports a united Ireland.
So to the Irish government and to the EU institutions, now is the time that we need to prepare and to plan. A reunited Ireland is on the horizon and we need to be ready. Go raibh maith agat.
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Mr. Jongen on behalf of ESN for one and a half minute please.
Marc Jongen
Colleagues, dear friends in Britain, with Brexit the British people delivered a liberating blow against an overbearing European Union. It was a triumph of democracy and of the popular will. Yet what have British governments made out of hard-won freedom? Illegal migration has grown worse, not better. The grooming gang scandal involving an estimated quarter of a million rape victims cries out to heaven.
Little has been done to bring this to light and the offenders to justice. Instead, citizens who speak critically are reported and imprisoned for so-called speech offenses. England, once the cradle of liberty, has been turned into a censorship regime. What a disgrace. An EU that truly upheld European values and the principle of subsidiarity would have to take Britain in as an integral part of a broader Europe.
But the Union in its present condition is something Britain should approach with the greatest caution. It must not allow poor leaders such as Mr. Burnham to talk it back into membership. There is nothing wrong with limited practical cooperation, student exchanges through Erasmus Plus, better trade conditions. But Britain, as France and Germany, must first confront and resolve their own political failures at home before London and Brussels can usefully draw closer. Patriotic governments on both sides of the channel will achieve the best, not only for their own citizens, but also for mutual cooperation once more.
Thank you very much, and now the blue card option is open and the next speaker is Mr. McAllister please, the floor is yours.
David McAllister
Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the next EU-UK summit on the 20th of November is indeed an opportunity to make progress. To make progress on securing an ambitious SPS deal for food and drink, on linking our emissions trading systems and electricity markets, on a new youth experience scheme, and on deeper cooperation with regard to immigration. Minister Byrne, Commissioner Šefčovič, these new agreements should be the floor and not the ceiling of our ambition for the UK-EU relationship. Let us look at more options for a long-term partnership that strengthens our collective prosperity and security. Looking back to the London summit in May 2025, we have made substantial progress already.
The UK is returning to Erasmus Plus in 2027. Let me mention our ambitious security and defense partnership. Let me mention the negotiations on the British participation in the EU's Ukraine support loan scheme. I could name many further examples. So what I want to say is, these developments give us a solid basis to pursue closer cooperation in other areas.
This is my expectation for the upcoming summit in Brussels. Thank you very much.
Klára Dobrev
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Ms. Dobrev for one minute please.
And finally we can talk about it fairly. And what we see is that right-wing populists promised everything to the British people, promised everything, prosperity, freedom, and then left them with the consequences. We did respect the British people's decision, but we knew always that Brexit was a huge mistake, and we are doing damage control since then. When we talk about Brexit that works, it was damage control. And finally we can address another big elephant in the room, that there is no Brexit that works.
Dear colleagues, Brexit was built on lies. And finally we can address the white elephant in the room, because we all knew that those lies by far-right politicians were financed, backed, supported by Russian propaganda.
So the only thing what we can say is that Britain needs Europe and Europe needs Britain. So, dear friends in the United Kingdom, in whatever format, but welcome home. Thank you.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. During the next speaker will be the last chance to register for catch-the-eye, and the next speaker is Ms. De la Pisa Carrión for one and a half minutes, please.
Margarita de la Pisa Carrión
Presidente, señorías, una cooperación estrecha de la Unión Europea y Reino Unido. ¿Pero a qué precio? Este año, aunque todavía no se ha ratificado, ha entrado en vigor un acuerdo inaceptable de la Unión Europea y Gibraltar sin la participación de España. Un acuerdo negociado a espaldas de todos los españoles con el que nos sentimos profundamente defraudados. Ni Pedro Sánchez ni la Unión Europea han velado por la legítima reivindicación de la soberanía territorial de España sobre Gibraltar, que era una oportunidad estratégica única.
Es más, han hecho todo lo contrario. Han avanzado en la integración jurídica y económica del Peñón con la Unión Europea, consolidando y legitimando la ocupación británica. No podemos pensar en una mejor cooperación mientras se permita la humillación que significa este acuerdo sobre Gibraltar para todos los españoles. No es la primera vez que se nos deja vendidos. Lo acabamos de ver con la invasión de Ceuta por parte de Marruecos.
Margarita de la Pisa Carrión
La Unión Europea antepone los intereses de terceros países a los propios, hasta el punto de admitir la pérdida del control de nuestras fronteras. No se puede admitir la inseguridad que supone una frontera blanda, que nos impida la lucha contra las redes de crimen organizado tras los flujos de inmigración ilegal y el narcotráfico. Tampoco podemos aceptar una presencia militar permanente en el Peñón con todo lo que ello implica. Señorías, acuerdos como el que se ha negociado sobre Gibraltar constituyen un error histórico que solo daña nuestras futuras relaciones bilaterales con el Reino Unido. Gracias.
Thank you very much. There is, Ms. De la Pisa Carrión, sorry, there is a blue card from Mr. Sieper, do you want to take it? Please, Mr. Sieper.
Muchas gracias. Thank you, colleague. Ah no, no. Solo hablo un poquito de español, ¿eh? Frau Kollegin, vielen Dank, dass Sie die blaue Karte akzeptiert haben.
Lukas Sieper
Sie haben über Gibraltar gesprochen und über Ceuta. Sind das nicht eigentlich beides Beispiele dafür, dass wir irgendwelche Streitigkeiten über winzige Gebiete, die nichts anderes als Überbleibsel kolonialer Politik sind, hinter uns lassen sollten? Bringt es uns als Europäer wirklich weiter, wenn wir unter uns Europäern um irgendwelche kleinen Felsen irgendwo am Rande dieses Kontinents streiten? Oder sollten wir nicht sagen, Europa ist zusammengekommen, um über dieses Status der territorialen Konflikte hinauszugehen? Danke schön.
Perdona. Fuera de Europa. Perdona, Ceuta es Europa. Ceuta es España. Y Gibraltar también.
Margarita de la Pisa Carrión
Me parece un error gravísimo que se permitan intervenciones donde se ponga en tela de juicio la soberanía de Europa sobre estos territorios.
Aquí se demuestra la traición de la Unión Europea para velar por los intereses de mi país, de los ciudadanos españoles. Esto también no solamente está ocurriendo por parte de la Unión Europea, también hemos visto al gobierno de Pedro Sánchez actuando de la misma manera. Esto pasará factura en las próximas elecciones. Gracias.
Thank you. And the next... no, we stop it here. Yeah. And the next speaker is Mr. Weimers for one minute, please.
Charlie Weimers
Madam President, what is the EU's strategy? Russia's invasion continues relentlessly. Chinese goods flood the single market. And yet Brussels demand billions for British access to its defense program, while our trade relationship remains burdened by costly barriers and bureaucracy. Common sense dictates that we should seek the closest possible relationship with Britain.
What we need is flexibility. The EU negotiates bespoke defense arrangements with Canada and sector-by-sector market access with Switzerland. So why not with Britain, one of Europe's largest economies, a nuclear power, and a leading NATO ally? What is the EU's strategy? Keep Britain out, British industry down, until Britain comes begging to rejoin on its knees?
Perish the thought.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you. The next speaker is Mr. Andrews for one minute, please.
Barry Andrews
Thank you, President, Commissioner, Minister Byrne. The UK is a crucial ally, as many speakers have already said, in these extraordinary times. Trump, Xi, and Putin might form a troika of illiberalism standing in defiance of the achievements of liberal democracy. How do we react? Certainly not by treating the United Kingdom like any other third country.
Rather, we need to rise to the challenge that was set for us by Mark Carney in this hemicycle and in Davos. He said values don't defend themselves. We need European leadership for the middle powers that rejects the transactional approach to partners, that rejects might is right, and stands for values over impunity. Young people want us to develop an alternative vision for the world, and the UK is a crucial ally in that. And that's why I call on President Metsola to invite the British Prime Minister to come to this hemicycle, to deepen our ties with the UK, to develop that connective tissue, and to help shape the world for an... shape a vision for an alternative world.
Christel Schaldemose
Mr. Andrews, there is a blue card from Mr. Rzońca, seat 2741. Accepted? Please.
Bogdan Rzońca
Thank you. I have a short question for you about security action for Europe. Why an agreement was not reached in this regard? What is your opinion about it?
Barry Andrews
I think it's well known that there has been difficult relations between the UK and the European Union. We now have in place, and have for a couple of years, a Prime Minister who is, I think, much more prepared to understand the common challenge that we in the European Union and the UK face in terms of Russian aggression in Ukraine and across the world. And I really hope that there will be a common vision around also, if I may say, the role that development cooperation can play in global security. I know that the UK Minister, Kirsty McNeill, has articulated this many times, and I think there's an area for common action for the EU and the UK. Thank you.
Speaker 136
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Marzà Ibáñez for one minute, please.
Vicent Marzà Ibáñez
Gracias, presidenta. Estamos ante un ejemplo práctico de para qué sirven las fake news y el discurso de odio de la extrema derecha para que la gente trabajadora viva peor.
Y lo han vivido en sus propias carnes los ciudadanos de Inglaterra, de Escocia, de Gales, en que han visto como las fake news de la extrema derecha les llevaron a una errónea decisión: el Brexit. Por eso, desde aquí saludamos muy efusivamente la aproximación cada vez más del Reino Unido otra vez a la Unión Europea y vemos con muy buenos ojos la simplificación, la unificación de criterios y que cada día trabajemos otra vez más, más unidos con el Reino Unido. Por eso vamos a trabajar en ese sentido, en que cuanto antes el Reino Unido vuelva a estar donde nunca debió salir, en la Unión Europea. Y mientras esto pasa, lo que tenemos que tener claro es que este tiempo lo tenemos que aprovechar para que tengamos muchas más relaciones no solo comerciales, también culturales. Eso sí, que este tiempo nos sirva para que hayan terceros países que utilicen esta vía para competencia desleal con la Unión Europea, pero sobre todo para aprender.
La extrema derecha no lleva ninguna solución real para la mayoría trabajadora.
Željana Zovko
Thank you, Madam President, dear Commissioner. At the forthcoming EU-UK summit, I expect that you convey the message that our security does not stop at the channel, neither should our ambition for stronger EU-UK partnership. The UK's steadfast support for Ukraine demonstrates our shared commitments for European security. We must now turn our security and defense partnership into concrete results and deepen also our intelligence sharing, for what UK is very well known for. I also welcome progress towards the UK's return to Erasmus Plus in 2027, reopening opportunities for all European students and I would like to convey, without discrimination, because each student UK invest into welcoming into UK is a future ambassador for them in European Union.
The latest developments in Northern Ireland, including renewed sectarian tensions and threats of violence, remind us how fragile peace can be. That's why the Good Friday Agreement must be fully respected and implemented. Protecting power-sharing, the rule of law, and the rights of all communities remains essential for lasting peace and stability. And this is a message that we need for all power-sharing societies from this part.
Thomas Bajada
Tifel ċkejken jirċievi kura għall-kanċer f'Londra waqt li l-familja tiegħu tqatta' xhur 'il bogħod mid-dar. Studenta Maltija tiġi aċċettata f'University of Bristol imma jkollha ċċedi l-ħolma tagħha għax il-miżati huma għoljin wisq. Żewġ ħajjiet differenti, żewġ sfidi differenti, imma għandhom punt komuni. Għal ġenerazzjonijiet sħaħ, familji Maltin, inkluża tiegħi, ħarsu lejn ir-Renju Unit biex jistudjaw, jaħdmu u jibnu l-futur tagħhom. Però llum l-opportunitajiet jiddependu aktar fuq kemm għandek flus il-bank milli fuq l-ambizzjonijiet tiegħek.
Għal pazjenti Maltin, ħafna drabi tfal, il-kura speċjalizzata fl-Ingilterra tibqa' t-tama li ssalva l-ħajja. Dear colleagues, I do welcome renewed EU-UK cooperation, but this partnership must reopen opportunities for young people and safeguard access to essential healthcare. Its success will not be measured by agreements signed on paper, but by the lives it has improved and the doors it has reopened for future generations.
Christophe Bay
Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, le Royaume-Uni est un partenaire à respecter, pas un référendum à corriger. À l'approche du sommet du 20 novembre, rappelons cette évidence à la Commission : l'ambition d'un partenariat ne se mesure pas au nombre de compétences retirées aux nations.
Certes, faciliter nos échanges agricoles, sécuriser l'énergie, combattre les passeurs, nous voulons des résultats. Sur le carbone comme sur la mobilité des jeunes, nous exigeons la réciprocité et la protection des intérêts européens. Mais coopérer ne signifie pas réintégrer. Les ouvertures du gouvernement britannique n'effacent pas le choix souverain de son peuple. En défense, les accords de Lancaster House montrent la voie.
La France et le Royaume-Uni peuvent agir ensemble en conservant leur liberté de décision. Voilà l'ambition que nous défendons au groupe des Patriotes pour l'Europe : des nations qui unissent leurs forces sans abandonner leur souveraineté. La Commission doit servir cette coopération entre les nations, elle n'a pas à en faire une salle d'attente à la réadhésion.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Sieper, please, for one minute.
Dear people of Europe, the safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe. Because in these stormy times, Europeans must stand together as a movement of peoples. Our destiny is in Europe as part of the community. And we can't escape it. Sometimes we tried, but we can't.
Lukas Sieper
British students, German entrepreneurs, French workers, we all face the same challenges. Our problems don't stop at borders, so why should our solutions? We have to strengthen the ability of Europeans to act on a European basis. So here is my message to all British brethren: the door is open, you are welcome back. Let Europe arise.
Thank you very much.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Barbon for one minute, please.
Thank you, Madam President. The United Kingdom is our closest neighbor and one of our absolute closest allies. They are our second largest trading partner and a cornerstone of European security. I think Brexit was a mistake from every perspective. But now, finally, there's momentum to start to build something forward-looking.
Jörgen Warborn
Removing barriers for entrepreneurs, deepening integrations in goods and services, smoothing trade flows and getting rid of paperworks. Making everyday life easier for businesses and thereby making all of us safer, richer and stronger. But we must be equally clear: closer cooperation must be based on fair competition and respect of our existing agreements. Access to the benefits of the single market must come with corresponding obligations, no cherry-picking. In today's challenging reality, we need to partner up and keep our friends closer than ever.
That's a strategic interest for EU as much as it is for the United Kingdom. Thank you.
Speaker 147
Tack så mycket. And the next speaker is Vice-President Barley for one minute, please.
Thank you very much, dear colleagues. It doesn't happen too often in this chamber that I'm here and say I'm really happy and I'm looking forward to what is to come. But in the relationships towards UK, we have all reason to do that. Because since the Labour Party is in government, common sense has come back to the table, trust and constructive approach are there. We are partners again in security and defense.
Katarina Barley
The trade relations have smoothed, big thanks to Maroš Šefčovič and to also Bernd Lange, who is to speak later for this. And of course, UK is part of Erasmus+ again. Young Brits wish for closer cooperation with the European Union. And also Europeans want to have the possibility to study and work abroad with Erasmus+ in the UK.
So, as Prime Minister Andy Burnham said, sticking with the status quo is not good enough for Britain. Let me say, dear Andy, it's not good enough for us either. Let's make it better, together.
Ms Barley, there is a blue card from Mr Sieper, do you want to take it? Please Mr Sieper, this is the last blue card for you in this debate.
Thank you. Frau Vizepräsidentin, vielen Dank, dass Sie die blaue Karte akzeptiert haben. Nun sind die Briten ja ein sehr stolzes Volk bzw. mehrere sehr stolze Völker. Und es gibt einige, die sagen, dass wir uns nicht in die Debatte einmischen sollten, dass wir ihnen nicht das Gefühl geben sollten, dass wir ihnen die Entscheidung abnehmen, weil wir damit letztlich den Weg zurück in die europäische Familie gefährden. Was glauben Sie, ist der beste strategische Ansatz im Hinblick auf die Meinungsbildung der britischen Öffentlichkeit?
Dankeschön.
Vielen Dank für diese auch sehr konstruktive Frage. Ja, die Britinnen und Briten sind stolz. Ich weiß das, ich habe selber einen britischen Pass und Familie dort. Wir haben aber auch gesehen, was der Brexit diesen Familien angetan hat, wie Familien auseinandergerissen wurden über diese total polarisierte emotionale Debatte, Landesteile, Jung und Alt, Stadt und Land. Wir sollten keine Lehrstunde erteilen, das steht uns überhaupt nicht zu.
Wir sollten akzeptieren, was die Britinnen und Briten wollen. Aber was wir tun können, ist zu sagen, wenn ihr näher wieder zu uns heranrücken wollt, dann seid ihr immer herzlich willkommen. Und ich glaube, das ist die weit überwiegende Meinung in diesem Haus. Danke Ihnen.
Speaker 151
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr Cowen for one minute please.
Barry Cowen
Thank you Chair, Commissioner, agus an Tánaiste. As we look ahead to the upcoming summit, I welcome the continued efforts to strengthen our ties with our British neighbors. Last year's summit was a promising start. We were particularly encouraged by the agreement on UK's return to the Erasmus+ program, but we now must build on the progress and move from ambition to delivery. In particular, I would urge the Commission to prioritize finalizing the ambitious SPS agreement reached at the last summit, which will remove barriers to agri-food trade and deliver real benefits for farmers and businesses on both sides.
The political commitments have been made. It's now up to the civil servants to honor those commitments and deliver on them. It's as simple as that. We must also deepen our energy cooperation, particularly on electricity market integration and offshore wind, helping to bring down the high energy costs that we see and witness across Europe. At a time of shifting trade relationships, strengthening ties with one of our closest neighbors is more pressing than ever, as has been alluded to by previous speakers.
So I would urge both sides to seize this opportunity and deliver meaningful progress for our respective citizens. Thank you very much.
Mika Aaltola
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr Aaltola for one minute please.
Arvoisa puheenjohtaja, komissaari. Britannia on Suomellekin hyvin tärkeä ydinasevalta, jolla on vahva ja kehittynyt puolustusteollisuus. Se on Euroopan turvallisuuden kannalta merkittävä kumppani, jonka kapasiteetti täydentää kokonaisuutta. Suhteemme Britanniaan on tärkeä juuri nyt, kun Eurooppa kohtaa kasvavia turvallisuushaasteita. Venäjän hyökkäys Ukrainaan on muuttanut turvallisuusympäristöämme pysyvästi.
Mika Aaltola
Ukrainan tuki on yhteinen tehtävämme ja Britannian panos siihen on ollut merkittävä. Kannatan pragmaattista joustavaa kumppanuutta, lähempää yhteistyötä puolustuksessa, puolustuksessa, tiedustelussa, teknologiassa, taloudessa. Tähän kuuluu myös Britannian osittainen pääsy EU:n yhteismarkkinoille. Tarvitsemme myös selkeän vision. Ehdotankin, että suunnitelman laatisivat poliittisesti kiistattomat henkilöt kummaltakin puolelta kanavaa.
Meidän tulee kyetä näkemään metsä puilta.
Thank you very much. I wish a European leader has given a speech like the Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney from this place a couple of weeks ago. He passionately spoke about youth opportunities and mentioned Erasmus Plus, quoting Goethe and telling a remarkably European story. A successful relationship has to offer young people opportunities. Our relationship with the United Kingdom is not a one-way street.
It is not only them who are suffering following Brexit, the EU suffers just as much from it. Erasmus Plus offers hope, youth mobility and touring artists remain unsolved. These matters are no cherry-picking. Young Europeans are denied opportunities, artists and musicians from both sides are restricted and equally affected with visa fees, working permits, cabotage. This applies to classical music just as much as it does to popular music.
Speaker 154
The European Union has lost referenda because of fisheries, let us win with youth opportunities, Erasmus Plus, education and Creative Europe and culture. Let us bring back hope to the UK and to the European Union. Thank you.
Thank you, Chair, Minister, Commissioner. Brexit was sold to the British people as a promise of taking back control. But recently Prime Minister Burnham confirmed that intelligence pointed to Russian interference. This was not taking back control, it was losing control to foreign powers. We must recognize that a decision of such historic importance was taken in an environment of foreign manipulation.
Michał Kobosko
The lesson is very clear: the European Union and the United Kingdom are stronger when they work together. We must deepen our defense cooperation, strengthen sanctions enforcement and maintain our unwavering support for Ukraine. At a time when the world is so unstable, we must do everything we can to keep Europe stable and secure. We support an ambitious partnership built on trust, shared values and clear commitments. Closer cooperation must go hand in hand with respect for common rules and obligations.
And let me be very clear: we will never close the door on the United Kingdom's eventual return to the European family. Please rejoin us. Thank you.
Katarina Barley
Thank you very much, dear colleague, for mentioning the Russian interference into the Brexit. We are seeing the Russian interference in all sorts of not only elections but political, well, movements at the moment. Would you agree that in countering this interference, that this would also be a field where the cooperation between the European Union and the UK could be closer and would help us?
Let me answer in Polish. Bardzo dziękuję za to pytanie. Tak, to dla mnie oczywiste. Wielka Brytania jest bardzo silna, jeżeli chodzi o działalność wywiadowczą, wiemy to od dziesięcioleci. I Wielka Brytania jest kluczowym partnerem Unii Europejskiej, jeżeli chodzi o zwalczanie rosyjskich działań sabotażowych, rosyjskiej dezinformacji, rosyjskiego manipulowania przy wyborach w Europie.
Dlatego szczególnie w tej relacji, w tych tematach musimy zacieśniać współpracę z Wielką Brytanią. Rosja jest dla nas coraz groźniejsza z każdym dniem i idzie krok za krokiem. Musimy współpracować z Wielką Brytanią, szczególnie z tym partnerem, by powstrzymać Rosję w jej de facto zbrodniczych zamiarach. Dziękuję.
Thank you very much. So dear colleagues, I will not be able to allow more blue cards in this debate because of the time pressure. And the next speaker is Mr. Kelly for one minute please.
Seán Kelly
Commissioner, a chara, dhaoibh ar maidin. Many predicted Brexit would be a disaster and so it has turned out to be. United Kingdom productivity down 4%, imports and exports 15% lower than if the United Kingdom had remained in the European Union, etc., etc., QED. But still, 41% of United Kingdom exports come to the EU and the UK is our second largest trading partner after the United States. So a closer future relationship is in everyone's interest.
And that's why I welcome Prime Minister Burnham's efforts to reset the relationship. And in fairness, I think his predecessors Sunak and Starmer, as Commissioner Šefčovič can vouch, did much to reduce the toxicity of Brexit. But as we have more in common with the United Kingdom than anyone else, when Ursula von der Leyen talks about associate membership for Canada, I think we should send a clear message that the United Kingdom must be first in the queue for any such relationship. Agus b'fhéidir go dtiocfaidh siad ar ais chugainn go luath in am. Go raibh maith agat.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, colleagues. We have a vote here soon, so please stick to your speaking time. The next speaker is Mr. Reuten for one minute please.
President, Commission, Council, colleagues, many commended Prime Minister Burnham here with his analysis last week. The EU-UK relationship is not good enough. And I agree too. But it is a common problem. A common problem because the UK is our key strategic partner for security and defense and we are theirs.
Thijs Reuten
Yet concrete cooperation lags behind our shared challenges and responsibilities for European security. The consultation and the dialogue agreed in 2025 are not enough. Strategic necessity demands more. An advanced security strategic partnership, including UK involvement in defense programs written into European competitiveness funds and real UK engagement in Europe's evolving security architecture, coordinated responses to hybrid attacks and escalation management. Made in Europe protectionism that shuts out our closest and most connected partners weakens us.
We need pragmatic solutions unburdened by the past. So I call on Commission, Council and the UK: do not hesitate and ensure the summit delivers a relationship that protects the entire continent. Thank you.
Speaker 152
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms. Wiseler-Lima for one minute please.
Isabel Wiseler-Lima
Le Premier ministre Burnham l'a dit clairement : le statu quo ne suffit pas. Et il a eu le courage de nommer clairement Moscou comme l'auteur d'une campagne d'attaques hybrides. Nommer la menace, c'est la première condition pour informer nos concitoyens et défendre la démocratie. Européens et Britanniques doivent dans ce domaine coopérer davantage : en matière de défense classique, face aux menaces hybrides, à la désinformation. Et notre soutien commun à l'Ukraine doit rester sans faille, for as long as it takes.
Un point me tient particulièrement à cœur : la protection des enfants en ligne. Les abuseurs ne s'arrêtent pas à la Manche. Le Royaume-Uni a une expertise reconnue, notamment avec l'Internet Watch Foundation, alors que nous peinons à construire notre propre cadre. Profitons de cette expertise, mettons-nous en réseau pour la détection, le signalement et les obligations des plateformes.
Défendre la démocratie, protéger les plus vulnérables nous unit profondément. Merci.
Thank you, and the next speaker is Mr. Lange for one minute, please.
Bernd Lange
Thanks a lot. Morning has broken, to quote another wonderful rock song, was my feeling when I was in London on Thursday and Friday, talking to ministers, to parliament and so on. There is a new mood. So don't look to the past, look to the future. We will have the summit with, I hope, SPS, with ETS, with electricity, with youth mobility agreements, first step.
And then let's go to Swiss Plus: political cooperation, security cooperation, customs union. So we have a next step in our mind, and then I guess we will have also clear the perspective of a reunion of UK to the European Union. Dear colleagues, don't harm this process with protective discussion here at our parliament, in also in the council, with in the context of IAA and so on. We want to have a clear common perspective, as it was in this wonderful morning has broken text: the new day, the new day is ours. Thanks a lot.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, and the last speaker before catch-the-eye is Mr. Farantouris for one minute, please.
Nikolas Farantouris
Για όσους από εμάς έχουμε σπουδάσει και ζήσει στη Βρετανία και για όσους φίλους Βρετανούς ζουν και εργάζονται στην Ευρώπη και εδώ ανάμεσά μας όλα αυτά τα χρόνια, είναι απολύτως σαφές ότι μας ενώνουν πολύ περισσότερα από όσα μας χωρίζουν ή μας χώρισαν κάποια στιγμή. Σήμερα που οι συνθήκες είναι πιο ευνοϊκές παρά ποτέ, που Βρετανία και Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση πρέπει να βγουν από το καβούκι τους και να διαδραματίσουν το ρόλο που τους αναλογεί στον κόσμο, είναι επιτακτική ανάγκη να ξαναδούμε τη σχέση μας. Η θέση της Βρετανίας είναι στην Ευρώπη και η Ευρώπη δεν πρέπει να κλείσει τα αυτιά της στο βρετανικό λαό.
Thank you very much, and now we come to catch-the-eye. I will be able to take those who have requested it, but stick to your speaking time, and we will begin with Mr. López-Istúriz White, seat 577, please.
Thank you very much. Señor comisario, usted ni siquiera ha mencionado Gibraltar en esta cuestión. Usted se le ha llenado la boca de Irlanda, pero nada de Gibraltar. El tiempo, el tiempo que ha tenido usted con el señor Albares para no negociar nada favorable a España o a Europa se está acabando. Dentro de un mes eso va a cambiar.
Antonio López-Istúriz White
Gibraltar se va a estudiar perfectamente qué es lo que se ha estado negociando y no convertirla en una nueva Ceuta, que es lo que están haciendo ustedes, entregando, y va a ser una entrada masiva de inmigración a través de los puertos y aeropuertos de Gibraltar porque ustedes no lo han controlado y lo han entregado todo en la negociación. Pero ya le advierto a usted que dentro de un mes, y esténse preparados, eso va a cambiar porque va a haber un nuevo gobierno en España que va a defender los intereses de España, que son los de Europa, porque lo que no puede ser es que entre por la frontera de Gibraltar lo mismo que ha ocurrido en Ceuta y ustedes serán los responsables de ello.
Thank you and the next speaker is Mr. López Aguilar seat 315 please.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Thank you Madam President, querido comisario. Ante la cumbre de la Unión Europea con el Reino Unido muchos europeístas supimos que el Brexit fue un error desde el principio. Aún más grave porque se debía y se podía haber evitado. Pero no fue un error inocuo. Ha hecho un daño real y por tanto podemos felicitarnos de que contuvimos el daño al menos evitando el efecto contagio.
Pero ahora que el Reino Unido está reconsiderando de la mano del gobierno laborista de Andy Burnham la posibilidad de reaproximarse a la Unión Europea es el momento de aligerar las dificultades impuestas a la libre circulación. Es cierto que el Reino Unido nunca estuvo en Schengen pero nunca ha sido más difícil y más caro que ahora el intercambio de personas entre el Reino Unido y Europa y viceversa. Pero hay que aprovechar también que el Reino Unido es parte del Consejo de Europa para potenciar la cooperación policial y judicial contra la criminalidad organizada y transfronteriza. Ese es un terreno en el que tenemos muchísimo que ganar tanto el Reino Unido como la Unión Europea. Gracias.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. Please colleagues we are soon going to vote so stick to your speaking time. The next speaker is Mr. Geadi seat 275 please.
Geadis Geadi
Η βελτίωση των σχέσεων Ευρώπης-Ηνωμένου Βασιλείου απαιτεί σεβασμό στην κυριαρχία των κρατών μελών, στα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα και το ευρωπαϊκό κεκτημένο. Η ανεξέλεγκτη μετανάστευση και οι δημογραφικές μεταβολές καθώς και οι περιορισμοί της ελευθερίας έκφρασης ακόμη και στα μέσα κοινωνικής δικτύωσης εγείρουν σοβαρές ανησυχίες. Δεν μπορώ όμως να παραλείψω ακόμη ένα σοβαρό ζήτημα, τις βρετανικές βάσεις που αποτελούν κατάλοιπο αποικιοκρατίας στερώντας από την Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία την άσκηση κυριαρχίας σε ευρωπαϊκό έδαφος. Υπενθυμίζω το Διεθνές Δικαστήριο της Χάγης 25 Φεβρουαρίου του '19, τις επανειλημμένες αποφάσεις της Γενικής Συνέλευσης του ΟΗΕ, ακόμη και το ίδιο το Ανώτατο Δικαστήριο του Ηνωμένου Βασιλείου 30 Ιουλίου του '18. Η Κομισιόν οφείλει να είναι ξεκάθαρη.
Μελλοντική επανένταξη του Ηνωμένου Βασιλείου προνοεί πλήρη σεβασμό της κυριαρχίας και αποχώρηση των βρετανικών αποικιοκρατικών βάσεων από κάθε γωνιά της Ευρώπης.
Regina Doherty
Thank you President. Commissioner, I know Canada becoming an associated EU member really caught the attention of Britain but that conversation definitely shouldn't stop here because the world has drastically changed since 2016 and thankfully the mood in Britain seems to have changed too. At a time when democracy, open markets, standards of decency are all being challenged around the world, the EU and the UK must absolutely work more closely together. The security of Europe, especially Ukraine, relies on EU-UK cooperation. On the other side, the EU is the UK's biggest trading partner and London should be open to deeper trading relationships including in services.
The UK's intention to renew the proposal to cap cross-border interbank fees on EEA-issued cards disproportionately discriminates against our EU banks and goes against all of the objectives of the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement. Also when it comes to Made in Europe, the UK is a crucial part of our supply chain and we should not create more trade barriers across the channel so I really welcome the positive language that's being used by both sides. Thank you.
Speaker 161
Thank you very much and the next speaker is Ms. Mendía seat 625 please.
Idoia Mendia
El Brexit ha tenido consecuencias negativas para la economía, pero sobre todo para la ciudadanía británica y europea. Esta decisión no puede condenarnos a vivir de espaldas unos a otros. Compartimos valores y compartimos los grandes desafíos del futuro. Los socialistas defendemos una relación mucho más ambiciosa y estratégica entre la Unión Europea y el Reino Unido. Una relación que refuerce nuestra cooperación industrial, en seguridad y defensa, pero también en derechos laborales, en el Erasmus para los jóvenes y en la lucha contra el cambio climático.
Espero que la cumbre sirva para acercarnos más. Europa debe trabajar por el acercamiento. Porque en un mundo cada vez más incierto, Europa y el Reino Unido somos más fuertes cooperando que compitiendo entre nosotros, como lo hemos hecho con el histórico acuerdo entre la Unión Europea y Gibraltar. Muchas gracias.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the last speaker on catch-the-eye is Mr. Tynkkynen, seat 210 please.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Dear President, Europe cannot continue to ignore the consequences of mass migration. Look at France. We see riots, vandalism and chaos as second and third generation migrants terrorize cities. Look at the United Kingdom. Rape numbers are going through the roof.
What could be the reason? At the same time, radical Islam is getting out of hand. Even an Arab country has limited its students going to the UK, fearing they could be exposed to Islamist influence. This is what mass migration does to our continent. The European Union and the United Kingdom have a common interest.
We have a continent to save. Together with the UK, we should form an alliance. Let's combat illegal migration. Let's start mass deportations. Let's make Europe an Islamist-free continent.
Let's bring back Europe. Thank you.
So that was the last speaker. Please colleagues, we still have an ongoing debate here, so I would kindly ask you to take your seat and not speak. And I will give the floor to the Commission and Commissioner Šefčovič to wind up the debate please.
Maroš Šefčovič
Thank you very much, Madam President, honorable Minister, honorable members of the European Parliament. First and foremost, I would like to thank you for your contributions to today's debate. And I would like to appreciate especially highly all your efforts to support even further strengthening of the EU-UK relationship. Madam Carberry, Mr. Orjordana been referring to the importance of this at the beginning of our debate. At the same time, I also appreciate the acknowledgment of the fact that today we are living in totally different and much changed geopolitical landscape than at the moment when Brexit took place.
And I think that both Mr. Gozi and Barry Andrews described it very vividly. Therefore, it is more important than ever for us to work closely with like-minded partners such as United Kingdom. And the support of the European Parliament has always been key to this because your voice count a lot, especially ahead of this very important summit. Mr. Warborn, Mr. McAllister and of course my very good colleague Chairman Lange clearly reconfirmed that our roadmap is still in place. And what it is: respect for the past agreements but work commonly to addressing the future challenges.
To conclude, let me highlight like Madam Zovko and Madam Mendia did just few moments ago, how important this youth experience scheme is for this House, for our institutions and for our Member States.
And we see it in the same way, as an investment in the future, because the young people will be the best bridge builders, best ambassadors who will help us to overcome differences of the past. As a last sentence, I just would quote Madame Reintke, who said, let's not better be the enemy of the good. And that should be our motto in preparation and in outcome of the summit. Thank you very much.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, Commissioner, and I do apologize for the noise. Please, dear colleagues, we still have a last speaker, so please kindly take your seat and don't speak, don't talk inside the chamber. And now I will give the floor back to the Council and Minister Byrne, please, the floor is yours.
Thank you, Vice-President, honorable members, Commissioner Šefčovič. Our relations with the UK go far beyond our economic ties. The relationship between our people is based on shared values and a common geography. I am very optimistic that in the context of our new ambition for a closer partnership, the November summit can and will be a success. And I want to thank the European Parliament and its members for their important work to date.
Thomas Byrne
Implementation of existing agreements, including the Windsor Framework, is a priority for the Irish presidency. The Windsor Framework protects the gains of the Good Friday Agreement, avoids a hard border on the island of Ireland, and protects the integrity of the European Union's single market. I welcome that cooperation between the EU and the UK on the implementation of the Windsor Framework has improved. Over the past year, a number of significant safeguards have been delivered. And the progress is welcome, but more progress is required, particularly the implementation of agreed SPS safeguards.
We welcome that the UK has repeated its commitment to the full, timely, and faithful implementation of the Windsor Framework at the recent specialized committee on the Windsor Framework. It's important now that we see further progress in the weeks and months ahead. And I want to acknowledge the importance of EU and UK joint engagement with stakeholders in Northern Ireland. This engagement remains crucial to understanding the situation on the ground.
Minister Byrne, please, sorry, sorry, Minister Byrne. Please, colleagues, please be quiet, we still have a speaker, please respect it, take your seats and be quiet. Thank you very much. Minister Byrne.
Thomas Byrne
And I also welcome the signing and the provisional application of the Gibraltar agreement and thank Commissioner Šefčovič for his work. It was important to finally remove all obstacles to the free movement of goods and services in the region, with the appropriate safeguards for the European Union. Let me close by echoing President Costa, who said that by deepening our cooperation, we can strengthen our ability to address the challenges of our time, strengthening our resilience and promote stability in Europe and beyond. Thank you.
Thank you very much, Minister Byrne, for this, and apologies for the noise. And the debate is closed. The sitting is suspended and will be resumed in a few minutes with the vote. Thank you very much.
Younous Omarjee
Mes chers collègues, la séance est reprise. Un peu de silence s'il vous plaît, merci de bien vouloir rejoindre vos sièges en silence. Notre séance est reprise et je souhaite la bienvenue au président du Parlement de Singapour, Monsieur Seah Kian Peng, ainsi qu'à la délégation de quatre membres qui l'accompagne, venus du Parlement de Singapour. Nous pouvons passer à présent aux votes, pour commencer sur la demande de décision d'urgence de la part du groupe PPE sur la réduction des émissions de méthane dans le secteur de l'énergie, report de certaines obligations. Je donne la parole à Monsieur Dimitris Tsiodras pour s'exprimer pour la décision d'urgence, vous avez trois minutes.
Dimitris Tsiodras
Thank you, President. Dear colleagues, Europe's energy security is at stake. At a time of growing geopolitical instability and disruptions to global energy markets, we cannot afford to put our energy supplies at further risk. The figures speak for themselves. The EU imports approximately 90% of the natural gas it consumes.
In 2023, LNG accounted for 45% of total gas imports. With ongoing crisis in the Middle East putting additional pressure on energy markets, any further uncertainty over gas imports could have serious consequences for European households and businesses.
This is why urgent action is needed. The European Commission has recognized the implementation difficulties of the EU methane regulation and proposed targeted adjustments. Parliament must respond with the same sense of urgency. EPP fully supports that reducing methane emissions remains essential, but environmental ambition must go hand in hand with energy security, affordability, and realistic implementation. Critical elements of the compliance framework, including independent verification and certification systems, are still not fully operational.
Existing LNG contracts do not automatically guarantee compliance with the regulation's methane emissions verification requirements. Contracts alone cannot eliminate the risks of supply disruptions. In this context, we must act before implementation difficulties turn into an energy security problem. The urgent procedure will allow Parliament to address these issues without unnecessary delay. This is not about lowering environmental standards; it is about making our legislation workable.
I therefore urge colleagues across political groups to support the urgent procedure. Europe cannot afford to wait. Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Pour s'exprimer contre la décision d'urgence, Jutta Paulus.
Jutta Paulus
Dear colleagues, we have an urgency. An urgency to curb greenhouse gas emissions, which have already caused billions of damages and thousands of deaths this year alone. An urgency to live up to the Global Methane Pledge that the EU co-initiated at the COP in Glasgow. An urgency to bring gas to a tense market instead of letting it go to waste. An urgency to stand up to the lies of the fossil fuel industry, to stand up against the threats of the Trump administration telling us which of our laws should go because they don't like it.
Therefore, I oppose the suggested postponement of the provisions set in the methane regulation. And this is why I speak against the urgency procedure. On Thursday, I will vote against postponing reporting obligations because only proper implementation of the methane regulation will stop the ongoing waste of gas. On the cost argument, the cost of compliance with the regulation is very small. Per household, it is less than three euros per year, a small amount compared to the value of gas lost to venting and flaring.
The International Energy Agency found that the global oil and gas sector is responsible for methane emissions that correspond to the total annual gas exports from the US, and cutting methane emissions and controlling flaring could free up to two billion cubic meters of gas. That's more of half the EU's annual demand. Also, postponing the reporting obligations of the regulation would help Russian gas to enter the EU gas market unnoticed. I believe that European citizens have a right to know where their gas comes from. I hope to count on your support for European energy security and affordability.
Please vote against the postponement of our rules that we set up in the methane regulations with a huge majority across all political or nearly all political groups two years ago. But what businesses now need is clarity and predictability, and the faster the predictability arrives, the faster the legal limbo ends, the better.
That's why I will vote in favor of the urgency procedure today. Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Nous pouvons à présent passer au vote sur la demande de décision d'urgence. Qui est pour ? Qui est contre ? Qui s'abstient ?
La demande de décision d'urgence est approuvée. Le vote aura lieu le jeudi 22 octobre. Les délais seront les suivants : pour les amendements, mercredi 21 octobre à 12h00 ; pour les votes par division et votes séparés, mercredi 21 octobre à 19h00. Nous passons à présent au vote sur le rapport de Monsieur Mohammed Chahim sur les amendements au règlement sur les matières premières critiques. C'est un vote unique par appel nominal.
Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est adopté. Je donne la parole au rapporteur, Monsieur Chahim.
Mohammed Chahim
Thank you, Chair. Thank you for, I think, the very, very clear support for this file. Looking forward to continue the work with a great Parliament team, I have to say. We, in a very short period, made a very complicated matter and passed it through the Parliament. So, President, following Parliament's adoption of the legislative proposal and in accordance with Rule 64 of our Rules of Procedure, I would like to request that the matter be referred back to the ITRE Committee for inter-institutional negotiations.
Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Nous passons donc au vote sur le renvoi en commission. Qui est pour ? Qui est contre ? Qui s'abstient ?
Le rapport est envoyé à la commission compétente aux fins de négociations interinstitutionnelles conformément à l'article 60, paragraphe 4. Vote sur le rapport de Madame Ingeborg Ter-Laak sur la suspension de l'application des règles pour la responsabilité élargie des producteurs de déchets de déchets plastiques à usage unique, ce qu'on appelle Omnibus 8 sur la législation environnementale. Amendement de la commission responsable. Vote en bloc. Vote par appel nominal.
Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est adopté. Et nous passons à présent au vote sur l'amendement 13. Qui est pour ?
Qui est contre ? Qui s'abstient ? Il est adopté. L'amendement 24 tombe du coup et nous passons à l'amendement 18. Vote par appel nominal.
Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est adopté. Amendement 19 par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert.
Younous Omarjee
Le vote est clos. Il est adopté. Amendement 20 par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos.
Il est adopté. Amendement 25 par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est rejeté.
Amendement 23 par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est rejeté. L'amendement 3 tombe et nous votons l'amendement 3 de la commission est mis au vote.
Qui est pour ? Qui est contre ?
Younous Omarjee
Qui s'abstient ? Il est adopté. Vote de la proposition par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos.
Il est adopté. Félicitations au rapporteur à qui je donne la parole. Le rapporteur souhaite-t-il prendre la parole ? Oui, Madame Terheş.
Oui. Merci. Thank you, Chair, and thanks to all the colleagues for this broad support. It makes it, it shows that the Parliament is serious about cutting red tape for our small and micro enterprises within the European Union. And I would like to request referral back to the committee to start inter-institutional negotiations pursuant to Rule 60, paragraph 4.
Thank you.
Merci beaucoup, Madame Terheş. Vote sur le renvoi en commission, qui est pour ? Qui est contre ? Qui s'abstient ? Adopté.
Younous Omarjee
Le rapport est renvoyé à la commission compétente aux fins de négociations interinstitutionnelles conformément à l'article 60, paragraphe 4. Rapport de Madame Terheş sur la suspension de l'application des règles relatives à la désignation d'un représentant autorisé pour la responsabilité élargie des producteurs en matière de piles et d'emballages usagés, Omnibus 8 sur la législation environnementale. Nous commençons par le vote en bloc sur les amendements de la commission responsable par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos.
Il est adopté. Vote sur l'amendement 15 et 17 par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est rejeté.
Nous passons donc à l'amendement 10 de la commission, qui est pour ? Qui est contre ? Qui s'abstient ? Il est adopté. Le 19 tombe et nous votons l'amendement 11 de la commission, qui est pour ?
Qui est contre ? Qui s'abstient ? Il est adopté. Nous passons à présent à l'amendement 21 par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert.
Le vote est clos. Il est rejeté. Vote sur l'amendement 22 par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos.
Il est rejeté. Vote sur l'amendement 12, qui est pour ? Qui est contre ? Qui s'abstient ? Il est adopté.
Amendement 14 par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est adopté. Amendement 20 par appel nominal.
Younous Omarjee
Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est rejeté. Amendement 18 par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert.
Le vote est clos. Il est rejeté. Amendement 3, qui est pour ? Qui est contre ? Qui s'abstient ?
Adopté. Amendement 16, qui est pour ? Qui est contre ? Qui s'abstient ? Il est rejeté.
Amendement 6, qui est pour ? Qui est contre ? Qui s'abstient ? Il est adopté. Vote sur la proposition de la commission par appel nominal.
Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est adopté. Je donne la parole au rapporteur. Madame Terheş, vous avez la parole.
And also thanks for broad support for this part of the Omnibus. And in accordance to Rule 60, paragraph 4, I would like to request referral back to the committee to start inter-institutional negotiations. Thank you.
Il est adopté. Je donne la parole au rapporteur. Madame Ter Laak, vous avez la parole.
And also thanks for support for this part of the Omnibus. And in accordance to rule 60 paragraph 4, I would like to request referral back to the committee to start inter-institutional negotiations. Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup Madame Ter Laak. Vote sur le renvoi en commission. Qui est pour? Qui est contre? Qui s'abstient?
Adopté. Le rapport est donc renvoyé à la commission compétente aux fins de négociations interinstitutionnelles conformément à l'article 60 paragraphe 4. Nous passons à présent au vote sur le rapport de Monsieur Johan Danielsson et Monsieur Andreas Schwab sur l'interface publique connectée au système d'information du marché intérieur pour la déclaration de détachement des travailleurs. Je donne la parole aux deux rapporteurs pour une minute chacun. Tout d'abord, je donne la parole à Monsieur Danielsson.
Johan Danielsson
Thank you, colleagues. I believe that the new portal for e-declaration of posted workers could be the example of how simplification can be achieved without deregulation. One common public interface where companies that want to send workers to another member state to work can fill in a posting declaration in their own language is per definition simplification. But at the same time, we did not accept the attempt by the Commission to limit the data points available for labor inspectorates and trade unions. And this is what simplification should look like: less bureaucracy without compromising workers' rights.
I would like to thank my co-rapporteur and everybody involved in this procedure for constructive cooperation and I hope for a broad support in the vote. Thank you.
Speaker 177
Merci beaucoup Monsieur Danielsson. Je donne la parole au co-rapporteur Monsieur Schwab.
Andreas Schwab
Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, mit dem vorliegenden Vorschlag machen wir zweifellos einen großen Schritt zur Vereinfachung der Entsendung von Arbeitnehmern. Der Kollege Danielsson, dem ich auch danken will, hat darauf hingewiesen, wie schwierig, aber wie erfolgreich das Parlament am Ende bei der gemeinsamen Positionsfindung war. Herr Präsident, das können wir allerdings nicht auf den europäischen Ministerrat übertragen. Leider tun sich die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Umsetzung der Vorschläge des Draghi-Berichts extrem schwer. Ich kann den Rat nur auffordern, mutiger zu werden und die Wachstumschancen des Binnenmarkts wirklich im Interesse aller Bürgerinnen und Bürger auch zur Realität werden zu lassen.
Und interessant, Herr Präsident, ist zum Schluss, dass die Kollegen der AfD hier Änderungsanträge einbringen, die diesen kleinen Fortschritt für die Bürgerinnen und Bürger in Europa sogar noch abschwächen wollen. Das zeigt, dass sie nicht verstanden haben, wie stark der Binnenmarkt uns allen nützen kann. Herzlichen Dank.
Merci beaucoup cher collègue Schwab. Nous pouvons à présent passer au vote sur l'accord provisoire, amendement 65, vote par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est adopté et la première lecture du Parlement européen est donc close.
Younous Omarjee
Nous passons à présent au vote sur le rapport de Monsieur Matteo Ricci sur les transports, contrôle de l'application des droits des passagers. Je donne la parole au rapporteur pour deux minutes.
Thank you, President. Quante volte abbiamo sentito questa storia? Volo cancellato, biglietto comprato online e il passeggero rimbalzato tra una compagnia e la piattaforma. Nessuno risponde, nessuno rimborsa. Con questo regolamento e quello adottato su AirPaxs, diciamo basta.
Matteo Ricci
D'ora in poi chi vende il biglietto, compresi gli intermediari, dovrà rimborsarlo per intero entro 14 giorni, comprese le commissioni. E dovrà dire con chiarezza fin dall'inizio quanto costa il servizio e come si ottiene il rimborso. Non più sorprese, niente più scaricabarile. Vale per tutti i modi di trasporto: aereo, treno, nave, autobus. Introduciamo un modulo unico europeo per chiedere rimborsi e compensazioni, disponibile in tutte le lingue dell'Unione, semplice e uguale per tutti.
Facciamo un passo avanti di civiltà per le persone con disabilità. Quando avranno bisogno di un accompagnatore, l'accompagnatore potrà volare gratuitamente al suo fianco, come già accade sui treni, sulle navi e sugli autobus. E diamo più forza alle autorità nazionali, che potranno controllare e indagare anche senza aspettare un reclamo. Cari colleghi, i diritti dei passeggeri devono essere rispettati. Insieme alla riforma dei passeggeri aerei, oggi rendiamo questi diritti reali, concreti ed esigibili.
Ringrazio la presidenza cipriota, la Commissione e i relatori ombra per l'ottimo lavoro comune. Vi chiedo quindi di sostenere questo testo con un voto convinto.
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur Ricci. Nous pouvons passer au vote sur l'accord provisoire, amendement 172, vote par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est adopté.
Younous Omarjee
La première lecture du Parlement est close. Félicitations au rapporteur. Rapport de Madame Jana Toom sur la protection des adultes: compétence, loi applicable, reconnaissance, exécution des mesures et coopération. Je donne la parole à Madame Toom pour deux minutes.
Jana Toom
Thank you, Chair. Colleagues, one of the biggest achievements of the European Union is the freedom of movement, and more and more people are enjoying this freedom and settling in another Member State. What most of us do not think about very often is what would happen if we are suddenly left without the capacity to take our own decisions. This could be from a really bad accident, from disease, or sometimes simply from getting older. And what happens then depends a lot on where you find yourself, because the rules are complex and they differ from country to country, and this is an unnecessary barrier to the freedom of movement.
With the report we are about to vote on, we will set clear rules at EU level to make it easier to know which laws would apply and which court can act. We also make decisions in one EU country recognizable in any other Member State, so that we save vulnerable adults from going through the same process again. I urge you, colleagues, to vote in favor and support a better framework to help vulnerable adults better navigate any cross-border situation. Thank you.
Merci beaucoup, Madame la rapporteure. Vote sur l'accord provisoire, amendement 140, par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est adopté.
La première lecture du Parlement européen est donc close. Nous passons à présent au rapport de Monsieur Denis Nesci sur la politique de cohésion, moteur de la mise en œuvre du programme de l'Union pour les villes, vote unique par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert.
Le vote est clos. Largement adopté, félicitations au rapporteur. Nous passons au vote du rapport de Monsieur Ondřej Knotek sur la lutte contre la fraude à la TVA. Vote sur l'amendement deux par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert.
Le vote est clos. Il est rejeté. Vote sur le paragraphe vingt-cinq, texte original. Qui est pour ? Qui est contre ?
Qui s'abstient ? Il est adopté. Vote sur l'amendement un. Qui est pour ? Qui est contre ?
Qui s'abstient ? Il est rejeté. Vote sur la résolution par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos.
Il est adopté. Nous passons à présent au vote sur le rapport de Monsieur Vicent Marzà Ibáñez sur interconnecter l'Europe par le transport ferroviaire à grande vitesse. C'est un vote unique par appel nominal. Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos.
Younous Omarjee
Il est adopté. Je tiens à rappeler aux députés figurant sur la liste des orateurs du premier débat de l'après-midi qu'ils doivent rester dans l'hémicycle étant donné que le débat va commencer immédiatement après les votes. Et nous votons maintenant sur l'objection sur la certification des activités d'agrostockage de carbone. Je vous rappelle qu'il s'agit d'un vote à la majorité absolue. Nous votons donc sur la résolution dans son ensemble par appel nominal.
Le vote est ouvert. Le vote est clos. Il est donc adopté, rejeté par quatre cent sept voix. Merci beaucoup et nous pouvons à présent passer au débat suivant.
Bien, nous reprenons nos débats et nous appelons à présent le rapport de Monsieur Uzakov et Adji Pontela sur le budget général de l'Union européenne pour l'exercice 2027, toutes sections. Pour ouvrir la discussion, j'ai le plaisir de donner la parole au rapporteur Nils Ušakovs.
Nils Ušakovs
Thank you, Chair, Minister, Commissioner, dear colleagues. Historically, in the good old days, after adopting the EU annual budget, rapporteurs and shadows had the luxury of presenting as the fruits of their efforts tens or hundreds of millions of euro added to various programs. This year, simply having a budget is an achievement in itself. We are drafting the 2027 EU budget in an exceptionally difficult moment for Europe. Public finances are under pressure, a grim geopolitical reality, growing political fragmentation across Member States and, as a result, in this House.
Yet we managed to do something unique these days. We found common ground. In the Committee on Budgets, after inspiring negotiations, we agreed on much-needed reinforcements. Moreover, we put partisan politics aside and adopted a focused budgetary resolution, a first of its kind, in order to shore up Parliament's unity for the negotiations to come. This new approach, if successful, can become our institutional legacy for future generations of rapporteurs.
Colleagues, in spring, in our guidelines, this House stated its priorities: a budget for people, health, youth, science, social programs, farmers, border regions, security.
Of course, the figures are rooted in reality. We all know the financial, political and geopolitical constraints. But our priorities are there, reflected in every budget line we increase. That is why Parliament proposes to restore all Council cuts, 1 billion euro in commitments and over 500 million euro in payments, and to add 1.17 billion euro to the draft budget. Behind every budget line we vote on tomorrow are real people and their real needs.
Can a student from Daugavpils or Valencia afford an exchange semester without relying on their parents' savings? That's why Parliament proposes 96 million euro more for Erasmus+. Will a talented young researcher build a future in a European laboratory or leave for the United States? That's why we propose 63 million euro more for Horizon Europe. Can a patient in a regional hospital in a border municipality count on timely cancer screening or essential medicines without shortages?
That's why we propose restoring Council cuts and adding 50 million euro to EU4Health. And can a young farmer take over a family farm facing rising costs or market disruption? That's why we propose another 85 million euro increase more for the European Agricultural Guarantee Fund and 20 million euro specifically for young farmers. Security and law enforcement is a special priority. 21.8 million euro for internal security, for defense industry and capability development, 40 million euro for the border management and visa instrument.
We reinforce Europol by 12 million euro, Eurojust by 8 million euro, restore the Council's 10 million euro cut for Frontex, and reinforce the European Public Prosecutor's Office with 10 million euro. Colleagues, another special priority in these figures is our eastern border flank: Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria. These member states and specifically their border regions and municipalities face increasing pressure that the rest of Europe cannot ignore. Parliament proposes over 371 million euro in targeted reinforcements of programs which can help people and businesses there. In the Connecting Europe Facility, over 205 million euro for transport and 50 million euro for energy, with a remark backing tourism in eastern border regions.
80 million euro more for the Civil Protection Mechanism, 20 million euro more for military mobility backing Baltic ports, 10 million euro more for the Internal Security Fund against hybrid attacks on border states, 6.8 million euro under the European Defense Industry Program to help small businesses and startups develop anti-drone systems. Colleagues, now the debt. The NextGenerationEU recovery debt should not be repaid by students, researchers or young farmers. Parliament proposes to cover 65% of repayment costs from money committed in past years and never used, instead of half, and to use these savings as reserves for crises we cannot foresee at this moment. I call on the house to support our position on the figures and the resolution with your vote tomorrow.
Michalis Hadjipantela
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur le rapporteur, je donne la parole au co-rapporteur, Monsieur Hadjipantela.
Minister, dear Commissioner, dear President, I will speak in Greek. Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, εργαστήκαμε πάνω στον προϋπολογισμό του 2025 σε μία ιδιαίτερα δύσκολη χρονική συγκυρία για την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση.
Πρόκειται για το τελευταίο έτος του τρέχοντος πολυετούς δημοσιονομικού πλαισίου και οι πιέσεις στον ευρωπαϊκό προϋπολογισμό συνεχώς αυξάνονται. Αυτό ισχύει ιδιαίτερα για τον τομέα 7, ο οποίος καλύπτει τις δαπάνες της ευρωπαϊκής δημόσιας διοίκησης και των θεσμικών οργάνων της Ένωσης. Σε μία περίοδο κατά την οποία η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αντιμετωπίζει αυξανόμενες προκλήσεις στον τομέα της ασφάλειας, επιβάλλεται να διασφαλίσουμε ότι τα θεσμικά μας όργανα διαθέτουν τα απαραίτητα μέσα για να εκπληρώσουν αποτελεσματικά και ανεξάρτητα την αποστολή τους προς όφελος των Ευρωπαίων πολιτών. Ειδικά για το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο, ο στόχος μας πρέπει να είναι σαφής. Θέλουμε ένα Κοινοβούλιο που να λειτουργεί αποτελεσματικά και να αξιοποιεί σωστά τους πόρους του ώστε να ανταποκρίνεται στις δημοκρατικές του ευθύνες.
Αυτή είναι η αρχή που καθοδήγησε την προσέγγισή μας και αυτή την αρχή σας καλώ να στηρίξετε σήμερα. Θέλω να είμαι ξεκάθαρος: η δημοσιονομική πειθαρχία είναι αδιαπραγμάτευτη. Οι Ευρωπαίοι φορολογούμενοι αναμένουν από εμάς να διαχειριζόμαστε υπεύθυνα τα δημόσια χρήματα, να παραμείνουμε αποτελεσματικοί αποφεύγοντας παράλληλα περιττές δαπάνες. Όλα τα θεσμικά όργανα οφείλουν να εντοπίζουν περιθώρια εξοικονόμησης και να βελτιώνουν τον τρόπο λειτουργίας τους. Το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο καλείται να συνεχίσει να βελτιώνει τον τρόπο με τον οποίο διαχειρίζεται και εξοδεύει τον προϋπολογισμό του.
Πρέπει να αξιοποιήσουμε πλήρως τις δυνατότητες που προσφέρουν οι νέες τεχνολογίες και ιδιαίτερα η τεχνητή νοημοσύνη. Με αυτόν τον τρόπο μπορούμε να εκσυγχρονίσουμε τη διοίκησή μας και να πετύχουμε ακόμη μεγαλύτερη αποδοτικότητα τα επόμενα χρόνια. Η τεχνολογία και η τεχνητή νοημοσύνη μπορούν να μας βοηθήσουν να εργαζόμαστε πιο αποτελεσματικά. Πρέπει όμως να τις χρησιμοποιούμε με υπευθυνότητα. Δεν μπορούμε να μιλάμε για ευρωπαϊκή κυριαρχία στον τομέα της τεχνητής νοημοσύνης και την ίδια αρχή να χρησιμοποιούμε αυτά τα εργαλεία χωρίς να τηρούμε τις κατευθυντήριες γραμμές που εμείς οι ίδιοι έχουμε θεσπίσει.
Ταυτόχρονα, η αποδοτικότητα δεν μπορεί να σημαίνει περικοπές χωρίς να λαμβάνονται υπόψη οι ευθύνες που τα θεσμικά μας όργανα υποχρεούνται να εκπληρώσουν. Πρέπει να αποφύγουμε μία κατάσταση όπου οι περικοπές δημιουργούν λειτουργικά προβλήματα ή ακόμα χειρότερα οδηγούν σε υψηλότερο κόστος στο μέλλον. Το ζητούμενο είναι να βρούμε τη σωστή ισορροπία. Αυτό ακριβώς προτείνουμε σήμερα: υπεύθυνη διαχείριση του προϋπολογισμού και την ίδια στιγμή αποτελεσματική λειτουργία των θεσμικών μας οργάνων. Γι' αυτό και η προσέγγισή μας επικεντρώθηκε σε συγκεκριμένες και τεκμηριωμένες λειτουργικές ανάγκες, αντί να επιδιώξουμε την αποκατάσταση όλων ανεξαιρέτως των περικοπών που πρότεινε η Επιτροπή.
Υποστηρίξαμε τη διατήρηση των απαραίτητων πόρων όπου αυτό δικαιολογείται, διατηρώντας παράλληλα μία πειθαρχημένη και αναλογική προσέγγιση στις δαπάνες. Δώσαμε ιδιαίτερη προτεραιότητα στην ασφάλεια και την ανθεκτικότητα. Η διασφάλισή τους αποτελεί προϋπόθεση για την απρόσκοπτη συνέχιση του έργου μας και την ασφάλεια όσων εργάζονται στα θεσμικά μας όργανα. Σε αυτό το σημείο θέλω να αναγνωρίσω ότι τα θεσμικά όργανα έχουν ήδη καταβάλει σημαντικές προσπάθειες για τη βελτίωση της αποδοτικότητάς τους και την εξοικονόμηση πόρων. Οι προσπάθειες αυτές πρέπει να συνεχιστούν και παράλληλα να συνοδεύονται από μία ρεαλιστική αξιολόγηση των καθηκόντων και των υποχρεώσεων που έχει κάθε θεσμικό όργανο.
Το τελευταίο έτος του τρέχοντος πολυετές δημοσιονομικού πλαισίου πρέπει να λειτουργήσει ως ευκαιρία για να διασφαλίσουμε ότι τα θεσμικά μας όργανα θα ολοκληρώσουν αποτελεσματικά το έργο τους και είναι έτοιμα να αντιμετωπίσουν τις προκλήσεις που θα κληθούμε να αντιμετωπίσουμε. Σας ευχαριστώ για την προσοχή σας και προσδοκώ σε μία εποικοδομητική συζήτηση και ανταλλαγή απόψεων. Thank you.
Merci beaucoup monsieur le rapporteur. J'ai le plaisir de donner la parole à présent monsieur le ministre Thomas Byrne pour le Conseil.
Thomas Byrne
Merci, President, honorable members, Commissioner Serafin. It's an honor to take part in today's debate on the European Parliament's position on the draft budget for 2027. I'm aware of course this important matter was already discussed on the 16th of September when our Tánaiste, our Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance, Simon Harris, presented the Council's position to you. Since then, the Commission has presented its amending letter to the draft budget, which we are still examining. I would like to start by saying that the European Parliament and the Council of the European Union share many of the same priorities when it comes to agreeing a budget for 2027, with our positions aligning on much of the budget already.
However, we are living through challenging times and coupled with the current climate of uncertainty, it requires us to ensure that available resources are used efficiently to deliver a well-balanced budget for 2027. With that in mind, we have to deliver tangible improvements to people's lives. We must also prioritize certain policies to avoid pressure on national budgets. And we need the necessary margins and flexibility to allow a swift response to emerging and unforeseen challenges that could happen or occur throughout the year. So our shared objective is to allow the Union to act effectively.
In the Council's view, the European Parliament's position under debate today does not reflect the necessary degree of reprioritization. While I spoke about our shared priorities, significant differences remain between our respective positions: over 2.17 billion euro in commitments and 1.2 billion euro in payments. In a context of limited resources, we question why the European Parliament increases several budget lines without proposing any reprioritization. If almost all the margins are being used and the special instruments are exhausted, how can we guarantee the flexibility in the budget to cope with events that will likely occur during 2027, which we can't foresee today? We consider it appropriate to respect the principles of budgetary prudence and financial discipline.
Therefore, the Council cannot accept all the European Parliament's amendments to its position, should you vote them through tomorrow. Allow me then to make some remarks on specific issues from the European Parliament's position that raise concerns on the side of the Council. First, regarding debt servicing of Next Generation EU. Interest costs are higher than previous estimates and we need to respect the established practice which has provided us with an agreed balance between calling fresh money and reprioritization. On the EURI instrument, the Council remains fully committed to respecting the agreement reached for the 2025 and the 2026 annual budgets.
We regret that the European Parliament departs from this approach. Reopening this discussion will only make our negotiations longer, more complex, and draw our attention from the real priorities. Secondly, with regard to the Ukraine support loan instrument, we consider the European Parliament's request to use it to cover the loan's debt service costs unjustified. This is especially the case now that the amending letter confirms that the estimated debt costs have decreased.
We regret that this position diverges from the MFF regulation amendment which we agreed earlier this year with this Parliament's consent. On both of the above issues the Council position follows the Commission's proposal from June. Thirdly, as regard administrative expenditure, we regret that the European Parliament's position does not respect the Commission's horizontal approach which aims at maintaining stable staffing levels and limiting the increase in non-salary expenditure to a maximum of 2%. Finally on payments we should carefully assess and calibrate the level of payment appropriations for the final year of the current MFF period. An unrealistic payment level would result in higher national contributions which in the current environment is challenging for Member States.
To sum up, we do share many of the same priorities but we have some work to do together in the coming weeks to achieve a budget for 2027 that strikes the right balance between priorities and the available resources. But I can reaffirm the Council's willingness to reach a balanced agreement on the budget for 2027 and I know that my colleague the Deputy Prime Minister of Ireland Tánaiste Simon Harris looks forward to working with you all in the weeks ahead. More than ever we need strong support from the Commission which we trust will act as an honest broker in the conciliation. Thank you very much for your attention.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup Monsieur le Ministre. Je souhaite la bienvenue au Commissaire Serafin à qui je donne la parole.
Piotr Serafin
Merci Monsieur le Président. Honorable members of the European Parliament, dear rapporteurs, dear Minister. I would like to start by thanking the European Parliament and the rapporteurs for presenting a unified Parliament's position. First, and you will not be surprised to hear that we appreciate the Parliament reinstates the expenditure at the level proposed in the draft budget. As I have previously informed you, the Commission does not consider the cuts proposed by the Council as justified.
At the same time we note that the European Parliament has proposed reinforcements for a number of programs. These reinforcements leave no margins available and require significant mobilization of special instruments. And that would take place at a time when we need to retain our capacity to respond to possible new emergencies. Therefore we call for caution here. Regarding the funding of EURI cascade in 2027, the proposal of the Commission was based on the assumption of full respect for the deal that was reached between the European Parliament and the Council in the context of the 2025 budget negotiations.
And we recommend not to change it. Let me also recall that the discussion on the liquidity management costs, that we had this discussion already last year. They are and they have been treated as part of the EURI cost since the EURI line was established back in 2024 and we also believe there is no reason to change that approach. The amending letter which the Commission presented during budgetary trilogue last Wednesday includes the budgetary impact of new developments since the draft budget in June. The Ukraine support loan, the cost of the Ukraine support loan are now substantially lower than forecasted during the preparation of the draft budget.
And we have found sufficient availabilities in the budget to finance the cost without putting in danger the implementation of the programs for the beneficiaries in the EU. Therefore we see no need for using the Ukraine support instrument which is a last resort option. I would like to ask both institutions to consider the amending letter as a starting point in the discussions ahead.
It is not surprising that at this stage of the negotiations, positions of the Council and the European Parliament diverge. Nonetheless, I'm confident that the negotiations will continue in a constructive spirit and the two institutions will manage to reconcile their positions. Let me assure you that my team and I will continue to support your work throughout the conciliation procedure to reach a good compromise. Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur le Commissaire. Nous allons entendre Matjaž Nemec pour la commission des affaires étrangères.
Matjaž Nemec
Cenjeni visoki zbor. Jutri sprejemamo stališče Parlamenta pred pogajanji o zadnjem proračunu iztekajočega se MFF okvirja. Prostora za prioritete v proračunu ni, rezerva je izčrpana. Hodimo po robu tudi zaradi visokih cen življenjskih stroškov, ki jih še poganjajo krize po svetu. Zato je toliko bolj pomembno, čemu bomo kot Unija prednostno namenili finančna sredstva.
Naše prioritete so jasne: okrepiti programe, kot je Global Europe, kot enega največjih dosežkov evropske zunanje politike, pa tudi mehanizem za odzivanje na naravne nesreče. Ravno v času kriz moramo več denarja usmeriti v diplomacijo, zato želimo okrepiti tudi evropsko diplomatsko službo. Na drugi strani pa prvič, na mojo pobudo, zahtevamo zamrznitev sredstev v primerih hudih kršitev mednarodnega prava, kot tudi zadržanje denarja za države kandidatke zaradi nazadovanja na njihovi poti v Evropsko unijo. Evropa, ki želi biti vplivnejši geopolitični akter, mora imeti tudi za to sredstva, ne le ambicije. Hvala lepa.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Mārtiņš Staķis pour la commission sécurité et défense.
Mārtiņš Staķis
Godātais prezidenta kungs, kā Drošības un aizsardzības komitejas ziņotājs par 2025. gada budžetu, esmu gandarīts, ka vairāki mūsu priekšlikumi tajā ir atbalstīti, īpaši par tiem 6,8 miljoniem, kas ir paredzēti maziem un vidējiem aizsardzības uzņēmumiem. Tie ir uzņēmumi, kas visātrāk mums rada jaunas tehnoloģijas, bet tie ir tie, kuriem visgrūtāk ir piekļūt finansējumam. Vēl 20 miljoni eiro ir paredzēti militārai mobilitātei, lai karavīri krīzes brīdī varētu droši pārvietoties pa visu Eiropu. Krievijas droni jau ielido Eiropas Savienības gaisa telpā. Tie ir lēti, tos ražo masveidā, un tie maksā daudz mazāk nekā raķetes, ar kurām mēs tos notriecam.
Un šajā sacensībā mēs neuzvarēsim ar dārgākiem, bet gan ar gudrākiem risinājumiem. Un šie risinājumi jau top daudzviet Eiropā, tai skaitā arī Latvijā. Origin Robotics radītais Blaze autonomais pārtvērējdronas pats atrod un iznīcina ienaidnieka dronus. Un arī Rīgā izstrādātie Edge Autonomy jeb Redwire izlūkošanas droni jau palīdz Ukrainai aizstāvēties. Latvija ir viens no līderiem, kas palīdz Eiropas dronu ražotājiem augt, inovēt un attīstīties, tai skaitā piegādājot dronus Ukrainai.
Un atbalsts maziem un vidējiem aizsardzības uzņēmumiem ir arī atbalsts mūsu drošībai. Šis budžets ir solis pareizā virzienā, taču nākamajā daudzgadu budžetā militārai mobilitātei, inovācijām un bruņojumam vajadzīgs daudzkārt vairāk. Paldies.
Merci beaucoup, cher collègue, Charles Goerens pour la commission du développement.
Charles Goerens
Monsieur le Président, calculateur transactionnel jusqu'au bout des doigts, les nouveaux maîtres du monde, à commencer par Trump, ont fini par mettre à mal la solidarité internationale.
L'Union européenne ne sort pas indemne de cette tentative de massacre de la solidarité internationale à grande échelle. Les États membres de l'UE, à quelques rares exceptions près, suivent ce mouvement de réduction continue de leur aide publique au développement. Reste donc la part du budget de l'Union européenne à consacrer à la lutte contre la pauvreté dans le monde, à condition de la réserver essentiellement à cette fin. Ma lecture de l'exécution budgétaire européenne m'amène à conclure que bon nombre des recommandations de la commission DEVE pourraient être satisfaites si l'on ne consacrait pas plus de 10 % du budget de développement à la gestion des migrations, comme indiqué d'ailleurs dans le NDICI-Global Europe. Ainsi, nous aurions davantage de moyens à allouer à l'aide humanitaire, qui manque cruellement de moyens, ainsi qu'aux programmes de développement dans les domaines de la santé, l'éducation et de la promotion de l'activité économique dans les pays partenaires.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, cher collègue. Daniel Freund, pour la commission du contrôle budgétaire.
Daniel Freund
Thanks, Chair, Minister, Commissioner, dear colleagues. As budget controllers, we want to see a more ambitious fight against fraud and corruption. We need to fund those institutions that are meant to go after the corrupt people like Viktor Orbán, or the embezzlement of agricultural funds in Slovakia, or even in our own house, the corrupt band of Le Pen that are stealing from taxpayer money. We need to adequately fight that we have something going after them. Currently, the two institutions, the European Public Prosecutor and the Anti-Fraud Office, get less than 0.1% of the budget.
And I think with that, we risk not catching the fraudsters. Look, for example, at Hungary. Finally, they're joining the European Public Prosecutor. This is a huge achievement. But we also need to make sure that now, looking at the last five years of fraud in that country, billions of euros being stolen from us, I'm not quite sure that six full-time European delegated prosecutors can manage that alone.
And I do not want those corrupt people around Orbán to get away with the billions of money that they stole from taxpayers. So, Commissioner and also Minister, we need to make sure that our anti-fraud institutions are adequately funded. Thank you very much.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, cher collègue. Georgios Aftias, pour la commission des affaires économiques et monétaires.
Georgios Aftias
Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριοι συνάδελφοι, αγαπητέ κύριε Επίτροπε. Ζούμε την απόλυτη παγκόσμια οικονομική καταιγίδα και είμαστε στο κέντρο, γιατί η Ευρώπη δέχεται τη μεγαλύτερη πίεση και το ξέρετε πάρα πολύ καλά. Άρα, τι πρέπει να κάνουμε; Ως εισηγητής του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου για τον προϋπολογισμό του 2027, προτείνω τα εξής, κύριε Επίτροπε. Γρήγορα, γρήγορα, μεγαλύτερη δημοσιονομική ευελιξία στα κράτη, ώστε να βοηθήσουν τις κοινωνίες.
Η Ελλάδα, όπως μου ανέφερε χθες ο κύριος Ντομπρόβσκις, το πέτυχε στην Κομισιόν και το περνάει και από το Συμβούλιο. Και το πέρασε η Ιταλία και πάει και η Πορτογαλία. Να βοηθήσουμε τις χώρες και τους λαούς. Είναι αδιανόητο αυτό που συμβαίνει. Πρέπει να ξεπαγιάσουν οι Ευρωπαίοι για να πάρει απόφαση η Επιτροπή ή η Κομισιόν για μεγαλύτερη δημοσιονομική ευελιξία;
Το άλλο που πρέπει να επιτευχθεί ταχύτατα είναι η ηλεκτρική διασύνδεση, ενιαία αγορά ενέργειας, άμυνα, ασφάλεια, ανταγωνιστικότητα. Να τα τρέξουμε, κύριε Επίτροπε, επιβάλλεται. Σας ευχαριστώ θερμά.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, cher collègue. Romana Tomc, pour la commission de l'emploi et des affaires sociales.
Romana Tomc
Spoštovani, kot poročevalka v odboru EMPL imam tri priporočila. Prvič, do leta 2030 moramo v okviru evropskega stebra socialnih pravic doseči tri cilje: več zaposlovanja, več usposabljanja in učinkovitejši boj proti revščini.
To ne sme ostati zgolj politična zaveza, temveč mora prinesti konkretne izboljšave v življenju ljudi in družin. Drugič, ob demografskih spremembah in staranju prebivalstva moramo več vlagati v dostopno otroško varstvo, dolgotrajno oskrbo, usklajevanje poklicnega in družinskega življenja ter podporo družinam. Tretjič, v proračunu EU za leto 2027 moramo zagotoviti ustrezna sredstva za socialne prioritete, zlasti za kakovostna delovna mesta, dostojne pokojnine, dostojne delovne pogoje in podporo najbolj ranljivim. Vlaganje v ljudi in družine je naložba v našo skupno prihodnost. Socialna in konkurenčna Evropa se ne izključujeta, temveč se morata dopolnjevati.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Pierfrancesco Majorino pour la commission de l'environnement.
Pierfrancesco Majorino
Il bilancio del 2027 ci deve dimostrare che l'Europa ha a cuore la protezione dei cittadini. Spesso vediamo in contrasto le tematiche ambientali e quelle della competitività. Io credo che però le vediamo in contrasto quando guardiamo le cose con occhi ideologici, perché non ci può essere competitività in una situazione in cui alluvioni, incendi, siccità mettono in difficoltà non solo i cittadini, le famiglie, ma le imprese, i territori, le città. Per questo dobbiamo continuare a occuparci di resilienza climatica, dobbiamo farlo coinvolgendo al meglio le autorità locali. Dobbiamo farlo destinando, come abbiamo chiesto nella nostra opinione, il 30% delle risorse per il clima.
Investire nella sicurezza idrica è un elemento di competitività, perché le calamità colpiscono tutti. E l'Europa deve essere pronta a intervenire. Per questo è fondamentale rafforzare la protezione civile europea e il progetto RescEU per non lasciare sole le comunità nei momenti più difficili. Grazie.
Speaker 192
Merci beaucoup. Pour la commission de la santé, nous retrouvons Monsieur Agius Saliba.
Michalis Hadjipantela
Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, ως εισηγητής της γνωμοδότησης της Επιτροπής Δημόσιας Υγείας για τον προϋπολογισμό του 2027, θέλω να στείλω ένα σαφές μήνυμα. Η δημόσια υγεία πρέπει να αποτελεί στρατηγική προτεραιότητα για την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Η έκθεσή μας δίνει ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στις σπάνιες ασθένειες, προτείνοντας τη δημιουργία ενός ευρωπαϊκού οργανισμού που θα συντονίζει την έρευνα, την έγκαιρη διάγνωση και τη θεραπεία, διασφαλίζοντας ισότιμη πρόσβαση των ασθενών στη φροντίδα. Παράλληλα, υπογραμμίζουμε ότι τα άτομα στο φάσμα του αυτισμού χρειάζονται συνεχή υποστήριξη από την παιδική ηλικία ως την ενηλικίωση με κατάλληλες δομές φροντίδας σε κάθε στάδιο της ζωής τους. Εξίσου σημαντική είναι η επαρκής χρηματοδότηση του ευρωπαϊκού μηχανισμού πολιτικής προστασίας, ώστε να ενισχυθούν οι ιατρικές εκκενώσεις και η περίθαλψη θυμάτων πολέμου.
Θέλω να ευχαριστήσω τους συναδέλφους για τη συνεργασία και την πολύτιμη συνεισφορά τους στην ενίσχυση της δημόσιας υγείας στην Ευρώπη. Σας ευχαριστώ.
Eero Heinäluoma
Europe's competitiveness, resilience, and strategic autonomy depend on sustained investment in research, innovation, and clean technologies. We must reinforce Horizon Europe, not cut from it. Europe needs breakthroughs in clean energy, advanced manufacturing, digital technologies, space, and defense. We also need reliable access to critical raw materials. Europe cannot build a competitive, green, and digital economy while remaining dependent on unreliable external suppliers.
Investment is needed across the whole value chain. Finally, energy security is inseparable from industrial policy. Europe needs affordable, clean, and reliable energy, stronger grids, storage, interconnections, and renewable energy deployment.
These are not costs, they are investments in our security, jobs, and future competitiveness.
Piotr Müller
Koncząca się wieloletnia perspektywa unijna to czas również na refleksję nad przyszłą perspektywą unijną. I cieszę się, że tutaj z nami pan komisarz Serafin, który odpowiada za przygotowanie przyszłej perspektywy finansowej. I chciałem pana komisarza zapytać, jak to się dzieje, że przyszły budżet ma zabrać dotychczasowe dochody państwowe z ETS-u, z akcyzy, z innych środków? Czyli krótko mówiąc, my do centrali unijnej mamy więcej oddać pieniędzy, abyście wy je na nowo podzielili. Ale co więcej, nie dość, że je dzielicie, czyli sami podejmujecie te decyzje, to jeszcze dzielicie je w sposób, który szkodliwy jest dla Polski.
Mniejsza polityka regionalna, mniejsza polityka rolna. Panie komisarzu, czy pan zapomniał, że jednak jest przedstawicielem z Polski? Czy pan zapomniał o tym, że tutaj również pan realizuje interesy dla naszego kraju? Czy może pan jednak został kosmopolitą europejskim i Donald Tusk panu dał właśnie takie zadanie, żeby więcej jeszcze kompetencji przekazać do Brukseli, więcej decyzji o pieniądzach z Polski do Brukseli? Panie komisarzu, mam nadzieję, że przyjdzie refleksja i że to tylko Ursula von der Leyen pana do tego zmusiła, a nie jest to pana osobista decyzja.
Orateur suivant pour la commission TRAN, Rosa Serrano Sierra.
Rosa Serrano Sierra
Gracias, comisario, presidente. Desde la Comisión de Transporte exigimos redes seguras, sostenibles y conectadas, blindando la movilidad militar y el turismo y dotando a nuestras agencias de recursos reales. Nuestra gran batalla es lograr un CEF más ambicioso. El año 2027 es un año crucial entre dos presupuestos europeos. Y aprovecho este debate para pedirle a la presidencia y al Consejo que rectifiquen los recortes propuestos para el próximo CEF.
No podemos hacer más con menos. Un hachazo del 11 % en transporte dificultará completar la red TEN-T, lastrará el PIB y afectará a nuestra seguridad y defensa. No olviden que el transporte sostiene a un millón y medio de empresas y a 10 millones de trabajadores. En definitiva, necesitamos un presupuesto sólido para modernizar nuestras infraestructuras y reforzar el mercado único europeo. Muchas gracias.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Je ne vois pas le représentant de la commission REGI. Je vais donner la parole à la commission AGRI, Wouter Beke.
Merci beaucoup, monsieur le président. Dank u wel, collega's, meneer de commissaris. Europa moet respect hebben voor mensen die elke dag zorgen dat er voedsel op onze tafels komt. Respect, respect voor de boerenstiel. En dat respect, dat moet ook blijken uit onze begroting.
Vouter Bekke
Want wie ons voedt, moet daar een eerlijk inkomen aan kunnen overhouden. Wie verwacht dat de boeren tegelijk voedsel leveren van de beste kwaliteit en tezelfdertijd investeren om hun uitstoot te verminderen, die moet daar ook de juiste middelen tegenover plaatsen. Als rapporteur van de landbouwopinie vraag ik daarom een sterk budget voor 2027 en daarna. Met voldoende inkomenssteun, investeringssteun en kansen voor jonge boeren, met middelen voor een leefbaar platteland, met steun voor onderzoek naar alternatieve gewasbescherming en innovatieve technologie en met een soepel en rechtszeker vergunningenbeleid.
Wie van boeren een engagement op lange termijn vraagt, moet hen ook zekerheid geven op die lange termijn. Dank u wel.
Giuseppe Lupo
Grazie presidente, signor commissario, ministro, colleghi, garantire risorse adeguate a un settore strategico per l'Europa, quello della pesca e dell'acquacoltura, è la priorità che abbiamo indicato nel parere della commissione pesca. Chiediamo di respingere i tagli proposti dal Consiglio, di ripristinare gli stanziamenti proposti dalla Commissione europea. Occorre sostenere l'ammodernamento delle flotte, migliorare la sicurezza a bordo e favorire il ricambio generazionale. Ma stanziare risorse non basta, dobbiamo garantire che arrivino concretamente ai pescatori e alle imprese. La semplificazione del FEAMPA è quindi importante.
Ribadiamo la necessità di mantenere per la pesca e l'acquacoltura risorse adeguate chiaramente identificabili nel bilancio 2027 e anche nel prossimo quadro finanziario pluriennale. Grazie.
Merci beaucoup. Pour la commission CULT, Helder Sousa Silva.
Hélder Sousa Silva
Senhor Presidente, Senhor Ministro, Senhor Comissário, caros colegas, a Europa não terá inovação sem talento para a sustentar, nem terá voz no mundo sem a cultura para a projetar. Os cortes propostos pelo Conselho para o orçamento 2027 face à proposta da Comissão são, no nosso entender, inaceitáveis. 150 milhões de euros ao Erasmus+, num programa que forma verdadeiros cidadãos europeus, e 31 milhões ao Europa Criativa, no único programa europeu dedicado à cultura. Por isso, a responsabilidade exige olhar além da poupança imediata e atentar ao que está a ser sacrificado, neste caso os valores que dão sentido ao projeto europeu. É por isso urgente que o Parlamento lute contra estes cortes e aumente as verbas dos programas Erasmus+ e Europa Criativa em 2027.
Mais do que uma decisão orçamental, estes reforços representam a ambição que devemos ter para o futuro da nossa União. Muito obrigado.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup cher collègue. Ilhan Kyuchyuk pour la commission des affaires juridiques.
Ilhan Kyuchyuk
Merci beaucoup Monsieur le Président. Dear Commissioner, dear Minister, dear colleagues, the 2027 EU budget must ensure that the Union's driving fundamental principles and legal commitments are matched by adequate funding. We must uphold the resources needed to access the justice, judicial cooperation and enforcement of EU legislation. With that in mind, the JURI committee tabled amendments concerning the budget of the Court of Justice of the European Union in order to reinstate the appropriations cut by the Commission, bringing the Court's budget for 2027 back to an amount of 555.5 million reflecting the Court's budget estimates, which represents a 0.14% increase of the 2026 budget.
The proposed reduction could hinder the proper functioning of some of the court's activities by restricting its ability to cope with ever-increasing workload and replace absent staff swiftly, as well as prevent court's intention to create employment opportunities for disabled people within the institution.
Děkuji. Děkuji za slovo. Vážené kolegyně, vážení kolegové, evropská města nám doslova hoří před očima. Jak chceme plnit naše cíle, pokud nejsme ani schopni zajistit bezpečnost našich občanů? Probíhající násilné protesty nám jasně ukazují, že vnitřní bezpečnost není pouhou frází, ale základním pilířem pro řádné fungování naší společnosti a celého evropského projektu.
Jaroslav Bžoch
Kolegové zmínili řadu priorit, na které by se Unie měla v následujícím roce zaměřit. Jenomže hlavním předpokladem pro jejich naplňování je právě stabilní a bezpečná Evropa. Proto jsem jako zpravodaj za výbor LIBE usiloval o posílení financování a personálních kapacit agentur v oblasti justice a vnitra, především Europolu, Eurojustu, Frontexu, IT agentury eu-LISA nebo také vzdělávací agentury CEPOL. Ochrana vnějších hranic, zajištění vnitřní bezpečnosti, posílení justiční spolupráce v trestních věcech, provázanost IT systémů, vzdělávání a výcvik bezpečnostních složek. To vše jsou, to vše je potřeba k zajištění odolnější Evropy.
Jen tak bude Unie připravena včasně reagovat na nastalé hrozby a čelit stále komplexnějším výzvám v oblasti bezpečnosti. Děkuji.
Merci beaucoup. Pour la commission FEMM, Raquel García Hermida.
Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle
Merci, Monsieur le Président, dear Commissioner. The European Union has come a long way in recognizing that access to safe and legal abortion should be guaranteed to every woman in the EU. And this Parliament has repeatedly stated that abortion is a right which should be enshrined in the Charter. The historic answer of the European Commission to the citizens' initiative My Voice, My Choice, recognizing abortion as medical care, sent waves through our continent. But those waves don't seem to have reached our national governments, because up until today, not a single one, not a single one has made the decision to make use of the available European funds to help provide abortions to women who are denied access to care in their own countries, knowing that the organizations helping them are at their limit.
The budget for 2027 provides a new opportunity for this Parliament and for the Member States. Let's turn our commitment into real access to care for every single woman in the EU. Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, chers collègues. Pour la commission des pétitions, Bogdan Rzońca.
Bogdan Rzońca
W imieniu Komisji Petycji chcę powiedzieć kilka zdań, otóż co się dzieje na Komisji Petycji. Panie Komisarzu, bardzo dużo problemów petycji związanych jest z ochroną rynku gospodarczego Unii Europejskiej. Mamy fatalny bilans handlowy z Chinami. To widać na komisjach petycji. Przedsiębiorcy piszą petycje i martwią się o to, że nie wytrzymują konkurencji z Chińczykami, czyli nieuczciwa konkurencja.
To jest to działanie, które musi, któremu musimy zapobiec. W kwietniu tego roku cały Parlament głosował nad rezolucją mówiącą o tej nieuczciwej konkurencji, o zalewie rynku europejskiego przez produkty chińskie. Na to trzeba zwrócić uwagę. Każdy czas jest dobry, żeby chronić firmy europejskie, chronić produkty europejskie, no bo mamy sytuację taką, że te produkty europejskie są wysokiej jakości, a chińszczyzna zalewa Europę, także Polskę.
Na to trzeba zwrócić uwagę. I wszystkie te rzeczy, które związane są z realistycznymi wydatkami Unii Europejskiej na rolnictwo, na bezpieczeństwo, my jako EKR będziemy popierać. To dla nas najważniejsze, żebyśmy uczciwie konkurowali w Unii Europejskiej z produktami chińskimi. Dziękuję bardzo.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Nous en venons à présent aux expressions pour les groupes politiques. Isabel Benjumea pour le groupe PPE.
Isabel Benjumea Benjumea
Gracias, presidente, señor comisario, señor ministro. El presupuesto es el origen y la razón de la existencia de un Parlamento. Es el acto legislativo democrático por excelencia. Supone la plasmación concreta de las prioridades políticas, de las respuestas a los retos y de las soluciones a los problemas. La propuesta de presupuesto que hoy presentamos demuestra que este Parlamento cumple de nuevo con este mandato democrático, presentando además un presupuesto que, a pesar de las múltiples limitaciones, da respuesta a las principales necesidades y desafíos de la Unión Europea.
La principal limitación de este presupuesto anual es el repago de los intereses de la deuda adquirida de los fondos Next Generation. No podemos aceptar que el repago de esta deuda implique recortes a los programas europeos con una larga historia de éxito, ni mucho menos que la única solución pase por castigar el bolsillo de los ciudadanos. El Grupo Popular Europeo está satisfecho con este acuerdo que hoy presentamos porque en él están incluidas las prioridades defendidas a lo largo de los últimos meses. Y por ello quiero dar las gracias al ponente, al señor Victor Negrescu, y a todo el equipo negociador. Para nosotros es una absoluta prioridad el refuerzo de la capacidad competitiva de nuestras empresas, pymes y emprendedores para atraer inversiones, para crecer y para crear empleo.
Todo ello se ve reflejado en el aumento de 376 millones para el capítulo de competitividad, con una mención importante a Horizonte 20. La defensa y la seguridad de nuestras fronteras, así como la lucha contra la inmigración ilegal, han de ser una prioridad irrenunciable para la Unión. Por ello aplaudimos el refuerzo presupuestario de Frontex y del instrumento de gestión de fronteras para que puedan hacer frente a inaceptables sucesos como los ocurridos en Ceuta este verano. También quiero destacar que se incluye en esta propuesta de presupuesto que las ayudas y fondos que damos a terceros países deben estar condicionados a que se cumplan los acuerdos en materia migratoria y de gestión de fronteras. Unos fondos que además han de ser fiscalizados minuciosamente para evitar financiar organizaciones que atenten contra los principios de la Unión Europea.
Y por supuesto el sector primario, que es auténtica prioridad. Frente a los recortes propuestos por el Consejo, este presupuesto reconoce que los agricultores son una auténtica prioridad para la Unión. En definitiva, es una buena propuesta y espero que así podamos conseguir un buen acuerdo con el Consejo. Muchas gracias.
Gracias, presidente. En este presupuesto también decidimos qué papel queremos que tenga Europa en el mundo. Y si queremos que nuestra voz tenga peso, necesitamos medios para poder defender nuestras posiciones. Por eso los socialistas hemos defendido recuperar 14 millones de euros del Servicio Europeo de Acción Exterior. Detrás están nuestras delegaciones, la seguridad de su personal y nuestra capacidad diplomática.
Sandra Gómez López
Y queremos destacarlo porque cuando los recortes coinciden con los planes para vaciar sus competencias y concentrarlas bajo el control de Ursula von der Leyen, debe de preocuparnos qué Europa estamos proyectando al mundo. Concentrar poder dentro de la Comisión no hace a Europa más fuerte fuera de ella, y nuestra diplomacia no puede pagar el precio de esa disputa. También hemos ayudado a incorporar 40 millones adicionales en ayuda humanitaria, 60 para la vecindad del sur y 30 para la vecindad oriental. Y hemos evitado una reserva que condicionaría la ayuda a la Autoridad Palestina, porque apoyar a la población palestina y sostener UNRWA debe de seguir siendo una prioridad y nuestra credibilidad depende de cómo defendemos el derecho internacional con coherencia. Pero estos avances se han negociado con unos márgenes presupuestarios muy limitados.
Este es el último presupuesto del actual marco financiero y demuestra que hemos llegado al límite. No podemos pedirle cada vez más a Europa y seguir aplazando cómo financiarla. Por eso necesitamos un acuerdo sobre nuevos recursos propios para el próximo marco financiero. Sin nuevos ingresos, volveremos a enfrentar prioridades que necesitamos sostener a la vez: acción exterior, cohesión, agricultura e investigación. Europa necesita capacidad para actuar, y esa capacidad también se decide cuando acordamos quién contribuye a financiarla.
Muchas gracias.
Julien Sanchez
Ce projet de budget 2025 est comme chaque année depuis le début de ce mandat une honte, avec un endettement record du fait de votre mauvaise gestion. C'est d'abord un budget socialiste. En effet, plutôt que de choisir une majorité alternative, le Parti populaire européen a choisi de mettre ici en place une majorité composée du Parti socialiste et de Renew. La droite est donc ici l'otage de la gauche et cela se voit dans les postes budgétaires. Cela changera dans les années à venir bien sûr, vu les résultats actuels des patriotes dans tous les pays de l'Union européenne dont je me réjouis.
Mais pour l'instant votre budget est donc un budget socialiste. Un budget patriote serait différent. Nous chasserions d'abord les dépenses hors compétences. Nous souhaitons que l'Union se concentre sur les compétences prévues par les textes. Exit donc par exemple les très coûteuses dépenses diplomatiques ou d'action extérieure, mais aussi les interventions sur le logement ou la santé qui ne sont pas des compétences européennes mais doivent rester des compétences des États membres.
Nous chasserions ensuite les dépenses dites de gaspillage. Elles sont nombreuses dans toutes les institutions européennes, que ce soit le CESE, le Comité des régions, la Commission et bien sûr le Parlement où vous allez lancer des travaux sur une aile du bâtiment de Bruxelles pour un demi-milliard, une folie. Nous chasserions aussi les dépenses idéologiques. Votre idéologie écologauchiste du Pacte vert tue l'économie, l'agriculture, les entreprises, nous en demandons la suspension. Votre idéologie woke, votre idéologie immigrationniste tue pour les unes nos identités et pour les autres menace la paix civile, on le voit en ce moment en France.
Avec toutes les économies que nous ferions, nous privilégierions les dépenses permettant le développement économique, la croissance, les dépenses permettant la souveraineté notamment alimentaire avec la défense de notre agriculture. C'est la raison pour laquelle le groupe Patriotes pour l'Europe a présenté 43 % des amendements qui seront mis au vote demain sur les lignes budgétaires et 32 % des amendements sur la résolution. Je remercie mes collègues pour leur excellent travail de résistance à mes côtés.
Beata Szydło
Merci, Beata Szydło.
Dziękuję panie przewodniczący, panie komisarzu, panie ministrze, szanowni państwo. No to już jest ostatni budżet tej perspektywy i wydaje mi się, że to co najważniejsze to powinniśmy wyciągnąć wnioski z tych zmarnowanych szans, które przez te ostatnie lata nie zostały wykorzystane, żeby wzmocnić konkurencyjność gospodarki europejskiej, rozwiązywać i wspierać przedsiębiorstwa europejskie, pomóc obywatelom europejskim i to co najistotniejsze teraz, czyli zająć się naszą obronnością. A więc mam nadzieję, że w perspektywie tych kolejnych debat i negocjacji nad przyszłym budżetem zostaną wyciągnięte wnioski z popełnionych błędów.
Tutaj jest dużo rzeczy, których nieistotnych, nieważnych dla Unii Europejskiej czy dla Europejczyków. Odnotowuję, że są przyjęte również wnioski mojej grupy politycznej, grupy EKR, dotyczące zwiększenia dla wsparcia dla rolników i apeluję, żebyśmy utrzymali na przyszłą perspektywę wsparcie dla rozwoju regionalnego. Dziękuję bardzo.
Moritz Körner
Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, der Jahreshaushalt 2025 ist der letzte Jahreshaushalt in der mehrjährigen Finanzplanung. Deswegen ist es umso wichtiger, dass wir uns auf die Prioritäten der Europäischen Union konzentrieren. Europa muss endlich aufhören, die Vergangenheit zu subventionieren und stattdessen in die Zukunft investieren. Wir brauchen mehr Investitionen gerade bei gemeinsamen öffentlichen europäischen Gütern. Mehr Erasmus, mehr Forschung, Horizon, wirkliche Zukunftstechnologien.
Das, was Elon Musk mit einem neuen fliegenden Auto vormacht, muss vielleicht nicht Elon Musk machen, sondern muss Europa tun. Dafür brauchen wir die Mittel in Zukunft und Forschung. Wir müssen mehr investieren in gemeinsame europäische Infrastruktur und wir müssen mehr tun für unsere Verteidigung. Darauf müssen wir uns konzentrieren und dabei müssen wir auch den Mut haben zu sagen, wo wir dann an anderer Stelle auch weniger Geld ausgeben müssen. Auch das gehört dazu.
Wir haben als Parlament diese modernen Prioritäten gestärkt und müssen jetzt geschlossen mit dem Rat über diese Prioritäten für den nächsten Jahreshaushalt verhandeln.
Vielen Dank. Wir Grüne bedanken uns erstmal bei dem Berichterstattern für den für die gute Arbeit an den Kompromissen. Wir glauben, dass das Parlament die richtigen Schwerpunkte setzt. Wir setzen Schwerpunkte bei jungen Menschen, bei Gesundheit, bei Naturschutz, aber zum Beispiel auch bei der humanitären Hilfe. Die Welt brennt und gerade bei den Mitgliedstaaten gibt es eine immer geringere Bereitschaft auch wirklich etwas für humanitäre Hilfe zu tun.
Rasmus Andresen
Die Krisen, die an anderen Orten stattfinden, sind auch unsere Krisen und sie können auch noch zu einem viel stärkeren Problem werden, wenn wir es nicht schaffen, in Partnerschaften diese zu beenden. Allein im Gazastreifen leben knapp zwei Millionen Menschen vertrieben von der Heimat mit sehr schlechter Grundversorgung und das ist auch unsere Verantwortung. Deshalb müssen wir dafür sorgen, dass wir deutlich mehr in diesem Bereich machen. Und ich sage das auch vor dem Hintergrund, dass wir gerade erleben, dass die Probleme, die wir haben mit dem Haushalt, nämlich dass wir viel zu wenig Spielräume haben, viel zu wenig Flexibilität, dass sich diese Probleme gerade vererben in den neuen Finanzrahmen. Zum einen haben die Mitgliedstaaten gerade Vorschläge auf dem Tisch, die ernsthaft bedeuten würden, dass wir gerade im Bereich der globalen Politik, der Nachbarschaftspolitik, aber halt eben auch bei der humanitären Hilfe weiter kürzen würden.
Das wäre ziemlich fatal dies zu tun und deshalb ist es gut, dass wir hier, auch wenn es ein sehr, sehr kleiner Schritt ist, dafür sorgen, dass beim Haushaltsentwurf hier auch von Parlamentsseiten ein starker Schwerpunkt gemacht wird. Das andere Thema ist, dass der Haushalt auf Kante genäht ist. Das haben schon einige Kolleginnen gesagt, es ist der letzte Haushalt im alten Finanzrahmen, aber wir sollten auch dafür sorgen, dass wir für den neuen Finanzrahmen mehr Spielräume haben. Und alles das, was es an Kürzungen zukünftig geben wird, beispielsweise durch die Arbeit, die der Rat gerade macht, wird am Ende wieder fehlen und wird dazu führen, dass wir auch in zwei, in drei oder in vier Jahren mit dem neuen Finanzrahmen hier wieder stehen und sagen, wir haben viel zu wenig Spielräume, wir können viel zu wenig machen und wir verwalten eigentlich nur die Mängel.
Lassen Sie uns diesen Fehler nicht machen. Lassen Sie jetzt einen ordentlichen Jahreshaushalt auf den Weg bringen mit dem klaren Appell auch an den Rat, sich hier auf das Parlament zu bewegen. Und lassen Sie uns dann beim Finanzrahmen dafür sorgen, dass wir die alten Konstruktionsfehler nicht wiederholen mit einem starken Eigenmittelpaket und mit mehr Kompromissbereitschaft auf Seite der großen Mitgliedstaaten. Daraus wird dann ein Schuh. Vielen Dank.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, Presidente. A União Europeia é cada vez mais um projeto político federal de costas voltadas para os povos e orientado para a guerra, o negócio do armamento e o favorecimento das multinacionais. O orçamento para 2027 é o último orçamento do atual quadro financeiro plurianual e é bem revelador deste caminho. Sacrificam-se as políticas sociais, de coesão e de investimento público para pagar as opções da promoção da militarização, da guerra, da corrida aos armamentos. Para pagar o custo da dívida, cortam-se os recursos destinados à coesão, ao apoio aos setores produtivos, à investigação, às políticas sociais.
Propusemos alternativas, com o reforço substancial da coesão, das políticas sociais, dos serviços públicos e dos setores produtivos, medidas para fazer face à pobreza, ao aumento do custo de vida, à falta de acesso à habitação e ao agravamento das desigualdades económicas e sociais. Propusemos também a redução das despesas militares e a reorientação desses recursos para a paz e as necessidades sociais. Nada disso foi considerado porque as opções políticas são as opostas. O Parlamento reverte os cortes antes propostos pelo Conselho Europeu de uma forma desigual. Por um lado, não há mais verbas para os principais fundos de coesão ou para a gestão partilhada do Fundo Social Europeu, não há aumento das dotações operacionais para o FEDER ou o Fundo de Coesão.
Por outro lado, a defesa, a mobilidade militar, a gestão das fronteiras e a segurança recebem novos aumentos. São milhares de milhões de euros de soma a esta vertigem belicista. O empréstimo criado para financiar as multinacionais europeias do armamento e prolongar a guerra da Ucrânia vai custar em 2027 1.115 milhões de euros. Não há elementos positivos que compensem ou corrijam esta vertigem militarista, securitária e neoliberal que vira a União Europeia contra os direitos e as necessidades dos povos.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Avant de donner la parole à notre collègue Jungbluth et de céder la présidence, je veux souhaiter un joyeux anniversaire à notre questeur, Fabienne Keller. Alexander Jungbluth.
Alexander Jungbluth
Ringkämpfe in Gambia gegen den Klimawandel, ein Zitat Tuntenball in Graz oder immer mehr Bürogebäude für die EU in den entferntesten Ländern der ganzen Welt. Der europäische Steuerzahler finanziert all diese Dekadenzprojekte zu einem großen Teil schon seit Jahrzehnten. Doch statt Anerkennung für die Leistung und die Abgaben der Bürger gibt es weiter Demütigung und Erniedrigung von Menschen, die jeden Tag hart arbeiten müssen. Für das kommende Jahr 2027 will das Europäische Parlament abermals rund 1,2 Milliarden Euro mehr, als die Kommission veranschlagt hat. Und dieser Aufwuchs ist noch gering, wenn man überlegt, welche Fantasien hier im Haus beim nächsten MFR gegeben sind.
Das sind keine Fantasien, das ist Größenwahn, was Teile dieses Hauses hier haben. Haben Sie eigentlich vergessen, wen Sie hier im EU-Parlament vertreten? Es sind die Bürgerinnen und Bürger der Mitgliedstaaten. Glauben Sie ernsthaft, dass auch nur eine Minderheit unserer Bürger einer Erhöhung von Ausgaben zustimmen würden, wenn sie hierzu gefragt werden würden?
Alexander Jungbluth
Nahezu 10 Milliarden Euro zahlen wir nur für Zinsen des Corona-Aufbaufonds. Und dabei war dieser Fonds grundsätzlich rechtlich stets fragwürdig, die Umsetzung des Fonds war katastrophal und die Wirkung ist bis heute faktisch nicht gegeben. Alleine wir, die rechten Kräfte Europas, haben vor den katastrophalen Folgen für den Haushalt durch diesen Fonds stets gewarnt. Die EU steht nun vor einem Scherbenhaufen durch diesen Fonds und auch grundsätzlich durch eine verfehlte Ausgabenpolitik. Jeder anständige Buchhalter würde Ausgabenpositionen kürzen, um einen ausgeglichenen Haushalt herzustellen.
Nicht jedoch die völlig von der Realität entkoppelten Kollegen hier in diesem Haus. Offensichtlich haben Sie längst vergessen, woher dieses Geld stammt und wie es erwirtschaftet wird. Denn das würde bedeuten, dass wir andere Prioritäten setzen, Prioritäten in unserem Haushalt, dass wir die Landwirtschaft stärken, dass wir in diesem Haus die Wirtschaft stärken. Und wer die Wirtschaft stärken würde, der würde sofort einen Green Deal abschaffen. Unsere Fraktion fordert, dass endlich Haushaltsdisziplin herrscht, dass Ausgabenpositionen gestrichen werden, um einen ausgeglichenen Haushalt herzustellen.
Speaker 224
Dziękuję bardzo panie pośle, głos zabierze pan poseł Karlo Ressler, dwie i pół minuty.
Karlo Ressler
Dear Chair, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues. The negotiations on the next Multiannual Financial Framework and own resources, but also for the 2027 EU budget, are a test of EU's political seriousness. The 2027 budget marks the final year of the current financial framework and will definitely send an important signal ahead and in the negotiations on the next MFF. At a time of growing global competition and security threats, we cannot afford to get caught up in narrow budgetary disputes and lose sight of the bigger picture. The decision we take on Europe's finances will definitely shape our ability to act in the next year, but also long term.
We must approach all these issues with a clear sense of responsibility, but also of urgency. Europe needs the ambition and resources to meet the challenges ahead. First, competitiveness. Parliament proposes top-ups for research, innovation, for digital technologies and European infrastructure. These are investments we must defend to strengthen Europe's economic and technological competitiveness.
Karlo Ressler
Secondly, security. We are calling for stronger investments in defense, in military mobility and continued support for Ukraine. In light of the increased pressures on the external borders, we are proposing 40 million euros investments more in border management. Because we believe that the resources to protect its citizens and strategic interests are essential for Europe. Third, Parliament proposes strengthened funding for European farmers and at the same time also in the MFF negotiations we are calling and defending cohesion policy that supports infrastructure, jobs and regional development.
This is why we obviously oppose the Council's proposed cuts and insist on securing adequate funding for Europe's key priorities. Now it's time to show political responsibility to solve the budget for the next year, but also to bring these negotiations to a successful conclusion so we can focus on the real discussions and on the real negotiations in the framework of the Multiannual Financial Framework. Thank you.
Ewa Kopacz
Dziękuję bardzo panie pośle. Głos zabierze wiceprzewodniczący Parlamentu Victor Negrescu.
Victor Negrescu
Domnule comisar, stimați colegi, bugetul pentru anul 2025 este ultimul buget din actualul cadru financiar multianual al Uniunii Europene, iar acest lucru vine cu o responsabilitate aparte. Responsabilitatea de a ne respecta promisiunile, de a proteja investițiile europene și de a ne asigura că nicio comunitate nu este lăsată în urmă. Nu putem începe un nou exercițiu financiar european lăsând în urmă proiecte neterminate, facturi neplătite și cetățeni dezamăgiți. De aceea solicităm Comisiei Europene, dar și Consiliului să identifice o soluție juridică pentru prelungirea termenului de efectuare a plăților din mecanismul de redresare și reziliență. Statele membre au nevoie de sprijin pentru relansarea economică, nu de un buget european bazat pe austeritate.
Trebuie să finanțăm proiectele de dezvoltare locală pe zona de agricultură, educație, sănătate, zonele afectate de calamități sau zona de competitivitate. În sensul acesta mulțumesc raportorilor pentru că au sprijinit câteva din amendamentele mele care privesc hub-ul de securitate la Marea Neagră sau centrul de securitate cibernetică de la București. Responsabilitatea noastră este să obținem rezultate concrete pentru oameni. Mulțumesc.
Bardzo dziękuję panie pośle. Głos zabierze pan poseł Tamás Deutsch, półtorej minuty.
Tamás Deutsch
Az Unió 2025-ös költségvetéséhez a Fidesz és a KDNP delegációjának képviselői a Patrióták Európáért frakció teljes támogatásával több olyan módosító indítványt is beterjesztettek, amelyben azt követelik, azt követeljük, hogy az Unió jövő évi költségvetéséből azonnal és feltétel nélkül fizessék ki Magyarországnak, a magyar embereknek járó, jog szerint járó, korábban zárolt teljes támogatási összeget, azaz 6,3 milliárd eurót. Bizonyára mindannyian emlékeznek rá, hogy 2022-ben az Európai Bizottság kizárólag a politikai zsarolás érdekében kezdeményezte ennek az összegnek, 6,3 milliárd eurónak a zárolását a Magyarországnak járó kohéziós pénzekből. Az Orbán Viktor által kemény tárgyalások során kiharcolt pénzből a Tisza-kormány 2,1 milliárd euróról azonban szó nélkül lemondott. Magyar Péter lemondott, lemondott 2,1 milliárd euróról, ami a magyar embereknek jár. A kérdés az, hogy ez a pénz, ami a magyaroknak jár, hova fog kerülni?
Az Európai Bizottság tájékoztatása alapján ez a pénz Ukrajnába fog menni. Módosító javaslatunk azt célozza, hogy a magyaroknak járó pénzt a magyarok kapják meg.
Dziękuję bardzo panie pośle. Głos zabierze pan poseł Tobiasz Bocheński.
Tobiasz Bocheński
Szanowna pani przewodnicząca, szanowni państwo. Bardzo często mówi się, że Bruksela znajduje się w swoistej bańce oderwanej od życia Europejczyków i ten budżet na rok 2025 jest jednym z najlepszych tego przykładów. Kiedy dyskutujemy o cenach energii, o problemach Europejczyków, ten budżet nie znajduje żadnej odpowiedzi na tego rodzaju wyzwania.
Z jednej strony Zielony Ład dobija europejskie rolnictwo, produkcja staje się coraz mniej opłacalna, producenci coraz częściej przegrywają konkurencję z krajami chociażby stowarzyszonymi w Mercosur, za to wy przerzucacie na nich koszty Zielonego Ładu i nie chcecie zwiększać finansowego wsparcia dla europejskiego rolnictwa. Długi zaciągnięte przez Ursulę von der Leyen są droższe w obsłudze niż miały być i pieniądze, które idą na ich obsługę nie są wykorzystywane do rozwoju. Z jednej strony imigranci podpalają ulice Paryża, z drugiej strony nie ma wystarczających środków na zabezpieczenie granic. Ten budżet jest budżetem klęski.
Speaker 233
Panie pośle, jest niebieska karta do pana. Czy pan przyjmuje od pani poseł Wcisło?
Proszę bardzo.
Marta Wcisło
Panie pośle, narzeka pan na Zielony Ład i krytykuje Zielony Ład. Przecież to pana rząd wprowadzał, rząd PiS-u, Zielony Ład. Przecież to wasz komisarz Wojciechowski zachwalał Zielony Ład. Przecież to pana prezes Kaczyński mówił, że to jest szansa dla polskich rolników, którzy jeśli nie skorzystają z Zielonego Ładu, będą na marginesie Unii Europejskiej. Dziś pan wychodzi i ma czelność narzekać na Zielony Ład.
Niech pan jedzie na Nowogrodzką do swojego prezesa i mu powie to tam, nie tutaj, bo to nie ten adres. Zielony Ład to jest PiS, koniec kropka.
Tobiasz Bocheński
Bardzo dziękuję pani poseł. Z całą sympatią zdaję sobie sprawę, że pani jest pierwszą kadencję w Europarlamencie, tak jak i ja, więc pani może nie znać głosowań wszystkich swoich koleżanek i kolegów, którzy to z Koalicji Obywatelskiej, a w owym czasie z Platformy, popieraliście wszystkie, wszystkie co do jednej dyrektywy Zielonego Ładu jako część tej EPP. Teraz przychodzicie do nas z prośbą uprzejmą, żebyśmy jako europejska prawica odkręcali wszystkie bzdury i koncesje, które uczyniliście na tę stronę sali. Jesteście za to odpowiedzialni, Nowogrodzka nie ma nic do rzeczy.
Marta Wcisło
Tak, pani przewodnicząca, jeszcze jedno pytanie. Ja chciałam zapytać, czy pan zna zapisy Zielonego Ładu i tak zwane ugorowanie, przeciwko któremu protestowali rolnicy, przeciwko któremu były ogromne protesty. To właśnie rząd Donalda Tuska zlikwidował ugorowanie i inne bzdury, na które zgodziliście się. Niech pan się zapozna z dokumentem.
Speaker 234
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze... A nie mogę odpowiedzieć już? Ma prawo. Jeszcze trzydzieści sekund.
Tobiasz Bocheński
Bardzo dziękuję pani przewodnicząca. Szanowna pani poseł, z jednym mogę się zgodzić. Donald Tusk zlikwidował dużo rzeczy w Polsce, tylko akurat nie te, które należało likwidować, a te, które sprzyjały rozwojowi. Jestem bardzo ciekawy, wiem, że pani już nie przysługuje żadna replika, więc nie dowiem się, czy pani zdaje sobie sprawę, że Zielony Ład to jest szereg dyrektyw i czy pani zdaje sobie sprawę, wszystkie one były popierane przez partię, do której pani należy. Głosowaliście za tymi dyrektywami i ochoczo je wdrażacie w życie.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze pani kwestor Fabienne Keller, bardzo proszę.
Fabienne Keller
Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, Monsieur le Ministre, chers collègues, nous allons adopter cette semaine la position du Parlement européen sur le budget 2027. C'est le dernier budget de notre cadre financier pluriannuel actuel. Les négociations pour celui-ci, le cadre financier actuel, ont abouti pendant la période du COVID. Mais nous ne soupçonnions pas qu'après la pandémie, l'Europe serait face à une guerre lorsque la Russie a envahi l'Ukraine. Ce n'était pas prévu, mais nous avons redoublé d'inventivité et de flexibilité pour que le budget s'adapte aux besoins.
On dit souvent que l'Europe n'avance que dans les crises. Nous sommes à l'aube des négociations, Monsieur le Ministre, sur le prochain cadre financier pluriannuel, et si les propositions du Conseil ne sont pas plus ambitieuses, nous allons droit dans le mur, chers collègues. Il nous faut des ressources propres. Les citoyens européens attendent une Europe forte, compétitive, capable de les défendre, d'assurer leur avenir, une Europe ambitieuse à la hauteur des enjeux à venir climatiques, sanitaires, sécuritaires. Ce n'est possible qu'avec des ressources propres.
La jeune génération nous regarde et compte sur nous, ne les laissons pas tomber. Je vous remercie.
Bardzo dziękuję pani poseł. Głos zabierze pani poseł Maria Ohisalo, dwie minuty.
Maria Ohisalo
President, Commissioner, Council, colleagues, people are on the streets because they were promised things they never got. Because they are worried. They are worried about the rent they can no longer afford, about energy bills, about whether their children will have a good school, a decent job, a future. Even these basic promises were not delivered in Europe. At the same time, the climate crisis poses a huge threat for all of us, but especially for the young generations who have to live with the consequences.
If Europe does not answer these everyday life worries, others will, and they will do that with fear instead of solutions. Europe needs to invest in people, in resilience, in well-being. Every euro we put into the European Social Fund Plus, into the Child Guarantee, into Erasmus Plus, into affordable housing and health, comes back many times over in skills, in cohesion, in trust, in democracy. The Council wants cuts, but you cannot build a competitive Europe on a weakened social fabric. You cannot ask people to support defense, competitiveness, or the Green Deal, green transition, if they fear that they are being left behind.
And security does matter. And security also means a warm home, a secure income, and a child who does not grow up in poverty. So let us defend the budget that really invests in people. Thank you.
Waldemar Buda
Szanowni państwo, pani poseł, no ja nie wierzę w to, co słyszę. To znaczy ci ludzie, którzy demolują, którzy rabują, którzy niszczą dorobek Europy, oni dzisiaj upominają się o większą pensję i pani ich rozgrzesza w tym zakresie? To znaczy oni mogą to robić, bo im się coś nie podoba? Oni mogą to robić, bo za mało zarabiają? Proszę nie usprawiedliwiać tego typu zachowań, bo doprowadzimy do jakiejś demolki w Unii Europejskiej.
Ja wiem, oni protestują między innymi przeciwko panu komisarzowi, który prezentuje budżet, który nie odpowiada na ich oczekiwania. To prawda, ale nie usprawiedliwiajmy tej sytuacji. Dziękuję bardzo.
Maria Ohisalo
I will answer in Finnish. Kukaan, en usko, että kukaan tässä salissa puolustaa ryöstelyä, puolustaa väkivaltaa.
Minä tuomitsen ne. Ja minä tuomitsen joka ikisen poliitikon, joka ei panosta kohtuuhintaiseen asumiseen, hyviin työpaikkoihin, tulevaisuuteen tällä pallolla, kestävään tulevaisuuteen, jossa aidosti ilmastokriisi, luontokato otetaan tosissaan. Näiden ihmisten huolia pitää kuulla. Näitä ihmisten huolia pitää ottaa tosissaan. Tällä hetkellä erityisesti oikeistopoliitikot viis veisaavat näistä todellisista jokapäiväisistä huolista.
Głos zabierze pan poseł Jussi Saramo, półtorej minuty.
Jussi Saramo
Arvoisa puheenjohtaja, EU:n erikoisuus on lyödä budjettien taso kiinni seitsemäksi vuodeksi kerrallaan. Vanhan kauden viimeisenä budjettina tämä ei heijasta eurooppalaisten tämän päivän tarpeita. Pienet hyvät parannukset ihmisten ja ympäristön suojeluun jäävät oikeistolaisen talouspolitiikan aiheuttaman eriarvoistumisen ja hintakriisien jalkoihin. Huutavaan tarpeeseen menee Palestiinan humanitaarisen avun pienen pieni korotus. Sekin on silti vain laastari niin kauan kuin Israel jatkaa kansanmurhaa.
Erittäin tärkeänä pidän myös Ukrainan tukemisen jatkamista ja sinänsä vaatimattomia lisäyksiä eurooppalaiseen puolustusyhteistyöhön. Meidän on päästävä pois riippuvuudestamme Yhdysvaltain ja Israelin sotakoneistoista. Jokaisen olisi silti hyvä katsoa ympärilleen. Eurooppa on heikko ja siksi seuraavan seitsemän vuoden budjetti pitäisi rakentaa kokonaan uusiksi. Kilpailijoistamme Kiina on ehkä sisäisesti armoton kapitalismi, mutta valtio päättää viime kädessä kaikesta.
Venäjä on valtiojohtoinen sotatalous ja Yhdysvaltain liittovaltiobudjetti on yli 23 prosenttia bruttokansantuotteesta. EU:ssa jäsenvaltiot puuhailee omiaan ja budjetti on vain reilun yhden prosentin kansantuotteesta. Kaiken lisäksi suurin menoerä tästä yhdestä prosentista ovat tuet maatalousmaan omistajille. Miten kukaan kuvittelee, että tällaisella järjestelmällä voimme pysyä Yhdysvaltain ja Kiinan mukana?
Dziękuję bardzo, głos zabierze pan poseł Arno Bausemer, jedna minuta. Nie widzę, w związku z tym oddaję głos panu posłowi Luisowi Vicentiu Lazarusowi, półtorej minuty.
Luis-Vicențiu Lazarus
Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, există o problemă. Am sesizat cu stupoare că urmează să mai dăm Ucrainei încă 100 de miliarde. Și când se întâmplă treaba asta? În perioada bugetului multianual 2028-2034. Acuma mă întreb dacă știe cumva Comisia Europeană ceva ce noi nu știm, și anume că acest război pe care îl dorim terminat de atâta timp va mai dura încă șase ani pe perioada bugetului multianual următor și încă un an, adică 2027.
Eu am crezut că e pe terminate. Când colo constat că îl finanțăm încă șase-șapte ani de zile. Ori dacă vrei să dai ceva, trebuie să ai și de unde. Și m-am uitat în bugetul multianual și am sesizat că de la agricultură, care a fost finanțată cu circa 400 de miliarde în bugetul în care ne aflăm acum, 2021-2027, s-au luat circa 100 de miliarde pentru că nu mai avem decât circa 300 de miliarde. Ori noi ce facem aicea?
Sacrificăm cumva securitatea alimentară pentru securitatea pe care, pseudo-securitatea pe care ne-ar da-o finanțarea unui război ruso-ucrainean? Nu știu ce să zic, pentru că eu am văzut că orașele importante din Europa n-au fost pârjolite de vreo dronă ucraineană, sau că știm noi cum e cu dronele ucrainene prin România, sau de, știu eu, vreo dronă rusească, ci au fost pârjolite de echipele de stânga asociate cu emigranți care au intervenit în mitingurile legitime pe care le-au făcut niște oameni care s-au săturat de costul prea scump al vieții din Europa generat de tocmai politicile proaste ale Uniunii Europene și ale Comisiei. Mulțumesc.
Dziękuję bardzo. Pani poseł Kinga Gál, dwie minuty.
Köszönöm, elnök asszony. Egy dolog világos. A 2025-ös költségvetés mozgástere szűk, miközben az Európai Uniónak egyre több kihívásra kell választ adnia. Ezért nem értek egyet a Tanács jelentős költségvetési vágásaival. A rendelkezésre álló forrásokat nem tovább csökkenteni kell, hanem oda kell irányítani, ahol azok valóban az európai és köztük a magyar polgárok érdekeit szolgálják.
Kinga Kollár
Három területen magam is kértem a költségvetés megemelését. A KKV-k versenyképességének támogatására, hiszen a kisvállalkozások sikere a társadalmi szövetünk megmaradásának kulcskérdése. Másodszor a csalás és korrupció elleni fellépés finanszírozására, mivel az erre fordított források sokszorosan térülnek meg. Végül pedig az Erasmus+ megerősítésére, hiszen végre ismét minden magyar diák előtt megnyílt ez a program. Ezért szükséges a megfelelő források biztosítása.
Természetesen üdvözlöm ezen kívül a mezőgazdaságra, az egészségügyre és a külső határok védelmére fordított többletforrásokat is. A franciaországi zavargások mutatják, hogy a migráció területén Európa továbbra is komoly kihívásokkal néz szembe. Vitathatatlan, hogy az Uniónak erősebb külső határvédelemre van szüksége. Ebben a helyzetben joggal tesszük fel a kérdést: miért fizet Magyarország továbbra is napi egymillió eurós bírságot, miközben az Európai Unió maga is egyre nagyobb hangsúlyt fektet az illegális migráció megfékezésére és a külső határok megerősítésére? Kollégák, ha Európa többet akar tenni, akkor ahhoz megfelelő költségvetés kell.
Egy költségvetésre, amelyből végre Magyarország is részesedik. És mivel van még egy pár másodpercem, Deutsch képviselőt szeretném ezúttal cáfolni: a Tisza Párt nem mondott le az Orbán-kormány által elbukott kétmilliárd euróról. Ha képviselő úr követné a kormány kommunikációját, akkor tudná, hogy már egymilliárdot visszaszereztünk az MFF-es tárgyalásokban, és tovább is harcolunk.
Ewa Kopacz
Dziękuję bardzo pani poseł. Głos zabierze pan poseł Jean-Marc Germain, półtorej minuty.
Jean-Marc Germain
Monsieur le Commissaire, Monsieur le Ministre, l'Union européenne est confrontée à une crise et à une convergence de crises sans précédent. Des familles étranglées par le prix de l'énergie, des jeunes en panne d'avenir avec pour seul exutoire la rue, des territoires ravagés par le changement climatique et les guerres en Ukraine et au Proche-Orient qui menacent toute l'Europe. Ces crises s'imbriquent et dépassent nos frontières. Elles sont nationales, mais les réponses sont européennes. Il nous faut ensemble déployer les renouvelables et interconnecter nos réseaux pour faire baisser les prix de l'énergie et nous libérer de nos dépendances aux énergies fossiles.
Il nous faut unir nos forces industrielles pour créer des emplois de qualité et reprendre notre avenir en main.
Mettre en commun aussi nos moyens pour adapter nos territoires aux sécheresses et aux incendies qui ne connaissent pas de frontières. Dans ce contexte, la position et la proposition de coupes budgétaires drastiques formulées par le Conseil est incompréhensible. Il est temps, il est grand temps de réaliser qu'un budget faible, c'est une Europe faible, et qu'une Europe faible ne servirait en rien nos concitoyens. Le Parlement européen propose un autre chemin dont je forme le vœu qu'il constitue la base des négociations à venir. Parce que nos priorités de renforcement sont celles que le moment exige, et parce que s'agissant des intérêts de la dette, il ne propose rien d'autre que de respecter enfin une promesse faite en 2020, que le budget européen ne ferait pas les frais des intérêts de la dette et que des ressources propres viendraient les couvrir.
Voilà la voie d'une négociation. Je vous remercie.
Speaker 252
Dziękuję bardzo panie pośle. Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze pan poseł Tomasz Buczek. Jedna minuta.
Tomasz Buczek
Pani przewodnicząca, panie komisarzu. Projekt budżetu na 2027 rok to kolejny etap federalizacji Unii Europejskiej i drenowania kieszeni Europejczyków. Chcecie nie tylko cofnąć cięcia zaproponowane przez Radę, ale dorzucić kolejne 1,17 miliarda ponad projekt Komisji na Erasmus, Life i inne programy. To nie priorytety, to kontynuacja ideologicznej rozrzutności. Patrioci dla Europy mówią jasno: żadnych podwyżek budżetu.
Konieczna jest redukcja niepotrzebnych wydatków, obniżenie składek narodowych, żadnych nowych zasobów własnych i żadnych ideologicznych uwarunkowań. Proponowany budżet służy kontynuacji antyeuropejskiego programu deindustrializacji poprzez Zielony Ład, zachęca do migracji i transferuje nasze pieniądze poza Unię Europejską. Nie służy po prostu narodom Europy. Cięcia, które proponujemy jako Patrioci dla Europy: radykalne ograniczenie programów klimatycznych i biurokracji. Obcięcie monstrualnej pomocy zewnętrznej i transferów na Ukrainę bez realnych zabezpieczeń.
Ograniczenie instrumentów służących promocji zgubnych ideologii. Pieniądze mają iść na rolnictwo, spójność, bezpieczeństwo granic i konkurencyjność, nie na ideologiczne fanaberie Brukseli.
Dziękuję bardzo panie pośle. Panie pośle, dla pana niebieska karta od pani poseł Wcisło, czy pan przyjmuje?
Bardzo proszę.
Marta Wcisło
Panie pośle, jak dobrze zrozumiałam, jest pan przeciwko programowi Erasmus Plus. Czy pan wie, co w nim jest i jakich grup dotyczy? Bardzo proszę o odpowiedź.
Tak, szanowna pani, wiem, czym jest. Szanowna pani poseł, przede wszystkim jestem przeciwko złemu wydatkowaniu pieniędzy Europejczyków i mamy priorytety. Dzisiaj żyjemy w niebezpiecznych i trudnych czasach. Jest zagrożenie nie tylko handlowe, ale również bezpieczeństwo naszych granic jest zagrożone. A pani chce tutaj wydawać pieniądze na programy, które nie są priorytetem dla Europejczyków.
Ja nie zgadzam się z takim kierunkiem, który obrany jest przez panią i pani kolegów z Unii Europejskiej. Przede wszystkim poprawmy konkurencyjność gospodarki, polepszmy sytuację ekonomiczną Unii Europejskiej i wtedy będziemy myśleć, czy mamy pieniądze na to, żeby wydatkować je w innych kierunkach. Na dzień dzisiejszy według mnie nie mamy.
Dziękuję, czy pani poseł Wcisło?
Marta Wcisło
Ja bym chciała, by pan odpowiedział na pytanie: jakich grup dotyczy Erasmus? Czy pan wie, na co są pieniądze, bo jest pan przeciwko czemuś, a nie wie pan przeciwko czemu. Komu, dla kogo, dla jakich grup są dedykowane pieniądze na Erasmus i czego dotyczy Erasmus? Wie pan? Niech pan konkretnie odpowie na pytanie, bo jeśli ktoś się sprzeciwia, to powinien wiedzieć, czemu się sprzeciwia, a pan nie wie.
Konkretnie czego dotyczy Erasmus? Proszę bardzo, słuchamy.
Pani poseł czuje się z zawodu nauczycielem, bo pani chce mnie tutaj odpytywać z pewnych rzeczy, i to jeszcze tak w dość bezczelny sposób. Ale szanowna pani poseł, oczywiście program Erasmus służy podróży młodych ludzi w celu uzyskania polepszenia swojej wiedzy, w celu tutaj studiowania poza granicami własnej ojczyzny.
W mojej ocenie nadal nie uważam, że jest to priorytet. Dziękuję bardzo.
Dziękuję bardzo panie pośle, odrobinka szacunku dla kobiet. Dziękuję bardzo. Pan poseł Ruggero Razza, jedna minuta.
Ruggero Razza
Grazie Presidente, Commissario, Ministro, colleghi. Il 2027 è l'ultimo anno del vecchio quadro finanziario pluriennale e prepara il nuovo quadro finanziario pluriennale, ma il dibattito di oggi ci dice che il 2027 non sarà l'anno delle risposte. Non sarà l'anno delle risposte agli imprenditori che anelano maggiore competitività, perché questa forse arriverà con il fondo della competitività nel 2028. Non sarà l'anno delle risposte per chi invoca maggiore presenza sui confini a est, a sud, penso anche al Mediterraneo, perché gli investimenti aggiuntivi che proponiamo non sono sufficienti. Ho voluto fare questi due esempi per dire che per i conservatori resta ferma una posizione chiara, quella secondo la quale l'Unione Europea deve fare meno cose, ma le deve fare meglio.
Allora se come dice il Ministro la negoziazione è ancora in corso, probabilmente è un errore l'impostazione che ancora una volta stiamo dando con tanti piccoli aumenti che non segnalano un'idea complessiva. Spero ci sia ancora spazio di ragionare.
Bardzo dziękuję panie pośle, głos zabierze pani poseł Lucia. Jedna minuta.
Lucia Yar
Commissioner, colleagues, this Parliament is right to invest in what matters to Europeans. Students through Erasmus Plus, innovation through Horizon Europe, the fight against financial crime through a stronger EPPO and nature protection through LIFE. But a people-centered EU budget must also protect fundamental rights, especially where national governments fail to do so. And women's health, dignity and freedom of choice are no exception. And for Renew Europe, it is one of the core priorities for which we have fought and for which we will be also fighting in the upcoming conciliation.
My Voice My Choice initiative has opened the door for Member States to use the European Solidarity Fund to support access to safe and legal abortion and we as Parliament are mentioning it there. The framework exists, the funding possibilities are there. What is missing is the political will to act from the Member State's side. The Commission must make these possibilities clear, the Member States must step up, because money are there, now let us turn solidarity into action through next year's EU budget.
Bardzo dziękuję pani poseł, głos zabierze pan poseł Pasquale Tridico, półtorej, jedna minuta.
Pasquale Tridico
Presidente, Commissario, in Italia, in Francia, in Spagna, in Belgio si protesta contro il carovita, il carburante alle stelle e la mancanza degli alloggi. E noi rispondiamo con un bilancio nel 2027 fondato sul combinato disposto tra riarmo e austerità. Contro il caro affitti e contro il carovita non c'è un centesimo e nella proposta che voteremo concediamo ulteriori 5 milioni per il Fondo europeo sulla difesa, 20 milioni per la mobilità militare e 7 milioni per l'industria della difesa. Stanziamenti che si aggiungono agli scostamenti nazionali, ad esempio in Italia 14 miliardi di euro in più quest'anno. Noi proponiamo invece un credito d'imposta per gli agricoltori come strumento comune simile al fondo SURE alimentato da una tassa sugli extraprofitti delle multinazionali petrolifere.
E questo servirebbe agli agricoltori a coloro che oggi stanno bloccando le strade anche in Calabria, in Puglia, nel sud Italia, in altre parti d'Europa. Ascoltiamo il grido di dolore. Le risorse ci sono, prendiamole dagli extraprofitti e non dalle tasche dei cittadini. Grazie.
Bardzo dziękuję pani pośle głos zabierze pan poseł Milan Mazurek półtorej minuty.
Milan Mazurek
V Amerike Musk predstavil lietajúce auto, ale to nevadí pani komisári, lebo vy ste na tom jednoznačne lepšie. Vy máte papierové slamky a plastové vrchnáky pripevnené k fľašiam. Čína masívne investuje do budovania baní a ťažkého priemyslu v Afrike, ale aj to nevadí, lebo my sme stále na tom lepšie. My investujeme do klimatických zmien v Gambii a do toho, aby mali práva transsexuáli. Vidíme, že chcete viesť vojnu s Ruskom, ale prehrali ste vojnu s mladými imigrantmi ešte aj v uliciach Paríža a Bruselu.
Európska únia je celému svetu na smiech. Kým celý svet inovuje a rozvíja, vy sa tu v tejto sále seriózne bavíte, prečo v rozpočte Európskej únie nie sú peniaze, aby EÚ preplácala potraty všetkým obyvateľom v Európskej únii. Riešite tu neuveriteľné nezmysly, zatiaľ čo nám celý svet uteká. Green Deal zlyhal, vaše politiky zbrojenia fatálne zlyhali. Európa sa prepadá, všetky veľmoci nám ekonomicky utekajú.
Všade životná úroveň rastie, zatiaľ čo Európska únia neustále klesá. Ak vás ďalej necháme pri moci, ak vás ďalej necháme rozhodovať o využití finančných prostriedkov tvrdo zarobených prácou európskych daňových poplatníkov, tak sa dostaneme do katastrofy. My vás potrebujeme vymeniť čo najrýchlejšie, lebo vy nemáte žiadny zázračný stroj na peniaze, aby ste mohli rozdávať dva bilióny eur. To sú všetko peniaze tvrdo pracujúcich Európanov.
Głos zabierze pani poseł Nina Carberry półtorej minuty.
Nina Carberry
Thank you, Madam President, Minister, Commissioner. Over the past few weeks, all we seem to hear about is cuts. Cuts to emergency support for our farmers, the prospect of no dedicated EU health funding in the next long-term budget, and humanitarian aid being slashed across the globe. What kind of Europe are we building if our answer to every challenge is to make cuts? At a time when families are struggling with the cost of living, farmers facing growing uncertainty, and our health services are under pressure, we should be doing more for people, not less.
We are calling for an additional 85 million in agricultural support, including 20 million for young farmers in 2027 EU budget. In Ireland, just 4.3% of farm holdings are under the age of 35. If we want a future of farming, European farming, we must back the next generation. And we cannot build a stronger Europe without investing in people's health. That means backing funding in research into cancer, dementia, and heart disease and making sure we are ready for the next future health crisis.
That is why we are calling for an additional 50 million for the EU for health. And our responsibility doesn't end at Europe's borders. With humanitarian aid being cut around the world, Europe must stand by those who need us most. The question is simple: what kind of Europe do we want? One that makes cuts when people need support most, or one that stands by its farmers, protects people's health, and stands up for those in need?
Thank you.
Speaker 255
Dziękuję bardzo pani poseł głos zabierze pan poseł Matthias Ecke jedna minuta.
Vielen Dank Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, Herr Minister. Seien wir ehrlich, bei diesem Haushalt geht es nicht nur um das nächste Jahr, es geht um die Weichen für die Zukunft und den MFR 28 bis 34. Ich möchte Ihnen drei Beispiele nennen. Erstens die Unterstützung für die Ukraine. Wir stehen an der Seite der Ukraine und das bleibt auch so.
Unsere Unterstützung wird aber nur dann in der Bevölkerung dauerhaft Widerhall finden, wenn die Menschen nicht den Eindruck haben, dass es zu Lasten anderer Dinge geht, dass es zu Lasten von Erasmus, Forschung, für ihre Regionen geht. Deswegen müssen die Zinskosten für die Ukraine-Unterstützung über ein eigenes Instrument finanziert werden und dürfen nicht zu Lasten europäischer Programme gehen.
Zweitens die Google-Strafe über 4 Milliarden Euro. Händeringend suchen wir nach neuen Einnahmen und hier sollen diese Gelder an die nationalen Beiträge zurückgegeben werden. Das ist falsch, denn Google verstößt gegen europäisches Wirtschaftsrecht und die Bürgerinnen und Bürger in Europa haben Anspruch darauf, dass die Buße ihnen zugute kommt für ihre Programme. Und drittens die Kürzungen bei Horizon Europe, bei Connecting Europe Facility. Alle reden von Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, alle beklagen die steigenden Energiepreise und jetzt kürzt der Rat gerade in diesen zentralen Punkten.
Matthias Ecke
Das kann doch nicht sein. Hier brauchen wir Erhöhungen und keine Kürzungen. Vielen Dank.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pani poseł Angéline Furet, jedna minuta.
Angéline Furet
Nous débattons aujourd'hui du budget 2027 marqué par l'explosion de la contribution française qui frôle désormais les 31 milliards d'euros. Mais ce chiffre astronomique cache une manœuvre bien plus grave. Un véritable braquage démocratique s'est déroulé à huis clos la semaine dernière. Pendant que la France s'embrasait face à la violence des émeutes, Emmanuel Macron a fait le choix de déserter notre pays. Il a fui la réalité pour aller sceller dans notre dos le futur cadre financier pluriannuel jusqu'en 2034.
Son but est cynique : verrouiller le système avant son départ pour forcer le prochain gouvernement à payer une addition qu'il n'aura pas voulue. On saigne nos retraités et nos hôpitaux pour financer le coup d'État de l'Union européenne sur nos compétences nationales. C'est l'instauration d'un super État fédéral financé par des impôts cachés sans le consentement des peuples. Nous exigeons qu'aucun accord ne soit signé avant 2027. Je vous remercie.
Bardzo dziękuję pani poseł. Głos zabierze pan poseł Dick Erixon, jedna minuta.
Europeiska rådet borde skära betydligt mer i budgeten för 2027. Varför då? Jo, vi glömmer ofta bort att EU-budgeten inte skapar några nya pengar. Det mina kollegor här ofta pratar om med sociala reformer, bostadsbyggande och annat, det löses bäst på nationell nivå. Och då är det fel att pungslå nationerna och skattebetalarna på mer pengar.
Det är bättre att lösa det på en nationell nivå. Och vi här i kammaren borde komma ihåg ett visdomsord som lyder så här: det finns inget som är så värdelöst som att med stor effektivitet göra något som inte borde göras alls. Tack.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze pan poseł Joachim Streit, jedna minuta.
Joachim Streit
Vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen, Kollegen, Herr Kommissar. 2021 plante Kommissionspräsidentin von der Leyen einen Haushalt mit Zahlungen von rund 166 Milliarden Euro. Für nächstes Jahr sagt von der Leyen, brauche sie 45 Milliarden Euro mehr. Das ist kein Sparhaushalt, das ist die blanke Unfähigkeit, während der Rechnungshof zugleich feststellt, dass Milliarden in schwarze Löcher fließen.
Und der nächste Taschenspielertrick von der Leyens lässt nicht auf sich warten. Werden Gelder aus dem Corona-Kredit, der vor sechs Jahren aufgelegt wurde, nicht abgerufen, spart die Kommissarin sie nicht ein. Sie werden umgewidmet, zum Teil ohne demokratische Legitimation. Und wir alle zahlen mit. Frau von der Leyen, das nennen Sie Haushaltsdisziplin?
Nicht ausgegebenes Geld ist keine neue Verfügungsmasse. Europas Bürger sehen die Rechnung. Sie erwarten Ausgabenkürzungen, keine neuen Buchungstricks. Als Verantwortlicher des Haushaltsausschuss ist meine Empfehlung an die Mitglieder des Parlament: Wenn nicht gespart wird, rote Karte für von der Leyen.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pan poseł Marc Botenga, jedna minuta.
Marc Botenga
Merci Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, la dolce vita, hein. Je me suis posé la question quand on discute budget, est-ce que les gens savent combien les députés ici gagnent ? J'ai fait le calcul, ça fait 13-14 000 euros par mois, hein, 9 000 euros plus ou moins en net plus les 359 euros par jour de présence pour ne pas ensuite parler d'autres frais évidemment. Ça fait la vie facile. Et le problème avec ça, c'est que ça vous déconnecte totalement de la réalité des gens.
Totalement. Et c'est pour ça que malgré le fait que nous avons un mouvement des jeunes mobilisés dans les rues en disant nous voulons des écoles de qualité, il n'y a pas un plan d'urgence pour ces écoles. Et c'est pour ça que quand les gens n'arrivent pas à aller au travail parce que le prix de l'essence explose, que nous attendons toujours en vain une grosse mesure européenne pour sauver justement le quotidien des gens. Et alors là, j'ai une proposition à vous faire très clairement : coupons vos salaires en deux. On va mettre ça au vote en se disant écoutez, vous n'allez pas manger une tartine de moins, mais peut-être que ça va vous permettre un tout petit peu de prendre la mesure de l'urgence sociale que nous vivons aujourd'hui en Europe.
Merci.
Jacek Protas
Szanowna pani przewodnicząca, panie komisarzu, drogie koleżanki i koledzy. Wojna toczy się w Ukrainie, ale jej gospodarcze skutki odczuwają także regiony na wschodniej granicy Unii Europejskiej. Popieram sprawozdanie w sprawie budżetu Unii Europejskiej na 2027 rok, a szczególnie ważne jest wzmocnienie finansowania bezpieczeństwa i mobilności wojskowej. Ale bezpieczeństwo to nie tylko czołgi i żołnierze, to także miejsca pracy, inwestycje w przyszłość i dobre warunki życia mieszkańców. Zwracam uwagę, że nie wszystkie regiony ponoszą jednakowe koszty wojny.
Pomoc musi odpowiadać rzeczywistej skali zagrożeń i potencjalnych strat. Dlatego budżet Unii Europejskiej musi zapewnić konkretne wsparcie regionom najbardziej dotkniętym skutkami działań wojennych. Nie powinno być tak, że większość europejskich regionów korzysta z pokoju, a inne płacą za bezpieczeństwo całej Europy. Europejska solidarność musi być widoczna nie tylko w deklaracjach, ale przede wszystkim w unijnym budżecie.
Lina Gálvez
Gracias. Debatimos el presupuesto para el próximo año 2027 y una vez más hay que insistir que un presupuesto es donde se ven reflejadas las prioridades políticas. Y la mayor parte de los grupos de esta cámara, la extrema derecha excluida obviamente, consideramos que la igualdad entre hombres y mujeres es una prioridad y nuestros tratados además nos dicen que es un derecho fundamental. Pero en cambio luego cuando llegamos al presupuesto hay algunos grupos, el propio Partido Popular se olvida de lo que ha votado, incluso lo que dice Ursula von der Leyen en esta misma cámara. Un solo ejemplo: la iniciativa ciudadana My Voice, My Choice, que llegó con 1 200 000 firmas y que fue respaldada en este pleno.
En cambio nos está costando muchísimo trabajo que encuentre su sitio en el presupuesto. Y negar el derecho al aborto no protege la vida, la ataca poniendo en riesgo la vida de muchas mujeres. Y millones de mujeres en Europa no tienen los mismos derechos que otras mujeres. Nadie está obligando a nadie a abortar, por tanto nadie debería obligar a nadie a no poder interrumpir voluntariamente el embarazo. Para los socialistas el derecho al aborto es un derecho a decidir sin culpa, sin miedo y sin riesgo.
Dziękuję bardzo pani poseł. Głos zabierze pan poseł Csaba Dömötör, jedna minuta.
Csaba Dömötör
Az országos költségvetésből is látszik az, hogy egyre kevesebbet akarnak költeni olyan programokra, amelyek az európai együttműködés szívtájékát jelentik. A gazdák aszályok és a számukra káros kereskedelmi megállapodások terhei alatt roskadoznak, csökkenő támogatás mellett. Ezért benyújtottunk egy módosítót, amely legalább a válségalap összegét megemelte volna 900 millió euróra. Az itteni koalíció ezt azzal a lendülettel leszavazta. Lehet, hogy ha lett volna az előterjesztésen egy pici ukrán zászlócska, akkor átment volna.
Ha problémás a 2027-es költségvetés a gazdák szempontjából, akkor az új hétéves költségvetés ezerszeresen az lesz. Abban 20 százalékkal akarják megvágni az agrártámogatásokat, és beolvasztják azokat egy egységes alapba, hogy ne tűnjön fel, hogy milyen nagy a csökkentés. Ekközben ebben a házban a legtöbben apró definíciós részletszabályokon vitatkoznak, ami a gyakorlatban azt jelenti, hogy a többség itt elfogadja a nagy megszorítást. Nincs mit szépíteni, amit terveznek, az egy előre kitervelt merénylet az európai mezőgazdaság ellen, a következmények az élelmiszerárakon keresztül érkeznek majd. Köszönöm.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze pan poseł Stephen Nikola Bartulica, jedna minuta.
Stephen Nikola Bartulica
Zahvaljujem kolegice i kolege. Danas raspravljamo o prioritetima europskog proračuna. Neki tvrde da treba povećati proračun, drugi da treba još više izdvajati za Ukrajinu. Ali dame i gospodo, gledamo stanje u Francuskoj primjerice. Ulice gore.
Vlast je nemoćna, potpuno nemoćna da suzbije ovo. Politička ljevica čak potiče i dalje nered, pljačkanje, sukobljavanje sa policijom. Dokuda će to sve otići u Europi dame i gospodo? Dakle moramo trezveno razgovarati o našim prioritetima. Da li europski proračun zaista služi interesima naših ljudi?
To je vrlo upitno. Zelena agenda uništava industriju. Svijet se smije. A kad gledamo slike naših gradova, ne samo da se smiju nego počeli su žaliti Europu. Trebamo hitno promijeniti smjer.
Hvala.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze pan poseł Benoît Cassart, jedna minuta.
Benoit Cassart
Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, notre priorité pour Renew Europe est claire. Un financement robuste du mécanisme pour l'interconnexion en Europe intégrant la mobilité militaire. Investir dans le MIE 3, c'est donner corps à notre marché unique et garantir notre souveraineté. Nos réseaux de transport et d'énergie sont à la fois les vecteurs de notre compétitivité et les boucliers de notre sécurité. Face aux réalités géopolitiques, consolider nos corridors vers l'Ukraine, la Moldavie ou les Balkans n'est plus une option mais une évidence.
Par ailleurs, nous déplorons le recul de la part de la PAC de 37 % du budget en 2020 à 28 % en fin de cycle. Notre souveraineté alimentaire mérite mieux. Brisons les approches en silos, soyons cohérents, plaidons en faveur de procédures simplifiées pour une Europe connectée. Je vous remercie.
Dziękuję bardzo, głos zabierze pan poseł Gheorghe Falcă, jedna minuta.
Gheorghe Falcă
Doamnă președintă, dragi colegi, când discutăm bugetul pentru 2027, vă rog să priviți și spre Marea Neagră. Războiul declanșat de Rusia în Ucraina a arătat cât de important este portul Constanța, dar și legăturile feroviare și rutiere ale întregii regiuni cu Europa. Pe aceste rute circulă mărfuri esențiale pentru economia Uniunii Europene, dar tot pe ele trebuie să putem deplasa rapid echipamente militare. În Comisia TRAN, ca raportor din umbră al PPE pentru acest buget, am susținut consolidarea finanțării pentru CEF și mobilitatea militară. Am făcut-o pentru că știu ce înseamnă în practică un pod insuficient modernizat sau o cale ferată veche care blochează un întreg coridor de acces.
România, Bulgaria și Grecia lucrează la o conexiune strategică, iar Ucraina și Republica Moldova au nevoie de legături mai bune cu Uniunea, și proiectele acestea trebuie accelerate. În negocierile cu Consiliul, vă cer să apărați aceste investiții pentru că agresorul nu așteaptă după noi și nici după Consiliu. Mulțumesc mult.
Bardzo dziękuję, głos zabierze pan poseł Christophe Clergeau, jedna minuta.
Christophe Clergeau
Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, je voudrais d'abord remercier mes collègues Agius Saliba et Negrescu d'avoir insisté sur l'importance du budget de la santé. Investir dans la santé publique, c'est la meilleure chose que l'Europe puisse faire pour protéger la vie des Européens, mais aussi pour sa compétitivité, parce que le socle de la compétitivité, c'est une population en bonne santé et des travailleurs en bonne santé sur leur poste de travail. Alors il faut plus d'argent. J'espère que le Parlement confirmera les votes de la commission du budget, parce que sans argent supplémentaire, comment continuer le plan cancer, mettre en place le plan pour la santé cardiovasculaire, demain un plan pour la santé mentale et un grand pilier prévention ? Et surtout, cet argent, il doit permettre de rétablir les subventions de fonctionnement pour les ONG en santé.
C'est une promesse que nous a faite le commissaire Várhelyi : si vous me donnez l'argent, alors je rétablirai en 2027 ces subventions. Il a dû le faire contraint et forcé par le Conseil, mais à un niveau beaucoup trop bas. J'espère qu'avec le vote du budget 2027, nous pourrons revenir à 9 millions d'euros pour les subventions de fonctionnement des ONG en santé. Merci.
Bardzo dziękuję, głos zabierze pani poseł Majbritt Birkholm, jedna minuta.
Kære kollegaer, EU er fuldstændig ligeglad med europæernes penge. Danskerne vender pt. hver en krone. De kæmper med at betale for helt basale fødevarer. De kæmper for at betale for benzinen, så de kan komme på arbejde og køre børnene. Og hvad gør man i EU?
Majbritt Birkholm
Man fråser. Milliarder sendes til projekter i Afrika, hvor EU's egne revisorer endda har kritiseret dokumentationen fra projekterne. 3,4 milliarder kroner alene går til at renovere parlamentets egne bygninger i Bruxelles. Og det stopper ikke der, for i næste budgetperiode, der vil EU have 12,7 milliarder kroner mere fra Danmark om året.
Og ovenikøbet så vil man ansætte 2500 bureaukrater mere. Der er ingen almindelig familie, der ville kunne holde privatøkonomien kørende på den måde. De ville være gået fallit på ingen tid. Men EU er blevet en eliteklub, der har glemt, hvem der betaler regningen. Og mit krav, det er enkelt: fjern fraseriet, gakkede projekter og ikke en krone mere til EU.
Reinis Pozņaks
Thank you, Mr. President. Labdien, kolēģi. Šodien šeit apspriežam būtiskāko politisko dokumentu — budžetu. Jo tieši budžets parāda, kuras no mūsu stratēģijām, rīcības plāniem un mehānismiem patiesi ir mūsu prioritātes un kuri tikai vēlmju saraksts. Mūsu budžetam ir jāatspoguļo pasaule, kurā mēs dzīvojam šodien, nevis pasaule, kurā mēs vēlētos dzīvot.
Un šodienas realitāte Eiropā ir karš, uzbrukumi mūsu robežām, sabotāža pret kritisko infrastruktūru un arvien biežākas dabas katastrofas. Tāpēc Eiropas ārējās robežas stiprināšana, mūsu sabiedrības drošība, civilā aizsardzība un noturība pret militāriem un hibrīdapdraudējumiem, kā arī dabas katastrofām vairs nav tikai politiskas ambīcijas, tās ir mūsu šodienas vajadzības. Nevis nākotnes plāni, bet šodienas nepieciešamība. Un, ja mēs patiešām uzskatām drošību par savu prioritāti, tad tam ir jāatspoguļojas ne tikai mūsu rezolūcijās un stratēģijās, bet arī mūsu budžetā. Paldies.
Ciaran Mullooly
Thank you, Chair. Commissioner, I welcome some key aspects of the proposed budget for 2027. The additional 63 million for Horizon Europe is positive. It's an investment in innovation and jobs. It's particularly important for third-level institutes in my constituency, like the one at the Atlantic Technological University in Letterkenny, where they avail of Horizon funding on an annual basis and punch well above their weight.
So I also welcome the increase of 85 million euro for agricultural funding, the 14 million for the promotional budget, and the 17 million for the school schemes. But colleagues, this is not enough. We must ensure stability for our farmers and our rural communities, particularly as they face into the uncertainty of the next multi-annual capital budget and possible disruptions to CAP and regional development. Our farmers and rural communities need certainty. They need fair incomes, and both of these are in short supply at the moment.
Speaker 276
As negotiations on the new multi-annual budget take shape, I say we must defend both the CAP and the regional development funding. Let's be clear: cuts to direct payments are cuts to farm incomes. Cuts to regional funding are cuts to investment, jobs, and opportunities in our communities. We need investment in both areas going forward. Thank you.
Paulo do Nascimento Cabral
Muito obrigado, senhor presidente, senhor comissário. Este é o último orçamento do atual quadro financeiro plurianual, pelo que deverá ser a ponte para o futuro da União. E para isto precisamos responder e perceber que os europeus em geral, e muitos jovens em particular, cujo talento não podemos desperdiçar, enfrentam muitas dificuldades associadas ao elevado custo de vida. Precisamos de assegurar capacidade produtiva e reconhecer que o aumento dos custos com combustíveis e dos fertilizantes pressionam o rendimento e a própria atividade dos nossos agricultores e pescadores. Defendemos, portanto, dois pilares da PAC e reforçamos os apoios aos agricultores em 85 milhões de euros, com 20 milhões para os jovens agricultores, bem como o reforço da reserva agrícola, fundamentais para a renovação geracional e para a resiliência do setor.
E nas pescas é urgente que os apoios cheguem rapidamente aos pescadores para renovarem e descarbonizarem a sua frota. Precisamos de investimento e simplificação, pelo que não aceitamos os cortes propostos para a coesão. Cada euro tem de chegar às regiões, às empresas e às pessoas, porque cada euro investido no atual quadro gerará até 2030 1,3 euros de PIB. E cortar na coesão não é poupar, é pagar mais tarde em despovoamento e em desigualdade.
Precisamos de ambição e visão, cumprindo com o tratado e a valorização dos ativos geoestratégicos que são as regiões ultraperiféricas. Nesta temos de valorizar o POSEI agricultura já neste orçamento com um reforço de 2 milhões de euros e no próximo quadro financeiro plurianual temos de manter e reforçar, garantir as dotações específicas no âmbito da coesão e o restabelecimento do POSEI pescas e a criação de um POSEI transportes. Senhor Comissário, as RUP não podem receber um euro a menos do que têm atualmente e saúdo o seu empenho e dedicação e peço a sua ajuda neste desígnio. Muito obrigado.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pani poseł Evelyn Regner, bardzo proszę.
Evelyn Regner
Dankeschön, Frau Vizepräsidentin Kopacz. Mehr Schutz, mehr Investitionen, mehr Krisenfestigkeit. Das verlangen die Mitgliedstaaten von Europa. Doch was liefern sie? Kürzungen.
Und das ist, als wollte man ein Haus aufstocken und liefert dabei weniger Ziegel. So hält kein Haus und schon gar nicht das Haus Europa. Und als wäre das nicht genug, lastet darauf auch noch eine Hypothek, nämlich die Rückzahlung des Wiederaufbaufonds. Woher soll dieses Geld kommen? Wir haben da eine Idee: die Digitalsteuer.
Holen wir sie bei denen, die im Haus Europa quasi gratis wohnen, den großen Digitalkonzernen. Sie genießen die beste Aussicht und zahlen kaum Betriebskosten. Damit muss Schluss sein. Das Europäische Parlament hat dafür längst Vorschläge auf den Tisch gelegt, allen voran eine Digitalsteuer. Denn wer im Binnenmarkt Milliarden verdient, soll auch zum EU-Haushalt beitragen.
So entstehen neue Eigenmittel. Und im Übrigen bin ich davon felsenfest überzeugt: Ein Budget braucht immer Gender Mainstreaming. Für die Umsetzung von My Voice, My Choice muss genug Geld da sein.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze pan poseł Nicolas Bay.
Nicolas Bay
Chers collègues, chaque année Bruxelles réclame toujours plus d'argent, mais pour en faire quoi ? Nous voulons un budget qui protège les Européens, notre marché intérieur, nos frontières et notre population, pas un budget qui engraisse la bureaucratie et finance des réseaux qui combattent notre civilisation. Car les chiffres donnent le vertige. Ces dernières années, 12,4 millions d'euros pour le réseau européen prétendument antiraciste, 6,5 millions pour Islamic Relief, plus de 134 000 euros pour le FEMYSO. Ces millions d'euros de subventions bénéficient à des organisations directement liées aux Frères musulmans que l'Union européenne continue pourtant de financer avec l'argent des contribuables.
C'est un scandale politique. L'argent public ne doit pas servir à financer des organisations qui sont fondamentalement incompatibles avec notre civilisation et qui cherchent à étendre leur influence. Il y a 12 jours, ici même en séance plénière à Strasbourg, notre Parlement a adopté une résolution dénonçant l'entrisme des Frères musulmans dans les institutions européennes. Ce texte adopté à la majorité absolue doit désormais être appliqué par la Commission. Plus aucune tolérance et plus un seul euro pour les islamistes, leur soutien et leurs relais.
Ewa Kopacz
L'argent des Européens ne doit plus financer ceux qui veulent détruire l'Europe.
Barry Cowen
Colleagues, I've spent now just over 30 years in politics at local, national and European level. I've grown accustomed to populism, opportunism and point-scoring at home, but frankly, the fantasy football form of economics surrounding next year's budget, the MFF and CAP in this Parliament is surprising and disappointing. For example, the Commission has proposed 296 billion for the next CAP, the Irish presidency sees that at 293 billion, meanwhile the Parliament demands 433 billion and is unwilling to budge. I want 433 billion too, but shouting for it isn't a funding strategy. Where is the plan, I ask?
And as Jerry Maguire might say, show me the money.
As Renew Europe's lead negotiator, I've put forward a credible avenue to bridge the gap, funding gap. Then thereafter, we can fight for fair distribution mechanisms and flexibility for member state governments to invest more in rural communities. Because politics is the art of the possible, not what I see presently, which is the theater of the impossible. European agriculture deserves politicians prepared to do the hard work of delivering, and that's my message to MEPs and to the Commission and to the Council to get real and let's do this right.
Lukas Mandl
Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, was wir heute im Plenum des Europäischen Parlaments diskutieren, ist das Budget der Europäischen Union für 2027. Was in den Medien omnipräsent ist, besonders nach dem ersten hochrangigen Ratstreffen in der Vorwoche dazu, ist der nächste mehrjährige Finanzrahmen, der die Europäische Union bis 2034 prägen wird. Für zweiteres, für den langfristigen Finanzrahmen, muss viel mehr in Betracht gezogen werden, als jetzt in der Öffentlichkeit diskutiert wird, vor allem in welche Richtung die Europäerinnen und Europäer die Europäische Union sich entwickeln sehen wollen. Wir brauchen eine Vertragsreform, wir brauchen eine bessere Europäische Union mit mehr Stärke nach außen, mit mehr Freiheit nach innen, und das sollte die Europäische Kommission in ihrem nächsten Entwurf für den mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen berücksichtigen, ebenso wie die Tatsache, dass man nicht sachliche Probleme, die man sachlich lösen müsste, einfach mit noch mehr Geld zudecken kann. Sachliche Probleme muss man in der Sache lösen, und das ist es, was wir auch parlamentarisch von der Europäischen Kommission verlangen müssen.
Speaker 286
Wenn es um das Budget 2027 geht, dann liegen die Prioritäten klar auf der Hand, wir müssen ihnen auch folgen. Erstens arbeiten wir mit Steuergeld, damit ist immer besonders sparsam umzugehen. Zweitens, Kollege Günther Sidl und ich machen alle Vierteljahr eine Umfrage unter allen Bürgermeisterinnen und Bürgermeistern unseres Landes, und die sagen mit Blick auf den Sommer 2026, es braucht Hilfe beim Wasser. Und das hat zu tun mit Landwirtschaft, das hat zu tun mit Infrastruktur. Dass wir Sicherheit und Außengrenzen in Betracht ziehen müssen für 2027, steht ebenso fest.
Dziękuję bardzo panie pośle, głos zabierze pan poseł Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, jedna minuta.
Thank you so much. Dear Commissioner, what do we expect from Europe today? We expect it to support families facing high energy prices, to prepare for the next health crisis, to protect our eastern border regions, and to stand with Ukraine. Yet the proposed budget cannot carry these expectations. We cannot ask Europe to do more with less.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
This is the final budget of the current framework, and it must be an ambitious one. Parliament's position adds 1.1 billion euro where it matters: 50 million for EU for Health, 63 million for Horizon, and real support for families for the region bordering Russia and Belarus. And the borrowing costs of Ukraine support loan must stay off-budget, not squeeze the programs our citizens rely on. Let us vote for a budget that matches European responsibilities. Thank you, Commissioner.
Bardzo dziękuję panie pośle, bardzo proszę o zabranie głosu pana posła Dario Nardella, jedna minuta.
Dario Nardella
Presidente, Commissario, il bilancio 2027 è l'ultimo dell'attuale quadro finanziario pluriennale e manda un segnale politico molto chiaro. O l'Europa sta dalla parte dei suoi agricoltori o sceglie di abbandonarli proprio nel momento più difficile della crisi energetica. Il bilancio agricolo non è una riserva dalla quale attingere per finanziare altre priorità. È un investimento nella sicurezza alimentare, nella coesione territoriale e nell'indipendenza strategica dell'Europa. E vorrei essere chiaro, perché il taglio proposto dalla Commissione alla politica di promozione è inaccettabile.
Stiamo parlando di uno strumento che aiuta i nostri produttori a raggiungere mercati internazionali, a valorizzare le eccellenze europee, a ridurre la dipendenza da mercati instabili. Perché firmiamo accordi come il Mercosur, come quelli con l'India e poi però non aiutiamo i nostri produttori ad essere competitivi nel mercato globale? L'Europa, insomma, non può permettersi un bilancio agricolo al ribasso e non può permettersi di perdere la fiducia di chi la nutre, soprattutto in questo momento così difficile. Grazie.
Bardzo dziękuję. Proszę państwa, rozpoczynamy procedurę catch-the-eye i bardzo proszę o zachowanie dyscypliny wystąpień, dlatego że mam dużo więcej głosów niż czasu na tę procedurę. Jako pierwszy głos zabierze pan poseł Michał Szczerba, bardzo proszę.
Michał Szczerba
Szanowna pani przewodnicząca, panie komisarzu, wysoka izbo. Przede wszystkim rozmawiając o budżecie Unii Europejskiej na rok 2027 i rozmawiając o tym, że to jest kolejny rok wzrostu środków na mobilność wojskową, myślimy już o nowej perspektywie finansowej. Dlaczego? Ponieważ ona będzie rewolucyjna z punktu widzenia środków na bezpieczeństwo, na obronność, na politykę kosmiczną i na mobilność wojskową. I chcę bardzo wyraźnie powiedzieć, pracujemy w tej chwili nad dwoma ważnymi regulacjami.
Jedna z nich to mobilność wojskowa, druga z nich to Europejski Fundusz Konkurencyjności. W obu tych projektach udało się wpisać infrastrukturę paliwową jako ważny cel związany z infrastrukturą krytyczną powiązany z obronnością. Chcę bardzo wyraźnie powiedzieć, że będziemy twardo bronić polskiej koperty, jak i tych środków na bezpieczeństwo i na obronność. Dziękuję bardzo.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Thank you, Madam President, Comisario. Después de dos horas de debate sobre el presupuesto 2027 resplandecen dos evidencias. Y la primera es que la impugnación formulada por la ultraderecha de las prioridades del presupuesto como si fueran ideológicas, dicen, en realidad oculta su ideología, solo que profundamente antieuropea en la medida en que niega la ayuda a los agricultores, niega la ayuda al desarrollo, niega las políticas de igualdad, de cohesión y la política social, además de negar el programa Erasmus. Y la segunda es que esta discusión anticipa la pelea política por el marco financiero plurianual 28-34 en la que la Unión Europea se juega su credibilidad interior para ser capaz de responder a la cólera social que sacude Europa, de esa juventud que cree que se ha roto el contrato social intergeneracional de solidaridad en que consiste la Unión Europea, pero también la credibilidad exterior en la medida en que la Unión Europea tiene que tener los medios para responder a su promesa y a sus ambiciones proclamadas y hacerlo además con la autonomía estratégica sin negar su razón de ser, social y cohesiva. Gracias, Presidenta.
Σε μια περίοδο γεωπολιτικής αστάθειας, αυξημένου κόστους ζωής, τα χρήματα των Ευρωπαίων φορολογουμένων πρέπει να έχουν ουσιαστικό αντίκτυπο.
Geadis Geadi
Προϋπολογισμό που να επενδύει στην ασφάλεια, στην ενεργειακή αυτονομία, στην ανταγωνιστικότητα και στην προστασία των ευρωπαϊκών συνόρων. Να στηρίζει τις οικογένειες, τους αγρότες και τις μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις. Ο προϋπολογισμός πρέπει να υπηρετεί την ευρωπαϊκή κοινωνία, όχι το αντίστροφο. Δυστυχώς βλέπουμε ξανά αυξημένα κονδύλια προς τους Τουρκοκύπριους. Από το 2006 διαθέσαμε 796 εκατομμύρια ευρώ στους Τουρκοκύπριους και τώρα προχωρούμε σε περαιτέρω αύξηση.
Ζητώ η χρηματοδότηση να δοθεί αποκλειστικά προς τη διερευνητική επιτροπή αγνοουμένων και τη διαφύλαξη της πολιτιστικής μας κληρονομιάς. Ας πούμε επιτέλους την αλήθεια. Κανένα ευρωπαϊκό κονδύλι δεν έχει συμβάλει στην επίλυση του Κυπριακού. Αντιθέτως υπάρχει εκμετάλλευση. Ακόμη στην Κύπρο υπάρχουν οδοφράγματα, στρατοί κατοχής και κατοχικές αρχές.
Τα κονδύλια προς τους Τουρκοκύπριους να αποταμιευτούν μόνο με την επίλυση του Κυπριακού και την απελευθέρωση.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pani poseł Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă. Nieobecna. Dobrze, w związku z tym pani poseł Marta Wcisło.
Marta Wcisło
Dziękuję pani przewodnicząca, panie komisarzu. Nie ma silnej gospodarki bez bezpieczeństwa, a bezpieczeństwo zaczyna się na wschodniej flance Unii Europejskiej, w regionach przygranicznych, przyfrontowych, takich jak Lubelszczyzna, które żyją wojną na Ukrainie, odpływ inwestorów, największe bezrobocie. Najsłabsze regiony dzisiaj muszą być silne i muszą chronić i bronić silnej Unii Europejskiej i nie mogą być ostatnie w kolejce po pieniądze. Dlatego potrzebne są specjalne fundusze dla Europy Wschodniej, dla takich regionów jak Lubelszczyzna. Cieszę się bardzo, że mamy 40 milionów na zarządzanie granicą, 30 na wschodnie sąsiedztwo czy 60 na military mobility.
Ale potrzebne są także pieniądze na infrastrukturę krytyczną, kolejową, przeładunkową, taką jak port przeładunkowy na granicy Ros- na granicy Polski, czyli Małaszewicze. Bo tylko silna Europa Wschodnia da gwarancję bezpieczeństwa silnej Europie Zachodniej. Bardzo proszę o dodatkowe pieniądze i wsparcie dla regionów przygranicznych, przyfrontowych. Dziękuję.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pani poseł Romana Jerković.
Thank chair. Commissioner, health challenges keep emerging while our budget for health keeps continuously decreasing. From 2026 to 2027 alone, EU health commitments fell from 687 million to 635 million, which is reduction of almost 8%. And this is well below what is needed. And this is the wrong direction.
Romana Jerković
At a time when we should be strengthening prevention and preparedness and access to healthcare, we cannot afford to weaken our investment in health. Because health must not be treated as an expenditure to be cut, but as a strategic investment in Europe's resilience, security and future. Our citizens expect a Europe that protects their health and our budget must deliver on that promise. Thank you.
Bardzo dziękuję.
Głos zabierze pan poseł Sebastian Tynkkynen.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Arvoisa puhemies. Greta Thunberg on erinomainen kompassi EU-politiikan suunnanmuodostukseen. Nimittäin jos teemme päinvastoin kuin mitä Greta Thunberg vaatii, menemme oikeaan suuntaan. Ei isketä pakotteita Israelille, ei lyödä lisärajoituksia yrityksillemme eikä peruta paluukeskusten rakentamista EU:n ulkopuolelle. Sama pätee rajaturvallisuuteen.
Nimittäin Thunbergin hampaisiin on nyt joutunut myös Euroopan raja- ja merivartiovirasto Frontex. Vasemmisto-Palestiina-ilmastoaktivisti lyttäsi EU:n suunnitelmat vahvistaa ulkorajoja turvaavaa Frontexia. Hän maalasi tämän muun muassa Välimerellä toimivan viraston tappavaksi. Joten mennäänpä toiseen suuntaan kuin Greta ja tehdään Euroopasta parempi paikka. Lisätään EU-tason rahoitusta ulkorajojen suojaamiseksi.
Lisätään kykyä torjua välineellistettyä maahanmuuttoa ja aletaan kanavoimaan EU-rahaa fyysisten rajaesteiden rakentamiseksi. Kiitos.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze jako ostatni pan poseł Waldemar Buda. Nieobecny. W związku z tym w imieniu Komisji głos zabierze pan komisarz Piotr Serafin. Bardzo proszę.
Dziękuję, panie przewodniczący. Honorable members, thank you for the constructive debate. It is not my ambition to sum up. I think that the summit of the debate will take place tomorrow when the vote will take place and the position of the European Parliament will be established. But clearly there are differences of opinions between the Council and the European Parliament.
Piotr Serafin
And it will be for the European Commission to play its institutional role to try to build the bridges and get the position closer to one another. In that spirit, we will present an assessment of the amendments proposed both by the Parliament and by the European and by the, sorry, and by the Council in the so-called letter of executability. That letter, we will send this letter to both arms of the budgetary authority in time before the first conciliation meeting that we will have on the 5th of November. I think that what will be absolutely critical also for the success of this process is to concentrate the attention on clear priorities and focusing minds on clear priorities. It's for me, it's clear that we will not be able to address all the issues that have been raised also in the position of the European Parliament.
So that is something that we will need. And Madam President, if you allow me, I would like to refer to one speaker who had nothing to say about the topic of today's debate, but instead he started to talk about me. Honorable member Müller, I'm very grateful for your attention. It's really flattering. I hope that you will discover sooner rather than later that according to the Commission's proposal, Poland remains beneficiary number one of the MFF.
I'm sure that that knowledge could help you to participate in a meaningful way in debates about place of Poland in the European Union. Thank you.
Bardzo dziękuję, panie komisarzu. W imieniu Rady głos zabierze pan minister Thomas Byrne.
Thomas Byrne
I'll be speaking in Irish. A Uachtaráin, a mhuintir Pharlaimint na hEorpa, a Choimisinéir, a fhad-fhéachadóir Serafin, déis mé go cúramach leis na hargóintí orduithe sa díospóireacht seo inniu agus gan amhras cuirfidh mé mo thógálacha sa chomhairle ar an eolas dá réir sin. Chabhraigh an díospóireacht seo seasamh Pharlaimint na hEorpa maidir leis seo a shoiléiriú agus bhur dtosaíochtaí atá agaibh a shoiléiriú freisin. Déanfaidh an Chomhairle a dícheall dul i mbun comhrá cuiditheach le chéile a ligfidh dúinn comhaontú a bheith againn ar mbuiséad 2025 a bheidh againn roimh na spriocdhátaí atá leagtha síos sa chonradh. Go raibh míle maith agaibh as bhur n-aird inniu.
Nils Ušakovs
Thank you, Chair. I would like to, first of all, thank colleagues for inspiring and refreshing debates. Especially after these debates, I would like to thank our shadow rapporteurs, coordinators, teams, the secretariat, the rapporteur for the other sections, Michalis Hadjipantela, and together we managed to do a good job despite all possible difficulties and differences. And that's what Europe actually needs most these days, that is getting the job done, not slogans or symbolism. Of course, we are not the only ones doing our job in this room.
I would like to thank Commissioner Serafin and his team for the timely work on the amending letter and raising availability that, of course, will provide us additional momentum during conciliation and negotiations. And let us keep the unity we managed to build in the Committee on Budgets in this House and provide tomorrow a strong mandate for further negotiations and conciliation. Our ultimate ambition should be, together with the Council and the Commission, to adopt the final budget of the current MFF in a way that can serve as a positive template for the adoption of the new MFF. Thank you.
Michalis Hadjipantela
Dear Minister, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, I would like to thank everyone for their feedback and approach. I believe that the budgetary amendments and the resolution before us reflect a balanced approach. They provide a clear position to support the essential needs of our institutions, maintain budgetary discipline, and ensure that European public administration has the capacity to deliver. The resolution also sets out our position clearly as we move towards the next stage of the budgetary procedure. We need a coherent and credible mandate for the negotiations ahead.
This is not the moment to weaken the agreement through additional amendments or to undermine the common position we have established. The responsibility now lies with us to stand behind this package and defend our priorities in the conciliation negotiations. I therefore ask you to vote in favor of our budgetary amendments for the other sections and to support the resolution. Let us send a clear message today. We want responsible management of public money, but also the resources necessary to fulfill the task entrusted to us.
We want to ensure that our institutions can do their job, uphold the values of the Union, and deliver for the European citizens. Before I conclude, I would like to thank the EPP Group for the honor of selecting me as rapporteur for the other sections of the 2025 budget, and I would also like to thank my colleague, the rapporteur for the European budget, Ušakovs, all shadow rapporteurs for their constructive cooperation and the efforts they have made to reach this compromise. I believe that together we have delivered the best possible compromise for the institutions involved.
Thank you for your attention.
Bardzo dziękuję. Zamykam debatę. Głosowanie nad tym punktem porządku obrad odbędzie się w dniu jutrzejszym. A tymczasem zawieszam posiedzenie. Zostanie ono wznowione za kilka minut i rozpocznie się od tury pytań do Komisji pod tytułem Kształtowanie przyszłej polityki Unii w dziedzinie konkurencyjności, stosowanie unijnego prawa konkurencji i przygotowane właśnie wytyczne w sprawie łączenia przedsiębiorstw.
Dziękuję bardzo.
Martin Hojsík
So the sitting is resumed. I apologize for a bit of delay coming off from a TV discussion which overran and but I had to finish it and not run from the middle of it. So, zápisnica zo včerajšieho rokovania a prijaté texty sú k dispozícii. Má niekto pripomienky? Nie.
Ďakujem. Zápisnica je tým pádom schválená. A ďalším bodom programu je hodina otázok s Komisiou. Na tejto hodine otázok vítam výkonnú podpredsedníčku Európskej komisie pani Ribera. A témou tejto hodiny otázok je formovanie budúcej politiky hospodárskej súťaže EÚ, uplatňovanie práva hospodárskej súťaže EÚ a nadchádzajúca revízia usmernení o fúziách.
Táto hodina otázok potrvá približne 60 minút. K dispozícii bude jedna minúta na položenie otázky a dve minúty budú k dispozícii na odpoveď. V prvom kole rečníkov bude možné položiť doplňujúcu otázku v trvaní 30 sekúnd s dvoma minútami na odpoveď. Pripomínam vám, že prípadná doplňujúca otázka je možná len vtedy, ak úzko súvisí s hlavnou otázkou a nepredstavuje novú otázku. A budem to naozaj vymáhať.
Ak chcete položiť otázku, žiadam vás, aby ste svoju žiadosť zaregistrovali teraz prostredníctvom funkcie prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky na hlasovacom zariadení, a to po vložení hlasovacej karty. Počas hodiny otázok sa vystúpenia uskutočnia z vášho kresla, pričom vyzývam všetkých rečníkov, aby dodržiavali pridelený rečnícky čas, a tiež ho budem vymáhať. Kolegovia môžu potrebovať nejaký čas na zaregistrovanie žiadosti o položenie otázky na svojom hlasovacom zariadení. Opätovne vás preto vyzývam, aby ste žiadosť predložili teraz. A začneme prvou otázkou.
Speaker 295
A ako prvého tu mám kolegu Sokola. 268. The floor is yours. Press the button and please turn on... Yeah, you have it, the button pressed, please, 268.
Ah, OK, now it's working. Thank you. Europa ne može izgraditi konkurentno digitalno gospodarstvo ako nekolicina globalnih tehnoloških divova nastavi učvršćivati svoju tržišnu dominaciju. Prema podacima Europske komisije, nadzornici pristupa od 2023. do 2025. prijavili su čak 55 namjeravanih koncentracija, od čega 36 samo prošle godine. To stvara ozbiljno političko pitanje.
Tomislav Sokol
Kako Europa može stvarati vlastite tehnološke lidere ako postoji rizik da najveće digitalne platforme preuzmu inovativna poduzeća prije nego što im postanu ozbiljna konkurencija. Ne smijemo dopustiti da tehnološki divovi preuzimanjem inovativnih startupova uklanjaju buduću konkurenciju. Europi trebaju snažne kompanije, ali i stvarna prilika za rast novih europskih inovatora. Zakon o digitalnim tržištima DMA pritom je važan instrument, ali njegova provedba mora biti odlučna i dosljedna, bez popuštanja političkim pritiscima. Zato pitam Komisiju.
Kako ćete novim smjernicama o koncentracijama, zajedno s provedbom DMA-a, spriječiti takva preuzimanja i daljnje učvršćivanje tržišne moći digitalnih divova? Hvala lijepa.
Speaker 296
Thank you, and thank you for sticking almost to the time. Madam Executive Vice-President Ribera, the floor is yours.
Now, now it works. Thank you, thank you so much for the question. I think that you have raised one of the topics where this Commission is working very hard. Probably one of the most important things that we try to do, to ensure that we count on the capacity to grow, that the startups and the new ideas in the digital reality become real champions in today's economy. And this means that we need to work in different fields.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
We need to ensure that we count on the availability of the materials, that we allow people and companies to grow, and that the competition prevents killing acquisitions, killer acquisitions by big, big tech companies. And this is why we have tried different approaches in the past, but the Court of Justice stated that we could not proceed as we were doing. And this is why we also tried to reflect in the merger guidelines what we called an innovation shield that together with this approach to avoid killer acquisitions can ensure that we can provide guidelines, guidance when one of these corporate operations can help to boost a startup to scale up and whether it may be involving the risk to kill the opportunity to challenge the traditional incumbents. That's on the side of the merger guidelines, which I think it is very important and it has been very welcomed, and we will try to reflect the final comments that we have got during the participation process in the final draft. The second thing is that, of course, we need to enforce the Digital Markets Act.
And I would like to take this opportunity once again to appreciate the support of this European Parliament, not only in the adoption of the Digital Markets Act, but also in the follow-up on how we are enforcing this regulation, and also to defend the sovereign decision of the Europeans to defend level playing field in digital markets when we get some aggressive messages coming from abroad. We think that this is a very serious aspect that we need to ensure in terms of enforcement, and this goes beyond small companies, but this also creates the space for other companies to grow in our market. So I think that broadly speaking, the combination of different industrial, research, availability of resources, but protection in the market can help into our solutions in Europe.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you, Executive Vice-President. And now I'll ask our colleague. Do you have a follow-up question? Just to, yeah, okay. But please try to really focus on the topic.
Tomislav Sokol
Thank you very much. I'm glad that you spoke about all the measures that you are doing, but I have a very concrete follow-up question. When we speak about the enforcement of the DMA, up until now you mostly used financial sanctions, financial measures.
Can you think of a possibility that in case of very strong violations on part of the digital giants, you also do something on the structural side with structural remedies? Thank you.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Thank you. We have reacted to the infringements that we had in place and I think that we have played both with the fines, so confirming that there were breaches of the law and that required the sanction. But we have also worked in the objections, comments, recommendations to ensure that they behave according to what the Digital Markets Act says. And of course, eventually, if things could not work in an infringement process, there could be structural remedies as something, as an option that we could adopt in the cases to come.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím za S&D kolegu Fernandeza.
Jonás Fernández
Disculpe, no le había entendido. En estos últimos meses la situación de Oriente Medio está tensionando los precios energéticos y se está reflejando en la evolución de la inflación en buena parte de Europa. En ausencia de decisiones valientes, me temo que vamos a ver restricciones importantes sobre los tipos de interés en manos del Banco Central Europeo, complicando en algunos casos o generando problemas complementarios. Necesitamos medidas contundentes en el ámbito energético que permitan que esos precios, que esos incrementos de los costes no acaben reflejados en el precio de la gasolina, del diésel o del gas en un invierno que se presume también bastante complicado. Necesitamos elevar la competencia en el sector energético y probablemente introducir nuevas medidas que permitan transferir parte de esos beneficios al conjunto de los consumidores.
¿Cómo la política de competencia puede ayudar a combatir esta crisis de inflación y no empeorarla si el BCE se queda solo? Muchas gracias, vicepresidenta.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Muchas gracias. Thank you so much for your question. Yes, I think that the energy price spike is one of the topics that concerns the most to all Europeans. So it's a question of cost of life and affordability and it's a question of competitiveness for our industry. So I think that at the end it also touches the budget, so the fiscal space for the governments to provide support to the people, to the citizens and to divest that support that should be dedicated to other priorities in terms of policy.
So yes, this is one of the most important elements of what we are doing so to facilitate the use of state aid when needed. And even if we can say that we are in a much more better position than five years ago, because the reduction of the imports of gas amounts up to 80% of what we imported back in 2021, even if the spike in prices it has not been so hard as it was in the past, it is impacting our economy. This is why we came with two types of guidelines to provide support to the people and to allow governments to be speedy in the schemes to support. The Clean Industrial State Aid Framework, a much more structural approach on how to transform the economy, how to support companies to decarbonize and to change the energy system. But also the Middle East temporary supported framework to dedicate temporary and targeted support to those sectors suffering the most.
In principle this was to give some relief in electricity prices or in diesel and oil prices to those sectors that were affected the most. And we have got lots of schemes and proposals coming from member states that have been cleared in a very speedy manner. We also got other good lessons coming from the previous crisis, including the possibility to make use of similar schemes as we had adopted in the Iberian Peninsula back in the past. And there has been one member state that has been working on a similar scheme back in their country.
So we need to refine and to decide what are the concrete elements to be reflected, but as I said, this is temporary and targeted. We need to address the root cases and to change our energy system.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you. Do you want a follow-up question? No. Super, and since there is no interest from the Patriots nor ECR, let me give the floor to Stéphanie Yon-Courtin from Renew, please.
Stéphanie Yon-Courtin
Président. Merci Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire Ribera. La politique de concurrence européenne ne peut se limiter à faire respecter les règles, elle doit aussi permettre l'émergence de champions paneuropéens. C'est l'ambition de mon rapport concurrence voté en juillet dernier : faire respecter nos règles et donner à nos entreprises les moyens de grandir. D'abord sur nos règles, avec le Digital Markets Act, vous avez les moyens de lutter contre les pratiques déloyales et prédatrices, notamment dans le cloud et dans l'IA où se dessinent les nouveaux rapports de force aujourd'hui.
Encore faut-il l'appliquer pleinement et rapidement, et à cet égard la décision à venir sur Google sera un test, celui de la capacité à passer des enquêtes aux sanctions, et pour cela l'arbitre doit être à l'abri des pressions politiques, d'où la nécessité d'une autorité européenne de la concurrence au niveau européen, éloignée des interférences politiques. Mais l'Europe doit aussi faire émerger ses champions, et à travers les nouvelles lignes directrices sur le contrôle des concentrations, comment la Direction générale de la concurrence va-t-elle faire en sorte que l'Europe puisse devenir un continent où peuvent naître et grandir les champions de demain ? Merci Madame la Commissaire.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Merci, merci beaucoup pour votre question, Madame Yon-Courtin. Je crois que vous avez raison quand vous dites que c'est important qu'on utilise les éléments qu'on a dans nos mains pour faciliter des compagnies qui grandissent en Europe, et en même temps on sait bien qu'on doit respecter les droits de la concurrence pour éviter que cet agrandissement tient lieu à cause des consommateurs ou à cause d'autres petites compagnies qui pourraient aussi être en train de grandir. Ce qu'on a fait c'est d'identifier quels sont les éléments qui pourraient nous accompagner dans le regard vers l'avenir, quels sont les éléments beaucoup plus dynamiques qui permettent à nos compagnies continuer à s'élargir sans avoir des problèmes de la concurrence, mais en tenant en compte les compétitivités de l'avenir et pas seulement les éléments d'aujourd'hui, c'est-à-dire l'innovation, la résilience, la soutenabilité comme des éléments qui nous offrent des efficiencies qui sont dynamiques et qui doivent être d'une certaine manière prouvées, probables, et pas parce qu'ils sont soulignés sans aucun raison ou sans aucun proposition qui soutient leur proposition. C'est ça qu'on essaie de refléter sur les guidelines qu'on est en train d'approuver, et c'est ça qui a été je dirais bien reçu : l'équilibre entre une vision beaucoup plus proactive, un engagement beaucoup plus tôt avec les compagnies pour identifier le theory of harm and the theory of benefits, et la capacité de garder en même temps la mission sur laquelle on a été commandé de garder le marché, le bon fonctionnement du marché.
Follow-up question? Oui, please push the button.
Stéphanie Yon-Courtin
I did already. Merci Monsieur le Président. Oui, merci pour la réponse sur les lignes directrices sur les concentrations. Juste mon point sur Google, le délai de 60 jours qui a été fixé par votre décision de juillet est écoulé. Google a apporté des changements, mais l'évaluation de la Direction Générale de la Concurrence n'a pas été rendue.
Plusieurs volets restent encore ouverts, notamment sur les publicités et l'IA. Toutes nos entreprises attendent justement et le recours de Google devant le tribunal ne suspend pas ses obligations. Et donc c'est maintenant que se joue la crédibilité du DMA. Quand comptez-vous rendre vos conclusions? Et si les changements ne suffisent pas, irez-vous jusqu'au bout avec par exemple des astreintes?
Merci.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Ce qu'on doit faire c'est aussi respecter les procédures et c'est ça qu'on est en train de faire. On a reçu des propositions de Google et on a fait notre évaluation, mais on veut aussi avoir l'opinion, l'avis d'autres opérateurs du marché. Et c'est là où nous sommes maintenant. Et bien sûr, n'ayez pas de doute, on va faire respecter l'application de la Digital Markets Act aussi aux grandes compagnies digitales d'ailleurs de l'Union européenne. Merci.
Speaker 306
Thank you. And now for the Greens, I would like to give the floor to Mr. Andresen.
Rasmus Andresen
Yes, thanks. And Commissioner Ribera, I know you care a lot about fair competition and fair prices for our consumers. But I do have some questions looking on the review of the merger guidelines when it comes to this, because your own study, for example, from 2024 says that on the evolution of competition in the EU, that markets had become more concentrated, accompanied by increasing corporate profits and higher prices for consumers, weaker business dynamism and slower productivity growth. The same says a new study commissioned by DG COMP with the impact on mergers you just recently presented. So my question to you is, if the evidence is not really clear that bigger companies is to the benefit of both business dynamism, innovation, but also not on consumer prices, how do you then assess the merger guidelines review you're actually working on?
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Thank you for your question. I think that this was one of the elements where we got very interesting and concrete comments coming from different stakeholders during the participation process. We got more than 200 different comments coming from different stakeholders. Generally speaking, there was a warm welcome to this balance, steering the balance between ensuring competition works in Europe and at the very same time looking forward what are the elements that may create benefits in the time to come, but that are not present today, but to what extent we can confirm that they are sufficiently sound to support this operation without harming anyone at the European scale. There were concrete comments, as I said, including some reference or demands to be much more precise on how we can assess the concept of resilience or how we can steer the balance between these efficiencies to come, dynamic efficiencies to come, vis-à-vis the eventual damage, the eventual harm that could be more than certain today.
And I think that all these comments were right and will help us to streamline and to define in a much more precise manner these guidelines.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
And that's very precisely what we are doing right now, trying to be even further in how we assess that. The other element I would like to underline, which is also important, is that we introduce this concept of early engagement in the discussion on the theory of harm and the theory of benefits between the companies being involved in a consolidation process and the DG Competition. So to explain why we identify that it may be harmful and to allow them to explain why they realize that there are harms that cannot be diluted or whether there may be benefits that could overcome the harm that has been identified by the DG Competition, but not just asking information to decide till the end. So I think that that's also an element that will help us in this discussion to arrive to the conclusion and to the final ideal outcome that you are pointing out, balancing between effective benefits and not harms that may be obvious.
Rasmus Andresen
Thanks too much for your reply. I just have to admit that I think that until now what we could see coming out of the procedures, we don't think you strike the right balance. But what I would like to ask more into is on what you are actually doing to ensure that we're ending up with an evidence-based approach. Will you, for example, include tools for financial analysis of behavioral economics to ensure that the approach you're finally ending with and the tools you have to assess those mergers will be evidence-based?
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
I have to say that I have no doubts that this is the case. I mean, in our mandate and the way the DG Competition works, we use all the economic tools within reach, including the inputs and assessment of the chief economist team and the eventual additional input coming from abroad. And of course, there is no doubt that if there is an obvious and clear harm, the conclusion would be that the operation as being presented by the companies cannot be cleared. But I hope that with these guidelines identifying how and what we are going to look into, there may be a much more sound approach from those willing to merge, so to be sure even that they assess properly the viability of their idea.
Speaker 307
Thank you very much. And now for the Left, I would like to give the floor to colleague Saramo.
Jussi Saramo
Kiitos puheenjohtaja, arvoisa komissaari. Draghin ja Lettan raporteissa peräänkuulutetaan suurempia teleoperaattoreita, jotta kilpailukyky paranisi. Kuitenkin vain satelliittiyhteyksissä on globaalia kilpailua ja teleoperaattorit toimivat fyysisissä verkoissa, jotka ovat aina paikallisia. Fyysiset verkot usein monopolisoituu, kartellisoituu, käy niin, että kapitalismi syö markkinatalouden. Ja suuri koko ei johda tehokkuuteen, parempiin palveluihin.
Tiedämme, että Yhdysvalloissa on kalliit ja huonot yhteydet.
Viime kesänä tein töitä keskellä metsää, kaukana kaupungeista. Minulla oli parempi ja halvempi yhteys kuin Euroopan sydämessä Brysselissä. Kysynkin, aiotaanko teleoperaattoreiden yhdistymisiä vauhdittaa, kuten Draghi ja Letta ovat toivoneet.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Thank you for the gap between your message and the translation, so for your patience, thank you for your patience. I think that when speaking about the telecom sector and the infrastructure that we require to count on high-quality telecommunication services, we speak about different things. On one side, we speak about the infrastructure and the quality and the standards of the telecom regulation. We also speak about the fragmentation of a market in 27 markets and the very important role of the national governments allocating the spectrum or facilitating a much more competitive market or the development of a real European market in this field. And we also speak about an increasing concentration of market in each of these 27 different member states.
What we try to reflect in this discussion, thinking about the Draghi's report on whether we may count on bigger operators in the European scale, is to what extent it is because the competition policy and the competition instruments prevent these companies to grow into two, three big European, four, five European competitors, full stop, with the scale to keep on growing, or to what extent, in fact, we are speaking about 27 different markets. In the first case, what we have tried to reflect in our merger guidelines is things that these telecom companies were asking for: how to recognize innovation, how to keep on doing on a much more better quality of service when thinking about the economies of scale that they may be doing if they are able to merge. But at the very same time, there are aspects that could not be handled in the absence of a real union in this field at the European scale. So I think that now they are interested in figuring out how they can come with some proposals to improve, to scale, to cooperate, respecting, of course, the due elements of the competition regulation. But my sense is that we need to keep on doing on something that my colleague Henna Virkkunen has been pushing forward, which is ensuring that even in the allocation of the spectrum at national scale, there is an increasing part, an increasing share that could cover more than a national market.
Sorry.
Speaker 308
I have to try to keep the time. Usually we don't do this commission, but in this session one has to try to keep the time. But are you interested in a follow-up question? Please.
Jussi Saramo
Thank you, Mr. Chair, and thank you for the answer from the Commission. Just one more question is that if we have stronger, bigger companies who can make bigger profits, how can we make sure that this money is channeled into investments to make a more competitive economy for the real economy, for the other companies, and not just have bigger dividends for the owners?
Because we know that this is what happens when you have this kind of sector where it's very probable to have cartels and not really a real competition. Thank you.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Thank you for this second question, follow-up question, which is very interesting because in fact we are here thinking on the citizens and thinking on the capacity to create wealth, but also thinking on a fair society. So abuses in price should not be allowed and that's something that the competition policy can tackle. So the abuse of dominance and behaviors that are forbidden under the Article 102 of the Treaty. But in many other cases, reflecting very precisely on your very concrete question, I think that it is mostly to be addressed in the regulatory context because these are sectors that are heavily regulated. So in fact, the adequate prices, fees that they should be paying for the use of infrastructure or that they could be allowed to take from their consumers is something that is to be followed by the telecom regulators.
It is also true that in terms of innovation, if there is a merger, a consolidation between companies, so to have a great benefit because through the innovation they can lower significantly the cost and that could benefit the consumers is something that we need to take into consideration because that could be good news. But as I said, paying attention not just to things that could be a promise in the air, but things that should be sound enough to justify a consolidation as proposed by the companies being involved.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you very much and that concludes the first round. So from now on, I'm sorry, but you will not have the possibility to ask the follow-up question. And as the first one in the second round, I would like to give the floor to colleague Schwab for EPP.
Andreas Schwab
Thank you very much, Mr. President, Executive Vice-President Ribera. My question wants to focus on that proposal that I have read in the press about that innovation shield. Because we know, and my colleague Stéphanie Yon-Courtin has mentioned the Digital Markets Act and the procedures based on that very largely, we are in a time of global capitalism where startups and smaller firms are getting acquired very easily with tons of money by bigger companies, but not to improve the services for users, not to improve the product, but literally just to kill competition and to make users not having the chance of alternative services. So with that innovation shield, if I understand it rightly, you want to make a tool under the merger guidelines to make sure that innovative companies from within the European Union will have to stand, even though there are international companies that would give them a lot of money. I think that's a very positive idea for users, for consumers in the European Union.
But we know in that context we are bound by the rule of law and traditionally owners of shares, shareholders, have the right to go for the maximum of return on investment that they can achieve. So maybe you can outline a bit how we can balance the two interests to make sure that there is a fair solution found. Thank you very much, Mr. President.
Speaker 309
Thank you and sorry to others for being too lenient. I was writing down the order list and forgot to watch the time. So you were lucky. Madame Executive Vice-President.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Thank you, I'll try to be quick not to be... So I think that this is one of the elements that is very important. On one side, when they can get the upfront support and understanding that they are not going to be excluded of things that could allow them to grow in terms of capital finance and capital involvement, so to keep on scaling up, but at the very same time avoiding being killed. And then what we try to come up with these guidelines is to say when we thought that this competition could be weakened because it comes from a competitor in the same type of market, the same type of product, or something that is absolutely necessary so to allow the existing big incumbent to keep on getting a big share in their markets because it could be an improvement. And to what extent there may be complementary aspects in those companies that are being involved that could allow them to grow.
We have been working hard in this field with scale-ups and with the research, the DG Research and the services of Commissioner Gabriel, so to ensure that this is something that fits for purpose, providing certainty to those willing to make use of this shield, but also ensuring that this is not badly used facilitating killer acquisitions in this field. Thank you.
Merci Monsieur le Président. Madame la Vice-Présidente exécutive, une politique de concurrence qui laisse disparaître nos capacités industrielles finit par réduire la concurrence. À Saint-Gaudens, en Occitanie, Fibre Excellence est depuis la fermeture de Tarascon la dernière grande usine française de pâte à papier marchande. Ses salariés et la filière bois attendent encore aujourd'hui une solution. Et c'est une question européenne.
Claire Fita
Bien sûr, nous devons empêcher les fusions qui pénalisent les consommateurs. Mais quand une usine ferme, l'Europe perd un producteur, des emplois, des savoir-faire et dépend davantage des importations. Nos règles doivent certes encadrer les fusions, mais nous devons aussi mesurer ce que nous perdons quand les entreprises disparaissent. Madame la Vice-Présidente, je salue votre volonté de mettre la politique de concurrence au service de l'industrie européenne. Mais comment la Commission entend-elle mieux protéger notre capacité à produire en Europe ?
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Merci beaucoup pour la question. Je crois que la question va au-delà de la politique de la concurrence européenne. Je pense que c'est surtout une question qui touche la politique industrielle et à quel point l'Europe pense qu'on doit devenir, on doit redevenir the industrial powerhouse dont on a besoin. Une industrie qui regarde vers l'avenir, vers le futur, vers quelque chose qui doit durer et être très satisfaisant et productif pour créer la richesse dont on a besoin et les emplois dont on a besoin. Et dans le même temps, il y a des choses sur lesquelles on doit faire, on doit fixer notre attention.
D'abord, comment on peut faciliter l'accompagnement des compagnies avec des soutiens publics autour de Clean Industrial State Aid Framework pour décarboner, pour faciliter la transformation et la transition énergétique, pour avoir des énergies propres et une utilisation efficiente de l'énergie dans les processus industriels. Et sur ces questions, il y a eu pas mal de demandes aussi qui ont été faites par les différents États membres. Il y a aussi une question qui est importante, c'est comment dans une compagnie qui peut avoir une question de difficulté, une restructuring situation, on peut compter sur le soutien public dans quelques conditions.
Encore là, il y a des directives qui ont été publiées par la DG Compétition, par la Commission européenne pour faciliter ce rôle. Et ça dépend des secteurs, ça dépend de l'usine en concret, mais je suis tout à fait d'accord avec vous. C'est important de soutenir et de faciliter la transformation de notre industrie et de penser à quel point pour nos concitoyens avoir un emploi de qualité et avoir la capacité de compter sur un État qui a la capacité de créer de la richesse pour soutenir notre État de bien-être est là. Et alors on doit s'engager dans les différentes dimensions et les différents volets de la gouvernance publique, y compris le volet européen. Merci.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Ferbera, nech sa páči.
Markus Ferber
Dank Frau Kommissarin, Europa braucht Unternehmen, darüber wurde schon mehrmals gesprochen heute, die auf den Weltmärkten auch wirklich mithalten können. Der Entwurf der neuen Fusionsleitlinien vom April ist ja ein Schritt in diese richtige Richtung. Skaleneffekte, Innovation, Resilienz sollen mehr berücksichtigt werden. Zugleich sagen Sie, Frau Kommissarin, die neuen Leitlinien seien kein Blankoscheck und Effizienzgewinne müssten belastbar nachgewiesen werden, aber genau da liegt ja das Problem. Ist die Beweislast so hoch, dass sie kein Unternehmen erfüllen kann, dann ändert sich doch nichts.
Deswegen meine Frage an Sie, welche konkreten Nachweise wird die Kommission verlangen für Effizienzgewinne und für Innovationsvorteile und bleibt es bei der Annahme der neuen Leitlinien zum Ende des Jahres und wie gehen Sie mit Fällen um, die jetzt schon auf Ihrem Schreibtisch liegen? Werden da schon die neuen Leitlinien angewandt oder gelten noch die alten? Vielen Dank.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Thank you, thank you so much because this question is very easy to be answered. It will be by the end of the year. We are already applying the guidelines and we are trying to improve those aspects where we have got recommendations for improvement in the consultation process. And these recommendations for improvements that as I said to your colleagues were more than 200 comments that were very precise and I think that that shows to what extent there was a broad interest and broad support but also good assessment of the contents are mainly dealing with how we can improve clarity when thinking about the concept of resilience as I said, how we can identify much better the limits for how in technical and economic terms we assess a merger's dynamic forward-looking effects so to prevent over-crediting what it has been claimed by companies, how we can slightly change the innovation shield to ensure it is easy to apply so we want to provide this shield to the innovative companies, it should not be too burdensome, and how we can give more guidance on how in practice efficiencies can be proven. These are the topics where we are concentrating our efforts right now and as I said we are convinced that they will be formally adopted before the end of the year, before the Christmas break.
Gracias presidente, bienvenida vicepresidenta Ribera, bienvenida siempre. Qué pena, ¿verdad? Que ningún diputado o diputada posfascista está hoy en la cámara, que le piden que venga pero luego no vienen. Claro, no vienen porque esta crisis energética es debido a la guerra que ha causado otro fascista, el señor Putin, al que apoyan los amigos del señor Trump. Mire, algunos Estados miembros han dicho claramente no a la guerra, como el caso de España, pero han hecho más.
En concreto España ha establecido una protección para hogares y pymes ante la subida del gas, así como ayudas al gasóleo profesional y una rebaja fiscal a los carburantes.
César Luena
Y en ese sentido me gustaría saber qué está haciendo la Comisión en materia de competencia para responder al coste de la energía, para apoyar las economías de los socios, para fomentar una transición limpia y también para impulsar la descarbonización. Pero como le digo, la causa de esta crisis energética está ahí, en esa bancada, porque están apoyando al señor Trump, que con esta guerra ilegal e injusta está provocando esta alza de los precios. Hay que decir sí a las políticas para prevenir esta crisis, pero hay que decir no a la guerra.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Gracias, señor Luena. It's strange to get this question in Spanish. I got it from Jonas, a very similar question before. I think that as I said, yes, the main thing we can do in order to build resilience and to count on affordable and predictable prices and to prevent the more than 100 billion euros that we have paid in addition for no single additional molecule in these six months is to transform our energy system, to electrify, to be much more efficient, to deploy those technologies that are within reach. And I think that that's the main thing that we are trying to promote, or one of the main things that we are trying to promote in order to ensure the affordability of life, but also the competitiveness of our companies and the capacity of our economy.
I would say that the main element from the competition policy to support this transformation is the state aid guidelines connected to the Clean Industrial Deal. So to decarbonize the energy, so to transform the energy systems that can help into this exercise and support the infrastructures. And in that context we have got 36 decisions in this one year and a half that involve more than 132 billion euros all across Europe. But this is not the only thing. The main concern in the recent months has been the war and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, and this has got a great impact on our prices of energy.
And this is why we adopted this Middle East temporary state aid framework that in principle is about to end by the end of the year. What we are doing right now is to consult the capitals on whether they think that we still need to prolong the existing framework, so to allow this support beyond 2026, three months, six months, something like that. We have got responses from the different capitals. There has been quite a strong interest to be preserved, and we are also taking into consideration if there is any additional measure to be included in these guidelines that could count on the support of the public budgets coming from the national member states. And that's where we are, and we will need to come up with the final decision, of course, as in the previous case, before the end of the year, because otherwise it is the deadline for the current state aid framework.
Eero Heinäluoma
Madam Commissioner, coming from Finland, fair competition based on merits and playing along the rules is really in our DNA. Unfortunately, we know that not everybody in this planet are according to the same principles when we are looking outside Europe. Therefore, it's really important that EU competition policy is in your stable pair of hands and you take into account the interests of EU consumers, but at the same time also make sure that we are safeguarding jobs here in Europe.
And this is also the approach which I expect from the Commission in the announced joint venture between UPM-Kymmene and Sappi in the paper industry. Paper and pulp industry have been under very heavy pressure during recent years and it continues to go through a structural change even today. So it's important that we have this kind of industry in Europe also in the future. Therefore, I would hope to see a sustainable solution coming from your hands in the next months.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Thank you, thank you for your nice comment. I think that it is our duty to work with these two interests: a well-functioning level playing field in our market and to ensure competitiveness and competition driving this innovation and competitiveness from our companies and at the same time paying attention to citizens and paying attention to consumers. And I think that you are referring to a concrete case that I should not comment because it is an ongoing case in a very key sector, paper sector, that involves very important companies that count on a very relevant share of this market. So yes, we need to pay attention to the preliminary concerns that we have identified and the companies have been quite proactive and constructive. They have engaged in this conversation trying to come up with the documents and reasoning and elements to make up our minds.
As I said, it is a point of concern. It is a sector that is in decline in terms of consumption and these are big players in this market. But as I said, we need to pay attention to their concerns, their explanations and to the eventual impacts on consumers of whatever we do, whether we clear or we say that it is not possible to clear. Thank you.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you very much and just to let you know, we are actually running good on time, so if more colleagues want to participate in question time and ask questions... It didn't happen to me yet to basically call on people to ask questions. I would like to ask questions but I can't. So let me give the floor to Madame Sorel.
Malika Sorel
L'Union européenne doit cesser de confondre protection de la concurrence et limitation de la puissance de nos entreprises. Nous devons réformer l'examen des concentrations afin de mieux intégrer les investissements, l'innovation et la concurrence mondiale car nous ne sommes pas seuls sur cette terre. Nous devons libérer les initiatives, responsabiliser les acteurs, sanctionner les abus. L'Union européenne doit devenir une économie de liberté et de responsabilité. Elle doit être plus pragmatique dans l'application de ses règles, plus stratégique dans la défense de ses intérêts collectifs.
Chers collègues, on juge les politiques à leurs résultats et pas à leur conformité à une doctrine. Les règles doivent servir la prospérité et la souveraineté européenne. Voilà les conditions qui permettront à nos entreprises de lutter à armes égales et de peser dans la compétition mondiale. Sinon, nous finirons esclaves des nouveaux empires qui émergent sous nos yeux. Madame la Vice-présidente, en avez-vous pleinement conscience ?
Je vous remercie.
Merci pour votre commentaire. Je crois que je partage tout ce que vous avez dit, sauf deux petites choses que j'ajouterais.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
D'abord, je crois qu'on est déjà dans le continent qui est le plus attaché aux valeurs, le plus attaché à la capacité d'être grand d'un point de vue droits et libertés de nos citoyens et aussi de la capacité d'innover et de continuer à créer de la valeur chez nos nos compagnies. Deuxième chose qui est importante aussi, oui, on ne doit pas endoctriner, mais être sûr qu'on qu'on compte sur les règles les plus adéquates pour garder ces principes, en sachant que ce n'est pas seulement le marché mondial qui compte, et il compte beaucoup, et ça veut dire qu'on doit être cohérent quand on pense au droit de commerce, quand on pense au droit et à la coopération internationale et quand on évite la weaponization de différentes dépendances dans le monde entier, mais mais ça compte aussi dans le marché européen. C'est-à-dire, ce n'est pas une bonne chose de penser qu'on peut créer de grands champions qui qui imposent ses conditions dans les consommateurs européens, y compris les industriels qui consomment ces produits, ces services d'autres compagnies qui sont majeures, parce qu'on doit garder la capacité de défier depuis l'innovation, des positions beaucoup plus plus innovantes aux grands champions qui ont peut-être une position beaucoup plus importante dans le marché, qui ont une tentation d'abuser de leur position. Alors je crois que une fois qu'on dit ça, je suis tout à fait d'accord avec tout ça que vous avez dit, mais avec ces deux petites ajouts. Merci.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you. And now I have to first give the floor to S&D because I'm following the d'Hondt and I have to follow that. So, Madame Pajín.
Leire Pajín
Uno de los principales problemas que hoy tenemos, señora vicepresidenta, como sabe bien, es el acceso a la vivienda. Hay toda una generación que estos días ha salido a la calle precisamente para exigir sus derechos. En mi país, en España, el Gobierno ha puesto un tope del 2 % a la actualización de la renta de alquiler y ha protegido a los más vulnerables frente a los especuladores. La pregunta que se hacen muchos ciudadanos hoy en Europa es qué más puede hacer la Unión Europea para ayudar a las autoridades nacionales y locales a ofrecer viviendas asequibles y a garantizar que sea un derecho y no un privilegio y un negocio como pretenden algunos.
Cette fois, this time I'm going to answer in in Spanish because I have realized that I have answered in English and French, so.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Voy a voy a contestar en español. No no corresponde en esta sesión hacer una valoración de la política de vivienda porque estoy aquí convocada para hablar de competencia. Pero sí creo que todos compartimos la idea de que desde la perspectiva de competencia nosotros hemos de trabajar también en este espacio y que además la política de vivienda ha sido una novedad de este de este mandato en la Comisión con un comisario dedicado a este asunto y con un paquete de medidas que se han ido construyendo sobre los distintos aspectos en los que la Unión Europea sí tiene competencia. Si miramos el Tratado Constitutivo de la Unión Europea no hay una referencia a vivienda. ¿Cuáles son esos elementos?
Pensar cómo la vivienda asequible no es solamente una cuestión de facilitar el acceso a los más necesitados, vivienda social, sino también vigilar las condiciones de mercado o incluso acompañar en condiciones de de igualdad o en condiciones proporcionadas determinadas limitaciones en zonas tensionadas, cosa que hemos hecho o desde la perspectiva como digo exclusivamente de vivienda cuáles son las posibilidades de utilizar dinero público para acompañar no solamente el la iniciativa de vivienda social, sino también de vivienda asequible.
Por ello revisamos, incorporamos en las reglas de ayudas de Estado, de las directrices de ayudas de Estado para la vivienda, un capítulo específico a vivienda asequible, no solamente vivienda social, permitiendo de una forma mucho más flexible la implicación en condiciones de competencia y contando con determinadas limitaciones, incluidas limitaciones en la duración mínima de los contratos de alquiler que fueran destinados a las viviendas que se han beneficiado de este tipo de apoyo en los Estados miembros.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you, and thank you to all of you who joined the debate. I register your request, please, this is as much as we can take. I hope that we will manage all in the due time. Now let me give the floor to Mr. Oliveira.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, presidente, senhora comissária Teresa Ribera. A política de facilitação de fusões e concentrações de empresas está desenhada à medida das grandes potências europeias e dos seus grupos monopolistas. É uma política de concentração da riqueza, de concentração de capacidade produtiva, económica e financeira, de acentuação do domínio das potências europeias e das multinacionais sobre os povos e os Estados. E quero fazer-lhe quatro perguntas. Que papel fica reservado para os países menos desenvolvidos economicamente, que já hoje sofrem as consequências da concentração da capacidade industrial e das assimetrias de desenvolvimento dentro do espaço da União Europeia?
Que papel fica reservado para os trabalhadores que já hoje estão sujeitos à exploração do seu trabalho e ao desrespeito pelos seus direitos e que já hoje pagam os lucros das multinacionais europeias com o aumento do custo de vida? Que papel fica reservado para as pequenas e médias empresas e os pequenos produtores que já hoje são esmagados pelas multinacionais no acesso ao financiamento bancário, nos custos dos transportes, nos preços dos combustíveis? E que papel fica reservado para as empresas públicas e os serviços públicos que têm de lidar com a redução do investimento público e as limitações aos auxílios estatais, enquanto para as multinacionais há financiamento e condições para aumentar a sua capacidade económica?
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Obrigada, I cannot reply in Portuguese and I am very sorry for this. I think that the list of... en español está bien. Las preguntas que me hace son muchas y no todas tienen que ver con la capacidad de hacer uso de los instrumentos de competencia. Pero sí puedo decir una cosa muy importante. El uso de los instrumentos de competencia no se puede hacer pensando en los países grandes o los países pequeños, en los que tienen más margen fiscal o en los que tienen menos margen fiscal, o en los grandes campeones o en las pymes.
Tiene que hacerse de manera equilibrado para todos. Y tiene que hacerse protegiendo siempre la capacidad de innovación y de defensa de ese espacio en el que consumidores e innovadores no pueden sentirse desplazados por los grandes campeones o en el que el uso de dinero público para hacer política industrial podría distorsionar la eficacia real y la capacidad de competir de grandes campeones en función del espacio fiscal que tengan los Estados miembros donde estén instalados. Esto sí son aspectos que vigilamos desde la Dirección General de Competencia, los vigilamos con mucha atención. En las directrices sobre fusiones que vamos a publicar este año después de un año y medio de trabajo muy intenso y muy interesante, algunas de las cuestiones que usted ha planteado aparecen reflejadas. Como decía, de qué forma podemos mirar al futuro, de qué forma podemos recoger la innovación, de qué forma podemos respetar la resiliencia en la producción y en los procesos industriales para por esa vía también garantizar mejores condiciones laborales o el salto cualitativo desde el punto de vista de la sostenibilidad sin quebrar una regla fundamental, que es que las promesas no son realidades.
Por tanto, tenemos que evaluar que las cosas sean reales y no sea algo que nos engañe a la hora de vigilar esas promesas con los mejores elementos económicos de los que dispongamos.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Hay otro elemento que también ha suscitado usted que o dos elementos más que son importantes y solamente se han gestionado, han sido asunto al que hemos prestado atención desde la Dirección General de Competencia pero pero son parciales porque hay otra regulación sectorial. Aquellos aspectos que pueden distorsionar el mercado de trabajo que no están directamente siendo regulados por parte del derecho laboral, el derecho laboral es quien ha de hacer esto, las condiciones laborales, los estándares laborales es quienes lo hacen, pero a veces las los los acuerdos entre compañías para evitar que un trabajador pueda ir a otra empresa impiden el que esto el que pueda haber esta movilidad, esto sí lo hemos tratado o las condiciones de los servicios en los que determinadas posiciones de dominio de algunas empresas de servicios básicos o de bienes básicos como son los los bienes de servicios higiénicos de la mujer puedan imponer condiciones restrictivas en precio y abusivas para los consumidores, eso sí lo vigilamos. Perdón, sorry.
It's a bit too long but it's okay. And now let me give the floor to colleague Sieper.
Vielen Dank, Herr Präsident. Frau Kommissarin in Deutsch vielleicht? Ich fürchte nicht. Mich würde interessieren, ich glaube, was wir hier tun, was die Kommission hier fordert, ist sehr wichtig. Das ist entscheidend für die Zukunft des Binnenmarkts, entscheidend auch für die strategische Autonomie der Europäischen Union.
Gleichzeitig bewegen wir uns hier in einem sehr technischen Feld. Deswegen würde ich gerne wissen, welche Maßnahmen die Kommission ergreift, um diese geplanten Änderungen, diese geplanten Reformen auch mit der Bevölkerung zu kommunizieren und ob der Kommission irgendwelche Metriken, irgendwelche Daten darüber bekannt sind, ob diese Reformen im Bewusstsein der Bevölkerung auch wirklich ankommen. Dankeschön.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
Vielen Dank, and that's all I can say. I can say tschüss at the end but that's all. I think that you have a very strong point there. And that's part of what I personally consider is my mission. Because I think it is important for the people to know why this matters and to what extent this benefits their day-to-day life.
Whether they can use different search engines and browsers when they access to Google, whether they or they access to the to the digital platforms, whether they can identify what are the benefits of avoiding exploitative prices, abuses of dominance in in their day-to-day consumption and so on. And yes, there are some metrics. We come up with a report each year with the assessment of what it has been the deterrence effect of what we do to prevent similar behaviors coming from big players that have a relevant share in a given market, whether the enforcement of the Digital Markets Act has prevented or has facilitated different deployments, whether there have been real impacts in their incomes of a household. And the estimate is that because of the enforcement of the competition instruments in average each European citizen has saved around 160 euros per year. So there are some of these metrics.
But it is true that the explanation is so complicated that it reaches with much difficulty to an average citizen. So we need to be able to explain what we do, why we do, and what is the impact of what we do and to translate it in such a way that it does not have the technicalities that may be used by the competition family when working in their day-to-day life. So I agree with you and I appreciate your question. Thank you.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem pekne a teraz poprosím kolegu Lópeza Aguilara, nech sa páči.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Thank you, Mr. President. Atendiendo la amable invitación del presidente de participar en este question time con la vicepresidenta Ribera, la saludo en su responsabilidad en la competencia, que puede parecer áspera, pero en realidad es decisiva para la garantía de la equidad en la asignación de los recursos y la transparencia en el cumplimiento de las reglas de juego en que consiste el derecho europeo. En estos momentos hay una batalla política por el marco financiero plurianual del Parlamento con el Consejo, pero también dentro del Consejo, entre los que se denominan frugales, que creen que se debe hacer más con menos, y otros que, como España, creen que en ningún caso las nuevas prioridades deben perjudicar las políticas que dan sentido a la construcción europea: cohesión, política social, equidad, además de la política agrícola común. Y le pregunto, vicepresidenta Ribera, a su juicio, ¿cuáles son las rúbricas del marco financiero plurianual que son decisivas para el mantenimiento del estándar de competencia de la Unión Europea y su capacidad de imponer esas reglas de juego a los gigantes económicos que se resisten contra ellas como gato panza arriba?
Thank you, and just to remind that this debate is about the fusions and the mergers and the competition, but please go ahead, Executive Vice-President.
Teresa Ribera Rodriguez
No, thank you, thank you so much. This is because your very kind invitation to raise questions and so they come with very interesting questions. No, esta pregunta evidentemente es una pregunta importantísima y del debate anterior. But I will make a comment on something which is critical for us, which is to enhance the capacities to enforce, adapt, anticipate what it means the Digital Markets Act and what it means counting on the right economic tools and professionals so to ensure the enforcement of the competition policy. To assess into the future, to better define how it relates our domestic market with the global markets and whether the other markets may be distorting real competition.
So, for instance, what does it mean the enforcement of the Foreign Subsidies Regulation and how we can recalibrate what it means trade and what it means access to our market in similar conditions to the conditions being demanded to our corporates in terms of standards, in terms of transparency, whether they may be benefiting from public support, from state aid. So, I think that those chapters dealing with the capacity to give credibility to the well-functioning of the European Commission and services and to the develop and deploy industrial and research policies that can allow us to keep on investing on our own economy are particularly important to this extent, not to comment on other very relevant topics connecting back to the citizens such as the agriculture policy or the infrastructures and the energy policies and so on and so forth. Thank you.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you, and as the last one who fits within the 60 minutes of the question time is Madame Miranda Paz.
Ana Miranda Paz
Gracias, presidente. Señora vicepresidenta Ribera, como eurodiputada del BNG quiero hacerle una pregunta muy directa. Usted sabe que hay un procedimiento de infracción abierto por la cuestión de la Autopista del Atlántico, de la AP-9, y que la Comisión declaró en su momento que las normas y el procedimiento de licitación y concurrencia competitiva que exige la contratación pública de la Unión Europea, hecha por el señor Aznar para que durase la concesión de esa autopista hasta el año 2048, pues sigue abierto. Para nosotros, en Galicia, es importantísimo que esta cuestión se lleve al punto final y que el Colegio de Comisarios decida ir al Tribunal de Justicia o que haga un acuerdo con el Estado español, esperemos que progresista, por cierto, y que se llegue a un acuerdo para que se libere por fin esa Autopista del Atlántico tan importante para mi país y tan importante también porque ha incumplido esa concesión las normas de competencia y de contratación.
Yo sé que es un tema que seguramente no va en la línea de su de su área, pero usted pertenece al Colegio de Comisarios y esperamos que la Comisión decida pronto.
Yo le agradezco la pregunta. Creo que no es una una cuestión que entre dentro del ámbito de mi competencia. Evidentemente preguntaré a mis compañeros y me informaré, pero le agradezco mucho la pregunta.
Okay, sorry, that took me by surprise. That concludes the question time. I'm sorry to all of those who had additional questions but didn't make it, but really appreciate that you came and properly grilled Executive Vice-President. I hope that you are leaving not only properly roasted but also full of inspiration for your work. And that concludes the question time.
Martin Hojsík
Ďalším bodom programu sú vyhlásenia Rady a Komisie Európska podpora na obranu Medzinárodného trestného súdu. A chcel by som privítať pána ministra Byrneho a rovno mu dať slovo. We're starting the next one. Thank you, gentlemen. Please, Minister.
Thomas Byrne
President, honorable members, High Representative, dear Kaja. The European Union is foundationally committed to the international legal order, of which the ICC is a fundamental part, based on respect for international law. International criminal justice plays a crucial role in holding to account those who commit the most serious crimes of international concern and violate international law. As the world's first and only permanent international criminal court, the ICC plays an essential role in delivering justice to victims of some of the world's most horrific crimes. These last years, the ICC has been faced with challenges to its authority.
What started as threats have now been turned into are now being turned into concrete sanctions against the court. Last week, the European Council in its conclusions deeply regretted the announcement by the United States to impose sanctions against the International Criminal Court as an institution and urged the United States to reverse these measures and engage in discussions. The European Union is ready to take all necessary measures and leaders have asked the Commission to take all appropriate initiatives contributing to the protection of the court and the mitigation of sanctions, specifically towards EU companies so that they can continue providing services to the court. At the same time, the six-month general license provides us with an opportunity for dialogue, which we should take advantage of. While remaining ready to take all necessary measures, we should encourage efforts to try to find a negotiated solution.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem pán minister a teraz poprosím za komisiu vysokú predstaviteľku únie pre zahraničnú politiku a podpredsedníčku komisie Kaju Kallas, nech sa páči.
Kaja Kallas
Honorable members. Undermining the ICC is misguided, it's against European interests, including our steadfast support for international law and rule of law, and defies the will of over 120 states who set up the court together. Decisions by Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad and Venezuela to reject or even withdraw from the ICC risk eroding the foundations of global justice with an additional risk that other countries follow. The US has already adopted individual sanctions, including against nine judges and the chief prosecutor of the ICC. The latest US announcement to impose institutional sanctions puts the entire court at risk.
The six months period to maintain current operations provides breathing space. The states parties can use this time to pursue diplomacy with the view to securing the reversal of the sanctions and any further measures that seek to undermine the independence and integrity of the court. We will use this time to analyze the full legal implications, to open dialogue and look for solutions. Honorable members, while we call on the US to reverse the measures that seek to undermine the ICC, the court has been preparing to meet the consequences, finding alternative IT systems for managing case files and payment systems for staff salaries. But every state party to the ICC must help the court continue its work, not only at headquarters but also in the field, in Ukraine for example, where evidence of mass war crimes are being collected.
On Friday at the European Council, member states could not have been clearer about their support to the court. They called on the Commission to take all appropriate initiatives that protect the court and the mitigation of sanctions specifically towards EU companies so that they can continue providing services to the court. I know many members of the European Parliament have also been strongly advocating for more EU support, and thank you for this. Our commitment is there. The European Union has practical means to do more.
In parallel, we keep contributing to the day-to-day work of the court. The EU has already provided 30 million euro over the past two years to the ICC and we are looking at what else can we do. Our funds pay for physical, psychological and material reparations for victims, boost the ICC's investigative capacity and help the ICC communicate globally so that people can understand what the court is and why we need it. Clearly we need to do more on this. So let me start here.
Throughout the 20th century, millions of civilians were victims of horrific atrocities during global and regional conflicts. Many political and military leaders were directly responsible for these actions but escaped punishment. In the absence of an international court to prosecute these individuals, the international community created brand new mechanisms for accountability: Nuremberg, Tokyo, the tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda. Where there was a will to deliver justice, the world find a way.
But these tribunals tackled only some specific situations. We needed a permanent solution, a safety net to ensure a judicial system was always ready to respond to atrocities anywhere in the world: an International Criminal Court. In its short history since 1998, the ICC has secured landmark convictions for war crimes and crimes against humanity from Darfur to Rwanda. Today, ICC's investigations into Russia's war in Ukraine, conflicts in Gaza, Sudan, Myanmar, Ethiopia, Haiti, and Afghanistan are pushing the court to its limit. The ICC is no less relevant now because the world has advanced beyond any need for justice.
It is rather the opposite: it is more relevant than ever because we have not. The ICC has never targeted sovereign states. It prosecutes individuals who are suspected of having committed an atrocity crime. The court only acts if a state is unwilling or unable to genuinely investigate or prosecute suspected individuals itself. The ICC is never the first port of call for victims, but it's always the last.
Together with the state parties, we must collectively defend the ICC, but also strengthen it further and encourage more countries to join. I'm in regular contact with the ICC President Tomoko Akane and will be in The Hague this week to discuss what the European Union can do in this regard. Honorable members, every day we wake up to news of further atrocities, more aggression, and the deaths of civilians all around the world. We see hospitals bombed, energy facilities destroyed, hostages held, and children stolen. Half of our citizens no longer follow the news because the deluge of disaster is too much.
The world is in such a chaos because international law is being undermined and there is very little accountability. The ICC is under attack at precisely the moment when we need it the most. Unchecked aggression only breeds more aggression. As lawmakers, politicians, and public servants, we have a duty to help change that, starting by supporting the ICC to do the job that we gave it to do. Thank you.
Ondřej Kolář
Thank you very much, dear Commissioner, dear Minister, dear colleagues. I'm sorry to say it, but I'm afraid that Donald Trump actually hates our values, our principles, our rules. He hates the rule of law, he hates justice, and he disputes the rules-based world order and attacks institutions which actually serve to protect it. But allow me to say that everything bad is actually good for something. This situation gives European Union the opportunity to lead.
I'm very thankful for your determination to secure the functioning of the ICC, because we all need it. We need to do everything that we can and use all the instruments that we have to actually secure the functioning of this institution. And if it means rethinking the blocking statute, then there are no excuses not to do it. We should also assemble the signatories of the Rome Statute from all over the world and together with them find a solution that would actually further secure and even strengthen the ICC and like institutions. I'm again, as I said, very thankful for your determination and I think that I can honestly say that you can count on this house in this manner, because the determination to this cause here in this house is very strong.
Thank you very much.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem pekne. A teraz poprosím kolegu Maniatisa za skupinu Progresívnej aliancie socialistov a demokratov v Európskom parlamente. Nech sa páči.
Yannis Maniatis
Κύριε Ύπατε Εκπρόσωπε, οι νέες αμερικανικές κυρώσεις κατά του Διεθνούς Ποινικού Δικαστηρίου, την ημέρα ακριβώς που μια πρώην δικαστής του κέρδισε το Νόμπελ Ειρήνης, αποδεικνύουν ότι πρόκειται για μια οργανωμένη εκστρατεία κατά του ίδιου του θεσμού και των αρχών που εκπροσωπεί, της διεθνούς δικαιοσύνης και της λογοδοσίας. Εμείς ως Σοσιαλιστές και Δημοκράτες είμαστε περήφανοι που έχουμε προτείνει το δικαστήριο για το βραβείο Ζαχάρωφ, το μεγαλύτερο της Ένωσης. Έχει έρθει πλέον η ώρα η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση να αποδείξει στην πράξη ότι συνεχίζει να στηρίζει το διεθνές δίκαιο και δεν θα υποχωρήσει στις πιέσεις της αμερικανικής κυβέρνησης. Η ενεργοποίηση του Blocking Statute από την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή δεν μπορεί άλλο να καθυστερήσει. Είναι υποχρέωσή μας να διασφαλίσουμε ότι το δικαστήριο θα συνεχίσει να λειτουργεί κανονικά και απρόσκοπτα, γιατί δεν μπορούμε να αφήσουμε το δίκαιο του ισχυρού να υπερισχύσει.
Το οφείλουμε στα χιλιάδες θύματα εγκλημάτων πολέμου στην Ουκρανία, τη Λιβύη, το Σουδάν, το Αφγανιστάν, τη Γάζα. Σας ευχαριστώ.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem. A teraz poprosím kolegyňu Andriese za skupinu Patrioti pre Európu. Nech sa páči.
Voorzitter, mevrouw de Hoge Vertegenwoordiger, waarom blijft de EU een Internationaal Strafhof steunen dat het vertrouwen van onze belangrijkste bondgenoot zo fundamenteel heeft verloren? Voor de PVV is dit hof incompetent, vooringenomen, antisemitisch en anti-westers. Amerika trekt terecht een grens. Het weigert zijn militairen en bestuurders te onderwerpen aan een hof waarin het de rechtsstaat, rechtsmacht nooit heeft aanvaard. Wij steunen die verdediging van nationale soevereiniteit.
Mieke Andriese
Ook de banneling van Israël is een schande. Terwijl Israël zich verdedigt tegen Hamas, hangt premier Netanyahu een arrestatiebevel boven het hoofd. En uitgerecht Nederland biedt dit hof onderdak. Voorzitter, mevrouw Kallas, daar moeten wij consequenties aan verbinden. De EU moet de Amerikaanse sancties overnemen en Nederland moet zijn deelname aan dit hof beëindigen.
Nederland uit het Internationaal Strafhof, het Internationaal Strafhof uit Nederland. En voor het overige zijn wij van mening dat Nederland de Europese Unie moet verlaten. Ik dank u wel.
Speaker 325
A teraz poprosím kolegyňu Gosiewsku za Európskych konzervatívcov a reformistov. Nech sa páči.
Małgorzata Gosiewska
Debatujemy dziś o europejskim wsparciu dla Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego. Ale o jego wiarygodności decydują nie tylko deklaracje, decyduje przede wszystkim skuteczność i szybkość działania. W 2015 roku przekazałam Trybunałowi raport o rosyjskich zbrodniach wojennych na Ukrainie. Dopiero siedem lat później materiał ten włączono do śledztwa dotyczącego zbrodni popełnianych przez Rosję. Podobny problem widzimy w Gruzji.
Zbrodnie z 2008 roku objęto formalnym śledztwem dopiero w 2016 roku, a nakazy aresztowania trzech podejrzanych wydano w 2022. Trudno nie pytać, dlaczego rozliczanie rosyjskich zbrodni trwa tak długo. W czasie wojny giną świadkowie, zacierają się ślady, a sprawcy pozostają bezkarni.
Potrzebujemy więc trybunału nie tylko niezależnego, ale też sprawnego i skutecznego, bo o jego sile nie świadczą deklaracje, lecz realna odpowiedzialność sprawców. I jeszcze jedno, pani komisarz, mówiła pani o zbrodniach w Rwandzie. Proszę powiedzieć, dlaczego zbrodniarze z Rwandy cieszą się do dziś wolnością na terytorium Francji czy Belgii? Dziękuję.
Martin Hojsík
A teraz poproszę koleżankę Garcię Hermidę van der Walę za grupę Renew Europe, niech się pani podoba.
Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle
Thank you, chair. Madam Commissioner, a young woman raped by the Janjaweed in Sudan, a man caught in the so-called war on drugs in the Philippines, a starving mother queuing for humanitarian aid in Gaza, an abducted Ukrainian child, an Afghan girl robbed of all freedoms. The International Criminal Court is the foundation of our common understanding that the worst crimes against humanity must never go unpunished, that victims, wherever and whomever they are, deserve justice. And we have built this understanding brick by brick, and we will defend it brick by brick, not only through diplomacy, but also by making it clear that undermining the court will not be without consequences, that European investments are not a blank check, that European companies will receive the protection they deserve. The Union must be ready to activate emergency measures with one press of a button, because if the time comes, we cannot afford to wait.
Dear High Representative, dear Kaja, are we ready to activate emergency measures the moment sanctions take effect? Is the delegated act ready to be put on the table at a moment's notice? And dear Minister, Council Presidency, are you prepared for an emergency meeting to activate the blocking statute? And to ask colleagues, are we ready to come from wherever we are, from Narva to Porto, from The Hague to Nicosia, to convene a plenary vote? International justice protects us all, and all of us must protect international justice, whatever it takes.
Martin Hojsík
Dziękuję. Now blue cards in the first round. That's rules. A teraz poproszę kolegę Satouriho za grupę Zielonych, Europejska Wolna Aliancja, niech się pan podoba.
Mounir Satouri
Madame Kallas, chers collègues, 6 février 2025, aux côtés de Netanyahou, Donald Trump signe un décret : quiconque aide la CPI à enquêter sur des Américains ou des Israéliens sera sanctionné. Vous n'avez rien fait. Depuis, il a frappé cinq fois : le procureur, ses adjoints, dix juges, parmi eux deux Européens, la Slovène Beti Hohler et le juge français Nicolas Guillou. Cinq fois, et vous n'avez rien fait. 4 septembre 2025, trois ONG palestiniennes sont sanctionnées pour avoir coopéré avec la Cour.
Ce sont trois partenaires de l'Union, vous n'avez rien fait. 13 juillet dernier, Washington annonce publiquement son objectif : démanteler la CPI. Vous n'avez rien fait. Aujourd'hui, c'est la Cour dans sa globalité qui est visée. Plus aucune entreprise, plus aucune personne ne pourra travailler avec celle-ci ou lui fournir quelque service que ce soit.
Face à ce doigt d'honneur, qu'avez-vous fait ? Vous avez appelé au dialogue. Madame Kallas, il y a deux ans, le dialogue était sans doute une option. Aujourd'hui, il faut agir. Activez enfin le statut de blocage que vous refusez de déclencher depuis deux ans et construisez une véritable stratégie européenne pour protéger la justice internationale, comme le propose mon rapport adopté hier à AFET.
Donald Trump veut mettre la CPI à genoux et pendant ce temps, vous restez les bras croisés.
À ce stade, Madame Kallas, ce n'est plus de la prudence diplomatique, c'est un renoncement politique. Agissez enfin, s'il vous plaît. On nous attend, on nous regarde. L'Europe doit activer le statut de blocage.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Pedullu za skupinu ľavice v Európskom parlamente, nech sa páči.
Gaetano Pedulla'
Grazie, colleghi. Le sanzioni americane contro la Corte Penale Internazionale sono una carognata. Un attacco frontale al principio per cui nessuno è al di sopra della legge. Perciò in Parlamento con le altre istituzioni comunitarie dobbiamo fare argine e su questo la mia parte politica, il Movimento 5 Stelle con tutto il gruppo The Left, siamo irremovibili. Sosteniamo pertanto lo scudo alle sanzioni previsto dal regolamento di blocco europeo, ponendo però anche qui il rifiuto di quei doppi standard su cui si fonda l'attacco alla Corte.
Diciamolo chiaramente: la Corte Penale che andava bene a Washington finché perseguiva Putin non va più bene quando chiama Netanyahu a rispondere del genocidio a Gaza. Come si può allora difendere la Corte e allo stesso tempo far finta di niente sui crimini di guerra in Palestine? Dunque, facciamo anche noi la nostra parte, abbattiamo i doppi standard e rafforziamo la Corte Penale infliggendo a Israele sanzioni come facciamo a Mosca. Perché senza uguaglianza davanti alla legge, l'ordine internazionale è solo la legge del più forte e dove c'è il Far West non può esserci pace.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím pána predsedníctva Vavrickovica, nech sa páči.
Michał Wawrykiewicz
Dear President, Commissioner, and dear colleagues. After Second World War, we as the international community, we made a solemn promise: never again. And it became very clear that the international legal system was missing something fundamental: a permanent criminal court. For that reason, in 2002, the International Criminal Court came into existence to end impunity and ensure that no one, regardless of their position or power, is above the law. But now the institution, the ICC, is under threat.
In 2023, Russia initiated criminal proceedings and issued arrest warrants against ICC judges and prosecutors. Then in 2025, it went even further, sentencing the ICC prosecutor and eight judges in absentia to up to 15 years in prison. Why? To punish the court for daring to issue an arrest warrant against Vladimir Putin, a war criminal, for his actions in Ukraine. We protested then, but now we see, unfortunately, another attack, this time coming from the US, our ally.
Let me be clear: the sanctions imposed by United States administration against the court, its judges and prosecutors, are unacceptable for us. We cannot allow judges to be intimidated or international justice to be paralyzed because its decisions are politically inconvenient. I urge the Parliament to use diplomatic weight and take concrete actions to protect ICC, its personnel and its ability to deliver justice. Thank you.
Thank you very much. Before I give the floor to the next speaker, I would like to announce that while Mr. Assis is speaking, that will be the last chance to register for catch-the-eye. We are already under time constraint and I already have a long list, so this is the last chance for this debate. Please, Mr. Assis, for one minute, please.
Francisco Assis
Obrigado. Senhora Vice-Presidente, Senhor Ministro, minhas senhoras e meus senhores, encontramo-nos hoje claramente perante dois entendimentos do direito internacional que são mutuamente excludentes. Um entendimento é o de que o sistema internacional de justiça, com o seu cerne no Tribunal Penal Internacional, é agora um vestígio obsoleto da ordem onusiana edificada no pós-guerra e, como tal, deve ser pura e simplesmente desmantelado.
O outro entendimento é o de que esse sistema internacional de justiça, mesmo que naturalmente imperfeito, é a única garantia de que alguns dos piores crimes contra a humanidade, como o crime de genocídio, não ficarão impunes. Se for este último o nosso entendimento, e não tenho a menor dúvida que é o entendimento prevalecente no espaço da União Europeia, então temos obrigação de fazer tudo o que estiver ao nosso alcance para proteger o Tribunal Penal Internacional e os seus juízes e procuradores. É por isso incompreensível, do meu ponto de vista, que não tenhamos ainda feito tudo quanto está ao nosso alcance perante as sucessivas ameaças e as sanções que têm sido determinadas pela presente administração norte-americana em relação aos juízes do TPI. As autoridades europeias têm que, sem hesitação, que ativar o estatuto de bloqueio.
Thank you very much. Thank you. Dear colleagues, we are really under time pressure here today. I do apologize for that, but please try to stick to your speaking time. The next speaker is Mr. Orbán for one minute, please.
Balázs Orbán
Dear Madam President, dear colleagues, this debate is about opposing the American administration sanctioning ICC judges. I remember when the previous American administration, the Biden administration, imposed sanctions on a minister of the Orbán government, an EU member state's democratically elected government. The treatment was the same. It is very painful to be sanctioned by the American administration, but you in this room had nothing to say about this. For you, it is more important to stand up for third-country citizens than your own member state's democratically elected government.
I think this tells a lot, not about the sanctions, but about this house. And the ICC, what is the role of an international court? If widely accepted and highly credible, it can lead us to a more peaceful world. The ICC failed. Half of the world is not part of it, the legitimacy is in question, and its decisions put more oil on the fire.
Therefore, in my opinion, the judges shouldn't be sanctioned. The entire court should be abolished and rebuilt. Thank you.
There is a blue card. Do you want to take it? There is a blue card. Do you want to take it, please? It is from Ms. Aubry, 247, please.
One second, one second, he needs to use his headphones. Please, go ahead.
Speaker 339
Thank you. Chers collègues, faut-il vous rappeler pourquoi la justice internationale a été créée en 1945? Pour juger 21 dirigeants nazis à Nuremberg. C'est cette histoire qui a fondé la Cour pénale internationale. Pourquoi ne dites-vous rien sur les attaques de Trump sur les juges et la Cour elle-même?
Speaker 338
Pour faire oublier l'origine de vos partis, le Front national et l'AfD? Vous méprisez la justice. Nous, c'est au nom de cette justice que nous exigeons que les responsables du génocide à Gaza ou ailleurs dans le monde soient jugés pour que l'histoire ne se répète jamais.
Balázs Orbán
So, dear colleague of mine, we are here to represent the European citizens. European citizens, they want peace right now and under the current circumstances with the conflict what we having right now. My question is, as someone who is representing them, that the international system and the courting system is helping to do the job of the diplomacy or not.
And what I see right now is the ICC is not helping us. It's not helping us to make diplomacy. This is so simple. So if you in favor of peace, you should oppose ICC. So simple.
Thank you very much.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you. And the next speaker is Mr. Kyuchyuk for one minute, please.
Ilhan Kyuchyuk
Thank you very much, Madam President. I hear very strange ideas this afternoon, but okay. At the backdrop of growing political turbulence, the ICC continues to play a crucial role in holding perpetrators accountable, but also affirming that justice is not only about punishment. It is also about recognition and the affirmation of human dignity. This is why the protection of the International Criminal Court is essential to the foundations of international justice, to defend judicial independence and upholding the very principles of the EU standards by.
Now we must move beyond words, Madam High Representative, and take concrete legal actions. It is time for European Commission to activate the EU blocking statute to protect ICC from extraterritorial effects of these sanctions. We must also strengthen European cooperation and ensure that the court can continue its work. Our response must be grounded in the rule of law, respect for international obligations and the independence of the judiciary and to send finally the clear message that international justice must be respected.
Thank you. Mr. Kyuchyuk, there is a blue card. Do you want to take it? It's from Mr. Kaya from the Green Group. Okay.
The next speaker is Miss Strik for one minute, please.
Tineke Strik
Dear Chair, Presidency, High Representative. Parents of bombed children, survivors of genocide, tortured men and raped women. All of them count on the International Criminal Court for their final hope for justice. But their last sliver of hope is in critical danger just because one man in Washington, Trump, tries to bring international justice to its knees. So we must rise up.
Our emergency response must be activating the blocking statute and secure the delivery of essential services to the court and in the meantime combat over-compliance by companies. But we also need more than band-aids, namely a principled coalition to prevent impunity and defend international justice. We need to build a global front in defense of the court and international law. One and a half years of silent diplomacy did not stop Trump. The only response to growing provocations now is determined, forceful action.
The ICC is the final hope for those whom the international community has failed to protect. We cannot fail them twice.
Thank you very much. Colleagues, I know this is a very important topic, but you really have to respect the speaking time. The next speaker is Ms. Montero for one minute, please.
Irene Montero
Gracias, presidenta. Trump ha sancionado a la Corte Penal Internacional por perseguir a los genocidas. ¿A ustedes les sorprende, señora Kallas? Porque a mí no. Está claro que quiere tener vía libre para seguir sus guerras por negocio, más genocidio.
Lo sorprendente son ustedes. ¿Qué están haciendo? ¿Han detenido a Netanyahu? ¿Han parado el comercio de armas con Israel? No.
No. ¿Han hecho algo para parar a Trump? Al contrario.
Irene Montero
Trump sigue teniendo decenas de bases militares en Europa con las que comete sus crímenes. Seguimos siendo el principal aliado militar de Estados Unidos en la OTAN. Estamos haciendo de oro a la industria militar estadounidense con su rearme. Y saben qué sospecho, señora Calas? Pues que a ustedes no les viene ni tan mal que Trump acabe con la Corte Penal Internacional.
Porque si no, a lo mejor ustedes también acabarían en el mismo banquillo por su complicidad con los crímenes genocidas de Estados Unidos y de Israel.
The next speaker is Mr. Gotink for one and a half minute please.
Dirk Gotink
That was frankly shocking. Madam Chair. First of all, it's good we had an outcome of the European Council last week and I'm very happy with the support. But you know the ICC will not survive with support alone. For me, this means first of all that the ICC needs European companies to continue providing financial services and right now the outlook is quite bleak, I have to be honest.
Primary US sanctions only apply when there's a real US nexus in the in the transaction. Yet European banks are already considering withdrawing services even when these transactions are in euros, between European companies and within the single European payment area. There is no nexus there. Madam High Representative, Mr. Minister of the Presidency, we need clarity on what the US nexus is. Because is it something a connection to a specific transaction involving the ICC or any American connection within within a bank's wider corporate structure?
Many European banks are dependent also on American services and they need clarity on that very quickly because it is happening now. That is also why we need the blocking statute. With exceptions where the real nexus exists. Because overcompliance is at the moment a bigger risk for the ICC than the actual primary sanctions themselves. Which is also the reason why we should limit exposure to US retaliation by moving part of the depository activities of commercial banks now to central banks in order to support the work of the ICC.
My second point then is only on the so-called breathing space, the six months. We don't have six months. We have six days. Banks and services are leaving now.
Speaker 344
Thank you very much, Gotink. There is a blue card from S and D from Mr. Maniatis. Do you want to take it? Please. C 28.
Yannis Maniatis
Dear colleague, thank you very much for your approach. We have heard your approach about ICC. But I have one question. Will you as EPP, will you support the candidacy of the International Criminal Court for the Sakharov Prize? Yes or no?
Thank you.
Oh my god, this will help nothing in saving the ICC. What I need is the stuff that we talked about. We need to move the make sure the transaction work. And also, what I would like to know is how far are we ready to go in negotiating with the Americans? Because what they want to do is change the Statute of Rome.
Dirk Gotink
They want to restrict its jurisdiction to only signatory countries, which means they would exempt themselves, but not only themselves, also Mr. Putin. And I think it's essential that we continue these investigations. The 20,000 kids that were abducted, we are investigating that at the ICC and we need to continue that. So for me the Sakharov Prize, honestly, it's a nice talking point, but it will not save the ICC.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Śmiszek for one minute please.
Europa ma dzisiaj szansę pokazać, że broni nie tylko praworządności, ale też własnej suwerenności. Donald Trump nakłada sankcje na sędziów i prokuratorów Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego za to, że chcą rozliczać za koszmarne zbrodnie sojuszników Waszyngtonu.
Krzysztof Śmiszek
Teraz sankcje objęły cały Trybunał. Grozi mu utrata dostępu do banków, kart płatniczych i usług cyfrowych, bez których nie może działać. Nie możemy pozwolić na to, by o losie Trybunału decydował Trump. Jako Europa mamy narzędzia na taką sytuację: statut blokujący. Jako posłowie zapytaliśmy Komisję, kiedy go uruchomi.
Odpowiedziała, że stawia na dyplomację. Jaką dyplomację? Z kim? Z tymi, którzy rozwalają porządek międzynarodowy? Dyplomacja bez gotowości do działania to po prostu kapitulacja.
Grupa Socjalistów i Demokratów zgłosiła Trybunał do Nagrody Sacharowa. Ale nie wystarczy nagradzać odwagi innych, trzeba mieć własną. Nie pozwólmy zniszczyć instytucji powstałej z nauczki, jaką ludzkość musiała wyciągnąć po zbrodniach II wojny światowej. Europa nie może tylko ubolewać, musi działać natychmiast.
There is a blue card, Mr. Smith. Okay, we will continue with the speakers' list and the next speaker is Mr. Annemans for one minute, please.
Speaker 350
Het was te verwachten dat jullie eurofanatici in dit halfrond van een debat over het Internationaal Strafhof een quasi-hysterisch anti-Trump theater zouden maken, een anti-Rubio theater. Daarom kom ik naar hier naar voren om aan de overkant van de oceaan duidelijk te maken dat er in Europa ook nog anders wordt gedacht. Ik kom uit België, waar ooit een genocidewet met universele jurisdictie werd ingevoerd die we binnen de tien jaar opnieuw moesten afschaffen, omdat hij België in de wereldpolitiek marginaliseerde. De rest van de wereld weigerde politiek en internationaal handel onder de hoede te laten plaatsen van een zoveelste gouvernement des juges in Europa. Ook het Internationaal Strafhof is een broeinest van politieke rechters die denken dat zij de bevoegdheid hebben om zich in de plaats te stellen van soevereine lidstaten.
Jullie multilateralisme-ideologie en jullie arrogante zelfoverschatting en bemoeizucht heeft hun grenzen bereikt. De Verenigde Staten hebben u nu die grenzen getoond. Europa zou zich beter zelf ook bezinnen over het nut en het bestaansrecht van het Strafhof.
Thank you, and the next speaker is Ms. Keller for one minute, please.
Fabienne Keller
Madame la Présidente, Madame la Haute Représentante, chère Kaja Kallas, la Cour pénale internationale ne peut rester seule face aux attaques dont elle fait l'objet. Les sanctions américaines contre la Cour et ses magistrats constituent une menace grave pour l'indépendance de la justice internationale. En attaquant la Cour, c'est l'État de droit qui est attaqué. Les dirigeants européens ont réaffirmé leur volonté de prendre toutes les mesures nécessaires pour protéger la CPI. Cet engagement doit désormais se traduire en actes.
Nous portons une responsabilité particulière. C'est sur notre continent que siège la Cour. Nous devons lui garantir ainsi qu'à ses magistrats l'accès aux services financiers et numériques indispensables à leur travail et mobiliser le règlement de blocage car ce qui est en jeu dépasse la Cour pénale internationale. Aucune puissance, aucun pays du monde ne doit se placer au-dessus du droit. Je vous remercie.
Thank you very much. Og den næste taler er Hr. Søvndal, et minut, værsgo.
Villy Søvndal
Thank you, Chair, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, I'll speak in Danish. Uanset hvad man mener om tragedierne i Israel og Gaza, så bør alle i virkeligheden kunne blive enige om én ting, nemlig at de ansvarlige ledere skal kunne retsforfølges ved en domstol. Hamas-lederne for deres forkastelige forbrydelse mod menneskeheden den 7. oktober, og Netanyahu for massemord i Gaza og den israelske hærs systematiske krigsforbrydelser dér. Derfor er det dybt alvorligt, når USA sanktionerer Den Internationale Straffedomstol.
For i en regelbaseret verden møder vi vold med jura. Domstolene skaber orden efter krigens kaos. Sanktionerne er et angreb på den verdensorden, vi kender. Den verdensorden, som amerikanerne selv byggede, da de for 80 år siden førte an i Nürnberg, da nazisternes ledere blev stillet for retten. Europa må beskytte domstolens ansatte, sikre at sanktionerne ikke lammer deres arbejde, kæmpe for at den internationale straffedomstol overlever.
Retfærdigheden bør gælde alle, også ofrene i Palæstina og Israel. Tak.
Tusind tak. And the next speaker is Ms Galán for one minute, please.
Estrella Galán
Gracias, presidenta, comisaria. Es muy grave cuando la justicia internacional molesta a los poderosos, la respuesta no puede ser amenazar a quienes velan por ella. Trump ha impuesto sanciones a la Corte Penal Internacional porque le molesta para cometer sus atropellos en Gaza y en el resto del mundo. No le basta solo con atacar a los jueces y a los fiscales, ahora también quiere asfixiar a la institución que investiga los crímenes más graves, incluido el genocidio en Palestina. Y mientras, usted solo viene a decirnos que está muy preocupada, que es muy preocupante y que van a hacer un llamamiento a alguien que no atiende a razones y que claramente tampoco atiende a la diplomacia.
La Unión Europea tiene que plantar cara a Washington de una vez y proteger la Corte Penal Internacional y hacer lo que haga falta para neutralizar el efecto de esas sanciones. Eso es lo que hay que hacer y eso es lo que les exigimos que haga y no tanto llamamiento que no sirve de nada. Porque el derecho internacional no puede quedar en papel mojado cuando se enfrenta a los poderosos y eso desde luego es lo que estamos viendo con Estados Unidos e Israel. Si defendemos realmente o queremos defender la justicia internacional, tenemos claramente que defenderla en todos los contextos, tanto contra Israel como contra Estados Unidos y...
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you. Thank you very much. I will have to shut off the microphone when you continue. I do apologize. It's not very nice, but we have to stick to the speaking time.
The next speaker is Mr Stier for one minute, please.
Davor Ivo Stier
Hvala predsjednice, kolegice i kolege. Kada je moja zemlja Hrvatska pregovarala sa Europskom unijom, imala je obvezu suradnje sa Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom za bivšu Jugoslaviju, koji je bio preteča Međunarodnom kaznenom sudu. To je bila teška politički osjetljiva tema, ali to je bila obveza koju je moja zemlja morala ispuniti. I stoga, s takvim iskustvom, mi se nikako ne možemo složiti da postoje dvostruka pravila, da suradnja sa Međunarodnim sudom mora biti samo za male zemlje, a velike sile, nuklearne sile, su izuzete iz toga. Naravno da bih mogao i iznijeti niz kritika na rad i ovog Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, ali te kritike nikako ne moraju dovesti do toga da se on ukine ili sankcionira, jer bez njega imali bismo samo zakon jačega.
Stoga, trebamo to zaštititi. Na stol mora biti uredba o blokiranju, ali isto tako moramo ići i u digitalni euro kako bismo prekinuli ovisnost o američkim kompanijama za financijske transakcije u Europi. Hvala vam.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you. And the next speaker is Mr Lange for one minute, please.
Bernd Lange
Thanks a lot, Chair, Commissioner. This action of the United States is a second or third one where they are using their power for giving extraterritorial pressure to companies, to citizens in Europe. Also in the Netherlands, this company ASML is forced to respect US law and not only EU law. This is totally unacceptable.
We have to protect our citizens and our companies in Europe. And therefore I really ask you to use all possibilities to protect them and using also the blocking statute so that at least we can secure the free movement and the situation for the people in Europe and for the companies in Europe. It's totally clear that we are as European Union are strong enough to protect business and citizens in Europe and I will close with the famous song of Bruce Springsteen, No Surrender.
Thank you very much, Madam President, dear High Representative, dear colleagues. Ten days ago, ICC judge Navi Pillay received the Nobel Peace Prize. And what was Trump's response? More sanctions against the ICC. Yesterday this Parliament selected ICC among the finalists for our Sakharov Prize.
But prizes and words are not enough. International justice is under attack. And who pays the price? The women raped in Eastern Congo. The victims of war crimes across the world.
Where is Europe's response? We cannot condemn attacks on the rule of law in Russia and China while remaining silent when they come from Washington. Our values are not for sale. That is, colleagues, and I heard it today several times, we must extend and activate the European blocking statute now. Protect our judges, protect their independence.
Because when justice is under attack, Europe must stand up. Thank you very much.
Jaume Asens Llodrà
Señora Kallas, me gustaría creerla a usted y a la derecha europea que hoy no está aquí, pero me cuesta. Es verdad, el exterminio del pueblo palestino es responsabilidad de Israel, pero también de Estados Unidos y de Europa, que contribuimos con armas y con dinero a perpetrarlo y desobedecemos a los tribunales internacionales de justicia cuando nos exigen que hagamos lo contrario, que lo frenemos. Y ahora, cuando Trump persigue a los jueces y fiscales para hacer su trabajo, por hacer su trabajo, con sanciones, ¿qué hacemos nosotros? ¿Qué dice usted? Que hay que seguir dialogando con Trump.
Hace dos años que nos dicen eso. Pero se niegan a aplicar nuestras leyes para proteger a esos jueces y fiscales. Trump es un cínico, pero dice lo que piensa. Y a ustedes, a mí me parece que hay mucha hipocresía en la Comisión Europea y en la derecha europea, porque pudiendo hacer no hacen. Al revés, dejan de aplicar las leyes europeas y se plegan a Trump, a ese mundo sin reglas que Von der Leyen nos dijo en un arrebato de sinceridad que había que aceptar.
Lynn Boylan
Thank you for taking the blue card. And my question is, do you agree that by failing to activate the blocking statute that the European Union is itself complicit in the attacks on the International Criminal Court? Because Trump and Rubio are obviously doing the dirty work of Benjamin Netanyahu by attacking the ICC, but the EU is also their accomplice by failing to defend one of the most fundamental institutions of international law. So how many more empty statements can the EU issue before real action is taken?
Yo soy abogado penalista y perseguir a jueces y fiscales internacionales es un crimen tipificado, Estatuto de Roma, artículo 70, obstrucción de la justicia.
Jaume Asens Llodrà
Y nosotros somos cómplices de eso, porque tenemos normas para poder evitarlo en territorio europeo y no las aplicamos. Y con eso estamos contribuyendo a destruir la ley internacional y la justicia internacional y esa idea de humanidad que surgió tras Auschwitz. Y eso es una victoria póstuma de Hitler que no podemos tolerar.
Adrián Vázquez Lázara
Gracias, presidenta. La Corte Internacional Penal nació de una convicción muy presente en la tradición democrática americana: que el poder debe tener límites y que nadie, por poderoso que sea o se crea, puede estar por encima de la justicia. Esa vocación de justicia es uno de los pilares de Occidente, un lazo de libertad y democracia que lleva décadas uniendo el destino de americanos y europeos por igual. Pero también es cierto que tenemos a un presidente, al señor Trump, reivindicando el liderazgo moral del mundo libre a la vez que ataca instituciones internacionales que Estados Unidos tanto contribuyó a levantar y que tan necesarias son en los tiempos que corren. Pero somos muchos los que seguimos creyendo en la grandeza de Estados Unidos no reside en los caprichos de su presidente, sino en la fuerza de sus principios y en el ejemplo de su historia.
Y entiendo, señora vicepresidenta, que la Comisión esté haciendo cálculos electorales con el 4 de noviembre en mente, pero no creo que arrastrar los pies y no actuar de manera definitiva y concreta vaya a hacer nada si no es para salvar la Corte Internacional Penal. Muchas gracias.
Javi López
Muchas gracias, presidenta, alta representante. Trump ataca a los jueces que persiguen a los crímenes de guerra y levanta las sanciones a los criminales de guerra que los cometen. No estamos ante un desacuerdo diplomático más. Estamos ante la voluntad de la Casa Blanca de imponer un mundo en donde invadir países, torturar a periodistas o bombardear a civiles salga gratis. No es una rabieta o un exabrupto.
Estamos ante la voluntad de demoler deliberadamente el derecho internacional y uno de sus pilares centrales, de imponer un mundo sin derecho y sin ley, solo la ley de la fuerza. Y ante eso tenemos que abandonar la política de appeasement, de apaciguamiento, y levantar la voz y actuar, porque no necesitamos más aplausos a discursos grandilocuentes. Necesitamos actuar con el estatuto de bloqueo para proteger a la justicia internacional, financiar y proteger a los jueces y trabajadores de la Corte y tomar medidas restrictivas ante cualquier amenaza a su independencia. Porque sin justicia internacional solo queda la impunidad de los poderosos.
Dainius Žalimas
Dear colleagues, Trump administration sanctions against the court amount to persecution for fulfillment of its judicial mission: to administer justice in respect of those responsible for international crimes. They also undermine the very principles of accountability and the rule of law, that even the most powerful leaders are not above the law. The court has issued an arrest warrant for Vladimir Putin. Following Lithuania's referral, it has also opened investigation into crimes against humanity by Lukashenka's regime. Trump openly supports both of them.
Therefore, the EU must defend the ICC with very concrete measures. First, urgently activate the EU blocking statute. Second, guarantee the court's access to banking, financial and other essential services. Third, reject any political negotiations that would compromise the court's jurisdiction or ongoing investigations. Finally, ensure full cooperation with the ICC, including enforcement of arrest warrants.
Thank you.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms. Strada for one minute, please.
Presidente. Commissaria, buongiorno. Donald Trump ha vinto le elezioni circa due anni fa. Prima ancora di insediarsi ha annunciato l'intenzione di sanzionare la Corte. Sono passati due anni.
Cecilia Strada
Oggi la Corte e tredici fra giudici e procuratori sono sotto sanzione. Sapevate che questo momento sarebbe arrivato, eppure vi siete fatti trovare impreparati. Sapevamo benissimo che gli Stati Uniti fanno largo uso di sanzioni secondarie per attaccare deliberatamente tutto il tessuto socio-economico europeo, eppure eccoci qua. Commissaria, io ormai riesco a leggere le vostre risposte prima ancora di aprire la mail. So che cosa dite.
E anche oggi: "In questa fase preferiamo il dialogo". In questi due anni avete preferito il dialogo e il risultato è che le sanzioni sono aumentate. Prima erano solo i giudici, ora è anche la Corte che rischia di chiudere. Quindi mi chiedo: quanto tempo ancora preferirete il dialogo contro un bullo che vuole piegare il nostro sistema di giustizia per fare un favore ai criminali di guerra? In tutto questo, mentre voi dialogate, l'euro digitale e il network europeo dei pagamenti sono ancora a livello embrionale.
Intanto le realtà sanzionate chiudono, come l'italiana Autistici/Inventati, e gli istituti di credito chiedono risposte. Forse è il caso di cambiare strategia. Grazie.
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Mr. Paet for one minute, please.
Urmas Paet
Head kolleegid, õiglus ei tohi sõltuda sellest, kui võimas on kurjategija või millist riiki ta esindab. Rahvusvahelise Kriminaalkohtu olemasolu kinnitab põhimõtet, et ka kõige raskematel kuritegudel peavad olema tagajärjed ning keegi ei tohi olla seadusest kõrgemal. Selle olulisust näeme praegu ka Ukraina sõjas. Venemaa agressiooniga seotud sõjakuritegude uurimise raames on kohus väljastanud vahistamismääruse Vladimir Putini suhtes seoses Ukraina laste küüditamisega. Samuti on väljastatud vahistamismäärused Vene sõjaväejuhtide suhtes seoses rünnakutega Ukraina elektritaristule, mis seadsid ohtu tsiviilelanikud.
Need on mõned konkreetsed sammud vastutuse suunas, isegi kui õigusemõistmine võtab aega. Rahvusvahelist Kriminaalkohut nõrgestamisega kaasneb karistamatuse tunne ja suureneb oht, et kuriteod korduvad. Seepärast peame meie siin Euroopa Liidus kaitsma rahvusvahelise kriminaalkohtu suutlikkust. See ei ole ainult kohtu kaitsmine, vaid õigluse, inimväärikuse ja rahvusvahelise õiguskorra kaitsmine. Tänan.
Matjaž Nemec
Thank you very much. And the last speaker before catch-the-eye is Mr. Nemec for one minute, please.
Cenjeni visoki zbor, ZDA so s sankcijami neupravičeno udarile po Mednarodnem kazenskem sodišču. Gre za največjo grožnjo mednarodni roditi po drugi svetovni vojni. To je napad na mednarodno pravo in na pravičnost samo. Med sankcioniranimi je tudi slovenska in to tudi evropska sodnica Beti Hohler. Sankcije so posledica njenega neodvisnega in strokovnega dela ter doslednega spoštovanja mednarodnega prava.
Bila je namreč med sodniki, ki so odločali o nalogu za prijetje za Benjamina Netanjahuja. Evropa se mora na to grožnjo odločno odzvati, ne le z besedami. Evropska komisija mora sprožiti mehanizem za zaščito sodišča. Nedopustno je, da zahteva Belgije in Slovenije iz lanskega leta ostaja neodgovorjena. Države članice morajo ukrepati.
Matjaž Nemec
Samo tako bomo lahko zaščitili tudi evropska podjetja in banke pred ameriškimi sankcijami, ki poslujejo s tem sodiščem. In omogočimo nadaljevanje njihovega dela. Če bomo pri tem spodleteli, je pod vprašanjem pregon vojnih zločinov tudi iz Ukrajine, Sudana in od drugod. Ne smemo dovoliti, da se zgodovina ponovi. Dolžni smo ukrepati zdaj.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. So now we come to catch the eye. And the thing is that I have much more speakers than I can take. We have not enough time. So what I have done is that I've decided to of course balance through the groups and based on when you asked for catch the eye.
Evin Incir
Colleagues, the United Nations Charter begins with three powerful words: we the peoples. Not we the presidents, not we the powerful, but we the peoples. To Mr. Trump, you're elected to serve the American people, not to trample on their rights. You might think you don't need international law today, but not even money can save one if the bomb falls. Your attack on International Criminal Court betrays generations who after the horror of history made one solemn promise: never again.
Never again genocide against Jewish people, Palestinian people, Armenian, Kurds, Bosniak, anyone, anywhere. And to Trump's far-right allies in this chamber, your attempts to undermine international justice will fail like it did yesterday when ICC was one of the three finalists for the Sakharov Prize. We will not be intimidated. International justice is not anyone's to destroy. It is ours, the peoples.
High Representative and Minister, there is no time to lose anymore. Please trigger the EU blocking statute.
Thank you. And the next speaker is Mr. Tynkkynen, seat 210, please.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Dear President, the International Criminal Court has failed. In 24, the ICC was expected to visit Israel. Israeli authorities were preparing to present evidence against the accusations Israel had faced regarding the war in Gaza. However, the fact-finding visit was cancelled by the ICC and instead arrest warrant was sought against Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. An institution that is supposed to defend the rules-based order caused a stain on it.
I want war criminals like Vladimir Putin brought to justice just like anyone else. He's a terrorist. But Benjamin Netanyahu is fighting terrorists and there is the difference. And just a reminder for everyone, Israel is successfully showing terrorists what justice means. Thank you.
Thank you. The next speaker is Mr. Andrews, seat 188, please.
Colleagues, we are told that the EU will do all it can, take all necessary steps to defend the ICC, but not yet. What are we waiting for? Already US sanctions are affecting ICC judges. We hosted Kimberly Prost, a Canadian judge of the ICC, who was on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Already she cannot do basic services online.
She cannot do any banking. Her Alexa device doesn't function anymore thanks to Amazon. The Irish company Stripe has withdrawn payment services to judges of the ICC. This is real-world impact of what's happening. And I want to add my voice to those who call for the blocking statute to be activated.
Barry Andrews
We have got used to Trump's annual Nobel Peace Prize tantrum. But the situation we find ourselves, the US asserts the sovereign right to apply its sanctions beyond its borders and at the same time the US asserts the right to commit war crimes beyond its borders with impunity.
So I want to quote the actual and deserved winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, Navi Pillay, who said, "We cannot afford to surrender the force of law to the law of force." Thank you.
Thank you. And the next speaker is Ms. Vieira, seat 729, please.
Chair, this is not a discussion about Navi Pillay, who rightfully won the Nobel Peace Prize, and this is not a discussion about Donald Trump, a man who thinks he's above the law, that is no news to anybody. This is a discussion about the victims. The 20,000 children from Ukraine taken by Vladimir Putin. The up to 30,000 people killed in the Philippines by Duterte. The 1 million displaced Rohingya by the Myanmar regime.
Speaker 360
And yes, all of those in Gaza who suffered the war crimes of Mr. Benjamin Netanyahu. This is about these victims, and this is about all of us, because if the EU says that we stand for our values, we cannot stand for our values in waiting. The blocking statute should have already been activated because the judges who work on these courts are already suffering the consequences of the fact that Mr. Donald Trump thinks he is above the law. So I urge you, please do not wait any longer and take action now to protect our values.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, Presidente. Senhora Comissária Kaja Kallas, quando o Tribunal Penal Internacional perseguiu Netanyahu pelo genocídio em Gaza, Donald Trump disse que o tribunal não foi criado para perseguir os nossos amigos, foi criado para punir os nossos inimigos. Desde então, sanções contra o tribunal, sanções contra os juízes, Donald Trump tem feito de tudo contra o TPI. E o que isto confirma é que o TPI não foi criado para ser um instrumento de aplicação justa e imparcial do direito internacional, mas sim para ser um meio judicial para a imposição e legitimação internacional da lei do mais forte sob o comando dos Estados Unidos. Isso devia obrigar a União Europeia a conduzir todos os seus esforços para o reforço do Tribunal Internacional de Justiça, que no âmbito das Nações Unidas é verdadeiramente o meio judicial que pode permitir o consenso da punição dos crimes de violação do direito internacional.
Mas, Senhora Comissária Kaja Kallas, o que é insustentável é a hipocrisia da União Europeia. A União Europeia comporta-se como uma polícia da democracia e a senhora põe-se na posição do cabo de esquadra que aponta a toda a gente as violações do Estado de Direito.
Thank you very much. Catch the eye's one minute. The next speaker is Ms. Zacharia, seat 840, please.
Maria Zacharia
Ο Μάρκο Ρούμπιο απείλησε να διαλύσει το Διεθνές Ποινικό Δικαστήριο κομμάτι-κομμάτι, επειδή ερεύνησε καταγγελίες για εγκλήματα Αμερικανών στο Αφγανιστάν και εξέδωσε εντάλματα σύλληψης για Νετανιάχου και Γκάλαντ. Αυτές είναι δηλώσεις διεθνούς τρομοκράτη. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έβγαλε ανακοίνωση. So what? Στην ελληνική Βουλή ο Υπουργός Εξωτερικών παραδέχτηκε ότι στη συνάντηση με τον Ρούμπιο δεν έθεσε το ζήτημα ούτε ακροθιγώς.
Θυμίζω η Ελλάδα προεδρεύει αυτό το μήνα στο Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας, αλλά πρωτοβουλία δεν πήρε. Την ίδια ώρα στην ελληνική Βουλή εγκαινιάστηκε η κοινοβουλευτική ομάδα της Israel Allies με πρόεδρο βουλευτή της κυβέρνησης, έλκ δηλαδή. Και εδώ στο Ευρωκοινοβούλιο ελέγχει κανείς άραγε από το ECR ο επικεφαλής της Israel Allies, αντιπρόεδρος σε επίσημη αντιπροσωπεία για τις σχέσεις μας με το Ισραήλ. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση αρνείται να παύσει τη συνεργασία με το Ισραήλ παρά τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα που αποδεδειγμένα έχει παραβιάσει το Ισραήλ στη Γάζα. Στον αντίποδα οι πολίτες στους δρόμους της Ευρώπης ξεσηκώνονται.
Speaker 363
Thank you very much. Thank you. And the next speaker is Mr. Andriukaitis, seat 178, please.
Dėkoju, gerbiama pirmininke, gerbiama vicepirmininke. Aš norėčiau pasakyti labai aiškiai vieną paprastą ir tikslią Tarptautinio baudžiamojo teismo kilmės esmę.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Jis gimė iš Holokausto. Tarptautinis baudžiamasis teismas gimė iš Aušvico pelenų. Ir tie, kas kovoja su Tarptautiniu baudžiamuoju teismu, vadinasi, jie nori leisti ir toliau Holokaustui ir genocidui. Vadinasi, jie pripažįsta Holokaustą. Trumpas pripažįsta, vadinasi, Holokaustą.
Tai yra tiesioginė sąsaja. Visiškai akivaizdu, kad turi būti aktyvuojamas blokavimo mechanizmas. Akivaizdu, kad reikia suteikti Sacharovo premiją. Akivaizdu, kad reikia žiūrėti, kaip atsiriboti nuo JAV valdomo SWIFT, pereiti prie skaitmeninio euro, nes mes privalome greitai veikti. Kito kelio nėra, kaip duoti stiprų atsaką.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the last speaker during catch-the-eye is Ms. Riehl, seat 641, please.
Nela Riehl
On the same day that Navi Pillay won the Nobel Peace Prize, Washington sanctioned the International Criminal Court, that very court where she served as a judge. So the very court that is responsible to pursue war criminals like Benjamin Netanyahu is now being silenced by Trump. This forces the rest of the world to make a decision. Do we let the powerful get away with their crimes or not? Many countries can't afford to speak up for the ICC, but Europe can and Europe must.
We already have the tool to do so, the EU blocking statute, a law that protects Europeans from having to comply with US sanctions. The Commission should now extend it to these sanctions. Trump and his friends think that you become the strongest in the room by silencing your opponents. But real strength is to stand by your values when it matters. So let's stand by ours.
Speaker 364
Thank you very much, colleagues. That was it for catch-the-eye. I do apologize for not being able to give all of you the floor. I will now give the floor back to the Commission and High Representative Vice-President Kallas. Please, the floor is yours.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you, honorable members, for this debate and really giving the ICC the attention that it deserves. Accountability is important part of any peace because, you know, if there is no accountability, there is no justice, then, you know, the victims, there is a risk for revenge and retaliation, which means again another set of atrocities. I absolutely agree with you that these sanctions are wrong and Europe is united in this respect. The sanctions are based on arguments what the ICC is actually not about. And that's why in my speech I was also referring what it is.
So that's why we also need to talk to the Americans about what the ICC actually is about. Now, in parallel, of course, we continue to support the court as best as we can during this six months transition period. The sanctions are not in effect yet, so we have to keep that in mind. So that's why while I said that we must keep all options on the table, I'm also meaning the blocking statute. And yes, there is work done there.
But what I want to stress is that it's not only about the blocking statute. If we use the blocking statute, we have one shot and one shot only to get it right. So it has to be also well prepared. But it's not only about that. We should be ready to protect the interest of the EU operators within the single market with all necessary measures depending on the evolution of the discussions with the United States.
Kaja Kallas
We also call on all the companies not to overcomply because the sanctions are not in effect yet. So please don't stop your services to the ICC. Also, we need to talk to the state parties and work with the state parties because it's not only the European Union, but also other state parties together to identify, develop and as necessary implement further mitigating measures for the court. Notably, many of you mentioned the IT systems and the banking running. And third, EU will continue its engagement with the state parties across the world to reinforce the cross-regional support for the ICC.
And also to be very, very clear to our partners that if they are under pressure to leave the Rome Statute, that it also has clear consequences on their relationship with the European Union if they do so. Our EU delegations can help us to identify potential risks to withdraw from the Rome Statute and discourage such steps whenever it's possible. Thank you very much.
Thank you very, very much, High Representative. And now I will give the floor to the Council to close the debate. Please, Minister Byrne, the floor is yours.
Thomas Byrne
Thanks very much, President, and thank you, honorable members and High Representative Kallas. The Council, it goes without saying, supports the international legal order with international courts at its very center to ensure justice and accountability. The Council stands ready to engage with all partners in the coming months and to work on all possible options put on the table. The Council stands ready, as I say, to examine all possible options, including the activation of the blocking statute, should the Commission put this option forward. The blocking statute currently applies to US measures concerning Cuba and Iran by listing the relevant legal acts containing extraterritorial provisions in the annex.
And the purpose of it is to protect EU operators who are engaged in lawful international trade from any extraterritorial application of laws in the annex. So the Council is very clear that we stand ready to examine all of these options, including the blocking statute, once the Commission puts that forward. We will, of course, the Council will, of course, continue to have this urgent matter on its agenda and listens very carefully to the arguments made almost unanimously in this house today. Thank you.
Thank you very much. And the debate is closed. The next item on the agenda is the statement by the Vice-President of the Commission, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, escalation of Houthi attacks and implications for regional security. And please, the floor is yours again, High Representative Kallas, please.
Kaja Kallas
I have two more debates to go. I hope my voice stands until that. So, honorable members, in the last two weeks, we have seen deplorable images of Houthi attacks against Yemen's presidential palace in Aden, King Khalid International Airport in Riyadh, where dozens of civilians were killed and hundreds injured, and also attacks against residential areas in Riyadh.
These are textbook terrorist tactics designed to sow fear among ordinary people in the region and also in the international community. The Houthis want to change the balance of power in the region, legitimize their status, and use civilian targets to do it. Indiscriminately targeting civilian infrastructure in war is strictly prohibited under international humanitarian law. I want to reiterate here the EU's full solidarity with both Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the government of Yemen. Honorable members, the impact of Houthi aggression on the people of Yemen is already catastrophic.
More than 22 million people in Yemen are in need of some form of aid. Since August this year, 200,000 people have fled their homes, on top of over 5 million people already displaced. This year alone, the European Union provided 85 million euro of humanitarian assistance in Yemen, and since September, we mobilized another 2.5 million euro in emergency humanitarian funding. We are now exploring how we can increase our humanitarian assistance to Yemen and support the government. Just few weeks ago, for example, we signed a 9 million euro agreement with the United Nations Development Program to support local-led recovery.
We also stand ready to support all mediation efforts to resume meaningful political negotiations. Escalation will have everyone worse off. In this regard, efforts to counter arms trafficking between the two shores of the Red Sea are crucial. The European Union will provide an additional 2.5 million euro for the United Nations verification and inspection mechanism for Yemen, and we continue to support the Yemeni Coast Guard and other maritime actors in the region, such as Djibouti, to tackle arms smuggling. Honorable members, the European Union and the Gulf Cooperation Council summit scheduled to take place this Saturday has regretfully now been postponed because of the escalation of the attacks.
This summit would have offered an important opportunity to talk directly with our Gulf partners about the emerging security situation in the region. The Gulf is where Europe's best hopes are for diversifying trade supplies. Around a fifth of EU's trade already passes through the Red Sea. The security of the region is our core interest, and that is why, when the Houthis started striking vessels in the Red Sea back in 2024, we set up Operation Aspides. Aspides has since then escorted hundreds of vessels to safety.
Given the fact that we are now facing a two-strait crisis, the role of Aspides is more visible and our assets more in demand. But this also puts Europe's credibility on show. Today, we have huge lists of companies requesting our support and not enough ships to help all of those who request it. Pledges from the member states provide more frigates are very important, but we need to get those ships to the sea, otherwise we undermine our own credibility. Thank you.
Thank you very much. Are you okay? I hope you're okay. So, now we will begin with speakers on behalf of the political groups, beginning with as always with EPP, and Mr. Lopez Isturiz White for one and a half minute, please.
Madam High Representative, in September I stood here and asked a simple question: what about the Houthis?
A month later, the answer came, written in blood at Riyadh International Airport. Civilians killed, travelers, families, workers, targeted for no other reason than to spread fear. The Commission itself has called it a horrific act of terror. If we call it terror, colleagues, then let's have the courage to treat it as terror. The Houthis are not a political movement with a grievance.
Antonio López-Istúriz White
They are an Iranian proxy that fires missiles at airports, drones at energy infrastructure, and rockets at merchant ships. They now sit on the coast of Bab-el-Mandeb, holding a knife to one of the arteries of world trade. Operation Aspides protects our ships, but you cannot only defend against terrorists. You must also name them, isolate them, and cut their money. That is why the EPP demands, clearly and without ambiguity, that the Houthis belong and have to be in the European's list of terror, now.
Our Gulf partners, Israel have suffered, Saudi Arabia and the Emirates especially, but also as Europeans, we now have to show that our credibility is on the line. Europe must decide now. Thank you very much.
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is on behalf of S&D, Ms. Raul-Muro, for one minute, please.
Thank you. Since July 2026, the escalating violence of the Houthis has harmed thousands of innocent people in the Gulf. In Yemen, they are pressing ahead with their territorial occupation. They have killed 250 innocent civilians and displaced 184,000. In Saudi Arabia, innocent people were killed in Riyadh airport and the country's most critical infrastructure is under attack.
We have even seen the holy cities of Islam targeted. This is a threat to Europe too, and we cannot stand idly by. There is a broad consensus behind the resolution I have been honored to negotiate today and that will be voted on Thursday. High Representative, in this resolution, we see and recognize your efforts, the condemnation of maritime insecurity, and your support for Aspides. But we ask you to go further, to present the Middle East strategy and to support specific measures.
We call for broader sanctions and for the Houthis to be included in the EU terrorist list, as we did representing my group also myself in the last plenary. We want measures to address the Houthi blockade of Bab-el-Mandeb, which together with the blockade of Hormuz, poses a real risk to global food supplies. And we want political and financial support for the victims. We have worked a lot to get here, so we count on you. Thank you.
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Mr. Thionnet on behalf of PfE, for two minutes, please.
Pierre-Romain Thionnet
La situation dans la péninsule arabique se détériore. Depuis la reprise du conflit en juillet, les forces houthies ont renforcé leur position par des gains territoriaux, notamment sur le littoral de la mer Rouge et au niveau du détroit de Bab-el-Mandeb. Ils ont par ailleurs déployé une stratégie d'étouffement du modèle saoudien, en témoignent ces derniers jours les frappes de roquettes ou de missiles balistiques perturbant gravement le royaume. Tout ceci n'est pas sans conséquence sur nous, Européens, dont les économies ne sont pas immunisées contre de telles perturbations, notamment au plan énergétique. La réactivation de ce conflit n'est pas tombée du ciel.
Elle est liée directement au déclenchement de la guerre d'Iran par les États-Unis, et vous n'en avez pas parlé, Madame la Haute Représentante.
L'Amérique, certaine que la suprématie technologique et aérienne devait rapidement déboucher sur une victoire décisive, s'est lancée dans une guerre aux objectifs erratiques qui a des conséquences en cascade dans tout le Moyen-Orient jusqu'en Europe. Une guerre dont il faut rappeler qu'elle a été déclenchée sans aucune consultation ni concertation avec les capitales européennes, pourtant alliées. En revanche, il leur a été demandé de s'y impliquer, mettre à disposition leurs moyens, leurs bases ou leur espace aérien. Les pays récalcitrants ont fait l'objet d'intenses pressions. Il est nécessaire d'envisager toute initiative avec la plus extrême prudence, car l'implication directe dans ce conflit régional n'est pas dans l'intérêt des pays européens, en tout cas pas dans l'intérêt de la France.
S'il devait y avoir une implication directe de l'Union, alors nos navires de commerce seraient directement, systématiquement ciblés par les Houthis en mer Rouge. Tout déploiement d'éléments militaires doit être circonscrit à des missions défensives, de protection d'infrastructures essentielles à nos intérêts ou d'escorte de nos navires marchands. Permettez-moi de rappeler au passage qu'en dehors de quelques États membres, la mission navale Aspides est négligée par de nombreux pays européens alors qu'ils profitent de ses effets. La protection de la liberté de navigation en mer Rouge devrait être l'affaire de tous, car il en va de notre sécurité et de notre prospérité commune. Je vous remercie.
Jacek Ozdoba
Bardzo dziękuję, że z mojej inicjatywy udało się, że będziemy przyjmowali tą tak ważną rezolucję. Tak się składa, że ponad podziałami jesteśmy w stanie zrozumieć bardzo ważną kwestię i to jest zawarte również w rezolucji, w tej debacie już mocno wybrzmiało, że Huti to terroryści. Nie możemy zaakceptować ataku na Arabię Saudyjską, Bahrajn, Katar, Kuwejt, Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie, naszych przyjaciół, przez terrorystów, którzy bombardują i atakują niewinnych mieszkańców Półwyspu Arabskiego. Europa musi być solidarna i ta debata oraz rezolucja jest to wyraz tego, że ponad podziałami potrafimy zrozumieć, gdzie jest wolny świat i nasi partnerzy nie zostaną zostawieni sami ze sobą. Dziękuję.
Abir Al-Sahlani
Thank you, Madam Chair, dear Commissioner, international law is not a la carte menu, neither is partnerships. The Houthi attacks on civilians, humanitarian operations and international shipping must end. Their terror on their own civilians must end. And the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is our strategic partner, and that means that genuine partnerships require mutual respect, consistency and an honest dialogue, especially when we disagree. And of course, Europe's security is directly linked to all Gulf states.
Partnership does not mean silence on human rights or any other issue where we disagree, but it means having the trust to discuss them openly. We must strengthen the people of Yemen. We have to support a Yemeni-led peace process and pursue the designation of the Houthis as a terrorist organization under EU law. And with this resolution, we are sending a clear message: it's time to put the Houthis on the EU terrorist list, and we have to strengthen our strategic partnerships with the Saudis, and Yemen must come back to the people of Yemen. Thank you.
Ville Niinistö
Madam President, the latest Houthi attacks are a dangerous escalation. The strikes on Saudi civilian infrastructure, threats to Red Sea shipping and yesterday's deadly missile attack in Abu Dhabi must be condemned unequivocally and for acts of terrorism.
But also we must remember that international law must apply to everyone. Saudi-led airstrikes must also comply with international humanitarian law and we must make sure that we protect Yemeni civilians. Civilian lives cannot be treated differently depending on who is responsible. EU must strengthen its defensive Aspides mission, protecting seafarers and freedom of navigation without becoming another party to this war. We need tougher targeted sanctions against those responsible for serious violations, an end to arms transfers where there is a clear risk of serious violations of humanitarian law, and independent UN investigations need to be done into abuses and war crimes by all sides.
Yemen civilians cannot wait. The EU must work with the UN and regional partners for an immediate ceasefire and an inclusive Yemeni-led peace process with women also fully represented. Thank you.
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Ms. Kyllönen for one and a half minute on behalf of Left Group.
Kiitos, arvoisa puhemies. Tuomitsemme jyrkästi huthien iskut siviilialuksiin ja Punaisenmeren merenkulkuun. Merenkulkijoiden turvallisuutta ja kansainvälistä oikeutta on kunnioitettava. Mutta turvallisuutta ei voida rakentaa sotilaallisen eskalaation varaan. Tuomitsemme myös Saudi-Arabian sotatoimet Jemeniä vastaan ja saarron, joka vaikeuttaa ruoan, lääkkeiden ja muiden välttämättömien tarvikkeiden pääsyä siviiliväestölle.
Kaikkien osapuolten on suojeltava siviilejä ja noudatettava kansainvälistä humanitaarista oikeutta. Yli 22 miljoonaa ihmistä Jemenissä tarvitsee humanitaarista apua. Tämä on inhimillinen katastrofi, jota uudet pommitukset ja sotilaallinen väliintulo pahentavat. Emme myöskään voi hyväksyä sitä, että eurooppalaisia aseita viedään konfliktin osapuolille tilanteissa, joissa on selvä riski vakavista kansainvälisen oikeuden rikkomuksista. Aseviennit on keskeytettävä kaikissa tällaisissa tapauksissa.
Speaker 376
Punaisenmeren turvallisuus ei ole irrallaan esim. Gazan tilanteesta eikä laajemmasta alueellisesta jännitteestä. Tarvitsemme välittömän tulitauon, humanitaarisen avun esteettömän pääsyn ja uuden diplomaattisen aloitteen. Euroopan unionin on toimittava rauhanvälittäjänä, ei sotilaallisen eskalaation osapuolena. Kestävä turvallisuus syntyy vain diplomatiasta, kansainvälisen oikeuden kunnioittamisesta ja oikeudenmukaisesti alueelle rakennetusta rauhasta, jossa paikalliset ovat mukana. Kiitos.
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Mr. Froelich on behalf of ESN for two minutes, please.
Tomasz Froelich
Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissarin, Preise explodieren, Lieferungen stocken, unsere Industrie kollabiert. Die Eskalation im Jemen betrifft uns alle, und sie ist eine Folge des Angriffs auf den Iran, denn mit dem Krieg im Iran wurde auch der Waffenstillstand im Jemen brüchig. Die Huthi nutzten die neue Lage im Iran, teils im Sinne Teherans, vor allem aber, weil sie eigene Ziele gegen Saudi-Arabien verfolgen. Nun kontrollieren sie wichtige Gebiete am Roten Meer. Die Folge: Saudi-Arabien kann kaum noch Öl exportieren, denn die Straße von Hormus ist dicht, die Ost-West-Pipeline ist beschädigt und das Rote Meer wird von den Huthi blockiert.
Die Ölpreise explodieren, das belastet die Märkte weltweit. Erst der Krieg im Iran führte zur Blockade der Straße von Hormus, und erst die Blockade der Straße von Hormus macht die Blockade des Roten Meers für die Huthi strategisch attraktiv. Darunter leiden alle, auch wir, und deshalb sage ich immer wieder: Dieser Krieg im Iran ist nicht in unserem Interesse, denn wir sind es, die immer wieder die Kollateralschäden fremder Kriege ausbaden müssen. Dabei geht es nicht nur um steigende Energiepreise oder um fragile Lieferketten, es geht auch um Massenmigration und Terror. Wir wollen das nicht.
Was kann man jetzt tun? Wir müssen alle diplomatischen Mittel einsetzen, um Seewege zu sichern, denn unsere Wirtschaft lebt davon. Wir müssen Energie- und Lieferketten diversifizieren, um solche Krisen besser abzufedern.
Sie schaffen aber sehr oft noch mehr Chaos und neue Konflikte. Das war in Afghanistan so, das war im Irak so, das war in Libyen so, und das wird auch im Jemen nicht anders sein.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Lopatka for one minute, please.
Reinhold Lopatka
Thank you. The Red Sea is becoming a second Hormuz. The Houthis have seized key ports and islands along the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, through which most of Europe's trade with Asia passes. As Yemen's government launched a Saudi-backed counter-offensive, the Houthis hit back. Behind this spiral, of course, is the Iran, and this support allows the Houthis to threaten a second essential waterway.
Europeans are directly feel the consequences at the petrol station, and more the people of Yemen, however, pay the highest price. The fighting has displaced more than 200,000 in the country, where millions already face acute hunger. Europe has to act. We have to send more warships to the Red Sea. We have to work closely with our partners in the Arabian Peninsula.
And thirdly, our security, stability, and prosperity depend on open sea lanes. Here we have to work intensively on this issue on the global level.
Thank you very much. There's a blue card from Mr. Sieper. Do you want to take it? Please, Mr. Sieper.
Thank you, Mr. President. Will there be a possibility for a follow-up question? Yes, okay. Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege, dass Sie die blaue Karte akzeptiert haben. Ihrer Meinung nach, wenn wir diese Krise nun gelöst haben mit militärischen Mitteln, mit diplomatischen Mitteln, was wäre die langfristige Lektion, die wir daraus ziehen sollten, vor allen Dingen im Hinblick auf unsere Energiesicherheit?
Dankeschön.
Reinhold Lopatka
Die Antwort ist eine relativ einfache, und die Europäische Kommission hat ohnehin damit schon begonnen. Das gilt nicht nur für die Energie. Autonomie muss stärker in den Blickpunkt rücken. Und Unabhängigkeit, verbunden mit Autonomie im Energiebereich. Aber, das sage ich auch dazu, wir werden weiterhin eine enge Kooperation mit den arabischen Staaten benötigen, gerade was LNG betrifft, aber auch was neue Kooperationen betrifft im Bereich der Sicherheit.
Birgit Sippel
Ja, Herr Kollege, Sie haben die Autonomie angesprochen und auch mögliche Partnerschaften mit den Golfstaaten. Ich bin völlig bei Ihnen, was die Autonomie angeht. Sollten wir uns dann also nicht vor allen Dingen auf solche Energiebereiche konzentrieren, die wir hier in Europa produzieren können, vor allen Dingen also die erneuerbaren Energien, Wasser, Wind, Strom, sodass wir überhaupt nichts importieren müssen eines schönen Tages und überhaupt nicht von irgendwelchen Energielieferanten außerhalb dieses Kontinents abhängig sind, ob das nun unsere Partner sind oder eben nicht?
Reinhold Lopatka
Sie haben selbst das Wort eines schönen Tages verwendet. Das hilft den Menschen heute und morgen wenig. Und ich glaube, der hohe Lebensstandard, der die Europäische Union auszeichnet, verpflichtet uns aber auch, an das Heute und Morgen zu denken. Und das Heute und Morgen verlangt eben diese Kooperationen mit den Golfstaaten. Und die Golfstaaten sind ja hier, auch wenn es um erneuerbare Energien geht, durchaus nicht hinten nach.
Ich weiß nicht, ob Sie es wissen, Saudi-Arabien hat die größten Flächen an Solarenergieeinrichtungen in den letzten Jahren aufgestellt, mehr als jeder andere Staat auf diesem Planeten.
Thank you very much. And we continue with the speaker's list, and the next speaker is Mr. Maniatis for one minute, please.
Κυρία Πρόεδρε, καταδικάζουμε απερίφραστα τις επιθέσεις των Χούθι κατά της Σαουδικής Αραβίας.
Yannis Maniatis
Η σκόπιμη στόχευση αεροδρομίων, ενεργειακών υποδομών, σχολείων και σπιτιών, αλλά και τα εμπόδια στη ναυτιλία είναι πράξεις τρομοκρατίας και ως τέτοιες πρέπει να αντιμετωπίζονται. Ο αποκλεισμός και ο έλεγχος του Μπαμπ ελ Μαντέμπ μαζί με το στενό του Ορμούζ που είναι αποκλεισμένο από το Μάρτιο, απειλούν μία από τις ζωτικότερες εμπορικές οδούς του πλανήτη. Η ελευθερία της ναυσιπλοΐας δεν είναι διαπραγματεύσιμη. Η ευρωπαϊκή επιχείρηση Ασπίδες πρέπει να ενισχυθεί και τα κράτη μέλη επιτέλους να διαθέσουν πλοία αεράμυνας και μέσα επιτήρησης ώστε να μπορεί να επιτελέσει την αποστολή της. Κύριε Ύπατε Εκπρόσωπε, σας ευχαριστώ θερμά για την αναφορά σας στην επιχείρηση Ασπίδες όπου συμμετέχει από την αρχή της ελληνική φρεγάτα και θέλω δημόσια και από αυτό το βήμα να ευχαριστήσω τους Έλληνες ναυτικούς που από την αρχή συμμετέχουν στην ελευθερία της ναυσιπλοΐας σε ένα από τα πιο επικίνδυνα περάσματα του κόσμου.
Οι Χούθι πρέπει επιτέλους να ενταχθούν στον κατάλογο τρομοκρατών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Να περάσουμε από την αντίδραση στη δράση προστατεύοντας τα ευρωπαϊκά συμφέροντα σε μια γεωπολιτικά ευαίσθητη περιοχή.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Tânger Corrêa for one and a half minutes please.
António Tânger Corrêa
Senhora Presidente, Senhor Alto Representante. Até quando vamos permitir que os Houthis desestabilizem o Médio Oriente e ameacem as nossas rotas comerciais? A fatura chega às famílias europeias. Os ataques contra aeroportos da Arábia Saudita, com mortes e centenas de feridos, demonstram a gravidade desta ameaça. E os ataques no Mar Vermelho comprometem a liberdade de navegação, o abastecimento energético e a competitividade europeia.
Senhor Alto Representante, três questões concretas. Primeiro, o que é feito para travar o apoio militar iraniano, garantir o cumprimento do embargo de armas e promover a inclusão dos Houthis na lista europeia de organizações terroristas? Segundo, a operação Aspides protege navios, mas não elimina a ameaça. Que resultados concretos conseguiu com os nossos aliados para garantir a segurança das rotas comerciais? Terceiro, que garantias nos dá de que os fundos europeus destinados à ajuda humanitária no Iémen não são desviados para os Houthis?
Que mecanismos de fiscalização estão neste momento em vigor e quais estão previstos para o futuro? Senhor Alto Representante, não basta reconhecer a falta de meios. Cabe-lhe mobilizar soluções, exigir compromissos e apresentar resultados, fundamentalmente. Porque os recursos europeus não são infinitos, vêm das famílias europeias, dos contribuintes que pagam todos os dias o preço desta insegurança. E os europeus têm o direito de saber o que está efetivamente a ser feito para os proteger.
Muito obrigado.
Thank you very much Mr. Tânger Corrêa. There is a blue card, do you want to take it? Mr. Mularczyk, seat 590 please.
Today I will speak in Polish.
Christel Schaldemose
Can you please help him to find the translation in Portuguese? Thank you.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Panie pośle, dziękuję za przyjęcie pytania. Ja zgadzam się z pana tezami, że Unia Europejska powinna prowadzić konsekwentną politykę wobec Huti, ale także wobec Iranu, który jest sponsorem terroryzmu międzynarodowego. Nie wspomniał pan jednak w swoim wystąpieniu o roli Stanów Zjednoczonych. Chciałem dlatego pana zapytać, jak widzi pan rolę Unii Europejskiej pod przewodnictwem pani przewodniczącej von der Leyen we współpracy z USA? Gdzie tu jest pole do współpracy, jak Unia Europejska wspólnie z USA powinna koordynować politykę wobec Huti?
Dziękuję.
Can I answer in English or Portuguese? Muito obrigado pela sua questão. Eu mencionei os Estados Unidos quando mencionei os aliados. Os Estados Unidos são aliados da União Europeia. E quanto à liderança da União Europeia, ela já foi no passado uma liderança absolutamente indiscutível.
António Tânger Corrêa
Neste momento, temos que fazer um esforço maior para que essa liderança volte a ser o que era no passado. Temos que constituir os elementos militares e militarizados suficientes para combater a ameaça. E tem toda a razão, mas acho que o seu a seu dono, Estados Unidos são os Estados Unidos, a Europa é a Europa. Muito obrigado.
Carlo Ciccioli
È condiviso da tutti qui l'escalation degli Houthi che sta assumendo una dimensione sempre più pericolosa. L'attacco di ieri contro il campo delle forze governative nello Yemen ha provocato morti e feriti, ma gli Houthi stanno colpendo e minacciando l'Arabia Saudita, aumentando il rischio del conflitto regionale in nome e per conto del regime iraniano. È quindi in gioco la stabilità del Medio Oriente e la sicurezza delle rotte commerciali e degli approvvigionamenti energetici di tutta Europa. Non possiamo pensare che questa minaccia resti lontana dai nostri confini. Se l'Europa non agirà con decisione subito, saranno i cittadini e le imprese europee a pagare il prezzo di questa escalation, con rotte commerciali più insicure, energia più costosa e soprattutto nuove pressioni migratorie.
Non possiamo permettere che una milizia sostenuta dall'Iran destabilizzi l'intera regione senza pagarne le conseguenze. La non azione europea oggi rischia di trasformarsi in un problema molto più grave domani, e sarà un disastro per l'intera Europa.
Dear colleagues, the Middle East is on fire, and with every country drawn into this conflict, the danger grows further. Now, once again, Yemenis are being dragged into a war that was never theirs. The Houthis backed by Iran attack Saudi Arabia, Saudi bombs are falling on Yemen, and ordinary Yemenis pay the price again. Over two million children are acutely malnourished. In Taiz, hundreds of thousands remain cut off from food and medicine.
This is a man-made disaster. All this suffering we must never ever accept this as normal. A naval mission can protect a ship, but it cannot reopen a road into Taiz. Military strength is necessary, but it cannot replace diplomacy. And we urgently need diplomacy across the region to stop this escalation, because Yemenis deserve more than another pause between wars.
And so do Palestinians, Israelis, Iranians, and people across the Gulf. They all deserve peace and a future shaped by the people, for the people. And let's not forget half of these people are women.
Thank you very much. There is a blue card from Mr. Sieper. Do you want to take it? Please, Mr. Sieper. This is the last one in this debate.
I feel especially honored.
Ja, auch Sie haben das schon geahnt, Frau Kollegin, wie Sie mich angeschaut haben. Sie haben völlig recht. Die Menschen leiden im Jemen, ja, und auch an anderen Stellen, und es ist nicht ihr Krieg. Es sind am Ende, man kann sie vielleicht Oligarchen nennen oder andere Arten von Machthabern, die diesen Krieg führen. Gleichzeitig ist es ja so, dass die Diplomatie oft versagt, solange die bewaffnete Auseinandersetzung noch weitergeht.
Wäre Ihrer Meinung oder wäre Ihrer Meinung nach der Einsatz von Blauhelmen im Jemen eine mögliche Lösung, um dann einen Prozess der Diplomatie loszustarten? Dankeschön.
Speaker 381
Ich würde mir wünschen, wir wären im Moment weltpolitisch in der Lage, wo wir für irgendwas noch einmal ein Mandat für Blauhelme bekommen könnten. Aber im Jemen wie in anderen Situationen ist es ja so, dass wir Vetomächte haben, in dem Fall fürchte ich sogar drei, mit den USA, mit China und mit Russland, die jegliche Blauhelm-Mission blockieren. Deswegen ist es, glaube ich, umso wichtiger, dass wir es endlich mit der Europäischen Union gemeinsam mit den Golfstaaten sozusagen die größtmögliche diplomatische Koalition bilden, die sich diesem Konflikt wirklich annimmt und sich die Wurzeln anschaut, anders als das die USA unter Donald Trump hier mit einem Friedensbanner nach dem anderen, den sie verkünden, der aber am Ende nur zu mehr Krieg führt, gerade tut.
Speaker 379
Ms. Neumann, I think Mr. Sieper will follow up. I will allow him to do so.
Lukas Sieper
Ich bin völlig bei Ihnen. Ich hänge da auch so ein bisschen in der Vergangenheit fest, nicht, als es dieses System der Blauhelme noch gab. Und seien wir ehrlich, es hat nie zu 100 Prozent funktioniert und es sind wirklich genug Menschen auch basically unter der Nase der Blauhelme ermordet worden. Aber ich glaube, die Idee an sich ist doch ganz gut. Und was würden Sie davon halten, wenn das vielleicht Dunkelblauhelme wären in der Zukunft, also von der Europäischen Union zur Verfügung gestellte Friedenstruppen, die nach demselben Prinzip und nach denselben Maßstäben agieren?
Ich bin gern bereit, auch darüber nachzudenken, wie die Europäische Union früher oder später die UN zumindest ein Stück weit substituieren kann. Aber was wir jetzt gerade heute, morgen und übermorgen brauchen, ist eine Lösung für das humanitäre Leid der Menschen im Jemen, eine Lösung dafür, dass der Iran die Houthis unterstützt und diesen ganzen Konflikt weiter anfeuert und dass Saudi-Arabien und andere jetzt auch mit Bomben die Situation zumindest nicht verhindern. Und wir können ja das eine tun, ohne das andere zu lassen.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms. Firmenich for one minute, please.
Vielen Dank. Der Krieg im Jemen ist nicht nur eine humanitäre Katastrophe für das geschundene Land. Er treibt auch die Energiepreise bei uns weiter in die Höhe. Es muss dringend ein Waffenstillstand zwischen Houthis und Saudi-Arabien geben. Aber die EU versagt auch hier, indem sich Frau von der Leyen und Sie, Frau Kallas, einseitig auf die Seite der saudischen Diktatur stellen.
Ruth Firmenich
Doch was diese macht, ist kein Verteidigungskrieg. Studien zufolge hat Saudi-Arabien in der Vergangenheit systematisch die nicht mal drei Prozent nutzbaren Ackerflächen im Jemen bombardiert und bombardiert auch weiter zivile Ziele. Die Eskalation im Jemen kann nicht isoliert betrachtet werden. Sie steht im Zusammenhang mit dem völkerrechtswidrigen Krieg Israels und der USA gegen den Iran, der die gesamte Region ins Chaos gestürzt hat. Kritik der EU daran: Fehlanzeige.
Und jetzt unterstützt man militärisches Vorgehen, das die Situation weiter zuspitzt. Wie teuer soll Benzin denn noch werden? Die Menschen im Jemen und auch in Europa brauchen Frieden am Golf. Vielen Dank.
Speaker 378
Thank you. And the next speaker is Mr. Ter Laak for one minute, please.
Ingeborg Ter Laak
Voorzitter, beste collega's, geachte commissaris. Ook wij betalen de rekening voor de aanvallen van de Houthi's. Onze handelsroutes zijn in gevaar door aanvallen op schepen op de belangrijkste handelsroute tussen Azië en Europa, de Straat van Bab al-Mandeb en het Suezkanaal. Als schepen door deze aanvallen duizenden kilometers moeten omvaren, betalen wij daarvoor de rekening. Het betekent hogere transportkosten, dure energie, stijgende prijzen voor al onze huishoudens.
Uiteindelijk betalen wij daarbij in onze winkels. We hebben het grootste belang bij een stabiele regio. En we kunnen dit niet alleen aan Jemen, Iran, Saoedi-Arabië, Verenigde Arabische Emiraten over laten. Wij moeten als Europa investeren. Investeren in goede relaties, investeren in stabiliteit op het Arabisch Schiereiland.
Dat is in het belang, vanuit humanitair belang voor de mensen daar, maar het is ook in het belang voor veilige en weerbare handelsroutes. Onze welvaart mag niet afhangen van de grillen van terroristen. Dank u wel.
Antonella Sberna
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms. Incir for one minute, please.
Evin Incir
Colleagues, Ansar Allah, also known as the Houthis, the armed Iranian-backed militias' attacks on civilian infrastructure in Saudi Arabia and international shipping in the Red Sea are unacceptable. Ansar Allah also continues to terrorize Yemenis living under its rule. They are violently targeting women's movements and restricting women and girls' basic rights. They have, moreover, imprisoned humanitarian workers and civil society representatives, including 13 UN staff members. Accountability must be ensured for these attacks and violations throughout Yemen's conflict needs to be ensured.
This is why it is important to put them on the EU terrorist list. Sweden, under Social Democratic leadership, advanced peace efforts. I hope we can build on those efforts to finally realize a genuine and lasting peace in Yemen, and which will also enhance regional security and refrain Iran from expanding its power.
Ms. Incir, there is a blue card from Mr. Weimers. Do you want to take it?
Sure.
Charlie Weimers
Mr. Weimers, seat 107.
Tack, fru talman. Tack, Evin Incir, för att du tar frågan. Vi är ju helt överens om att huthirebellerna bör föras upp på EU:s terrorlista. Det här är ju en organisation som är understödd av mullahregimen, den islamistiska i Iran. Men när det gäller terroristlistning av muslimska brödraskapet så var vi inte överens.
Där röstade du emot. Varför vill inte ni ta i med hårdhandskarna mot en organisation som vill införa sharia i Europa?
Evin Incir
Kollegan Charlie Weimers vet nog mycket väl att vi socialdemokrater är för att terrorstämpla muslimska brödraskapet. Det vi röstade emot var ju en resolution som gick långt över att adressera problemen med muslimska brödraskapet. Jag skulle gärna vilja ställa Charlie Weimers också en fråga. Hur kommer det sig att ni hade AKP som medlemmar i ert europeiska partigrupp fram till 2018? Samma AKP med kopplingar till just muslimska brödraskapet och som fuel, alltså stoppar in pengar konstant in i just den rörelsen.
Charlie Weimers
Thank you. Mr. Weimers.
Ja, det har ju aldrig varit vårt systerparti. Ja, Evin Incir, AKP har aldrig varit vårt systerparti.
Vi kom in i ECR 2018. Så att jag menar du får fråga de brittiska konservativa hur de resonerade. Men faktum återstår att när Europaparlamentet fattade ett historiskt beslut om att terrorstämpla muslimska brödraskapet, om att faktiskt ta i med hårdhandskarna mot islamistisk infiltration, då ställde sig socialdemokraterna på fel sida av historien.
Men det intressanta är att ni valde att gå med i samma partigrupp som faktiskt hade ett islamistiskt parti som medlemmar i sin rörelse utan att ifrågasätta, utan att lyfta upp det som ett problem. Även EPP-gruppen ska jag säga hade ju faktiskt AKP som medlemmar i sin partigrupp. Men med det sagt helt enkelt så var det faktiskt så att vi röstade för en resolution som gick långt över bortom just problemet med muslimska brödraskapet. Ni valde att i den resolutionen istället för att fokusera på muslimska brödraskapet att demonisera vanliga muslimer, sådana som faktiskt jag och andra. Jo, läs resolutionen om du inte har koll på vad det var du röstade för.
Bert-Jan Ruissen
Voorzitter, een gevaarlijke escalatie met verstrekkende gevolgen. Zo zou ik de recente aanvallen van de Houthi's op Saudi-Arabië willen typeren. Onaanvaardbaar zijn ze, deze aanvallen op burgerdoelen, energie-infrastructuur en de commerciële scheepvaart. En de gevolgen reiken verder dan het Midden-Oosten. De verstoringen in de Rode Zee bedreigen immers cruciale handelsroutes, drijven de olie- en gasprijzen verder op en raken de Europese burgers en bedrijven rechtstreeks in hun portemonnee.
Wij mogen hier niet werkloos toezien. De Europese maritieme missie Aspides moeten we daarom versterken. En ik roep de lidstaten op in dat kader om meer schepen toe te zeggen om de vrije doorvaart te waarborgen. Europa moet eensgezind optreden. De aanvallen van de Houthi's scherp veroordelen, onze belangen beschermen en de diplomatieke inspanningen opvoeren.
Dat is een strategische noodzaak, zowel voor Europa als voor de regio. Dank u wel.
Kostas Papadakis
Σφοδροί ανταγωνισμοί ομίλων για έλεγχο ενέργειας, εμπορικών δρόμων, κρίσιμων στενών συνεχίζουν να τροφοδοτούν τη φωτιά του ιμπεριαλιστικού πολέμου στη Μέση Ανατολή. ΗΠΑ, Ισραήλ σχεδιάζουν νέες δολοφονικές επιθέσεις εναντίον του Ιράν. Οι κλιμακούμενες αντιθέσεις Χούθι και Σαουδικής Αραβίας φανερώνουν τις περιπέτειες που εμπλέκει τον ελληνικό λαό η κυβέρνηση που με τη στήριξη όλων των αστικών κομμάτων έχει στείλει Πάτριοτ στη Σαουδική Αραβία, φρεγάτα στην Ερυθρά για την Ασπίδες, θέτοντας τους ναυτεργάτες σε κίνδυνο, βάζοντάς τους να υπογράψουν θανατοχάρτια. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση προκλητικά χαϊδεύει το κράτος κατακτητή Ισραήλ και τις ομότητες των Ισραηλινών εποίκων σε βάρος του παλαιστινιακού λαού. Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και οι σύμμαχοί τους αδυνατούν να επιβάλουν τα σχέδιά τους.
Θησαυρίζουν ενεργειακοί όμιλοι και εφοπλιστές, ενώ οι λαοί πληρώνουν ακριβά την πολεμική ακρίβεια. Όμως οι μεγαλειώδεις απεργίες και διαδηλώσεις σε όλη την Ευρώπη, όσους στρατούς κι αν κατεβάσετε, τεκμηριώνουν ότι η λεγόμενη σταθερότητα και ευρωενωσιακή κανονικότητα όλων σας αμφισβητείται. Φουντώνει η οργή των εργατών της νεολαίας που το Κομμουνιστικό Κόμμα της Ελλάδας μπαίνει μπροστά για να εκφραστεί αυτή αγωνιστικά και οργανωμένα και στην Ελλάδα.
Gracias, presidente, alto representante. Los hutíes están elevando sus ataques y están amenazando con cortar la navegación por el estrecho de Bab al-Mandeb.
Nicolás Pascual de la Parte
La Unión Europea se tiene que implicar más. Estamos haciéndolo bien con la misión naval Aspides, EUNAVFOR, pero quizás tengamos que reforzar nuestras capacidades desplegadas, tanto en el cuartel operativo general de Larisa en Grecia como en los barcos, en los buques desplegados en el mar. Aparte de eso, quizás tuviésemos que revisar también el mandato dado a la misión. El mandato es puramente defensivo, de escoltar a los buques mercantes que atraviesan esas aguas, que cruzan esas aguas. Quizás habría que dotarle de un mandato más robusto que permita también prevenir ataques y responder a los mismos ataques.
En cualquier caso, también tenemos que incluir la formación de la guardia costera yemení para que sean capaces ellos de defenderse. En cualquier caso, tenemos también que profundizar la relación con la otra misión, que es Atalanta, en el Cuerno de África, también de la Unión Europea, que lo está haciendo muy bien, y empezar a pensar si no conviene ya incluir a los hutíes en la lista terrorista europea. Muchas gracias.
Merci beaucoup, Sean Kelly.
Maith thú, a Chathaoirligh. Houthi attacks have helped push oil prices over 100 dollars a barrel. EU household energy prices are almost up 19% on last year due to a Middle East war Europe did not start, but must help and insulate itself from. Ireland is more exposed than most. We import 78% of our energy.
Why does this matter? Because our prices are still set by fossil fuels priced on global markets. Until we replace them with renewables and storage, every conflict means a price crisis. That's the key lesson. But let us use our influence to push for peace.
Ireland holds the Council presidency. The EU is a major partner to the Gulf. We must recognize that these conflicts from Gaza to Yemen are interconnected and press every party to come to the table. Without peace and control over our own energy, wars we did not cause will keep setting our prices. Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh.
Fredis Beleris
Ευχαριστώ, πρόεδρε. Κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, η κλιμάκωση των επιθέσεων των Χούθι στην Ερυθρά Θάλασσα απειλεί την περιφερειακή σταθερότητα, την ευρωπαϊκή οικονομία και τη διεθνή ναυσιπλοΐα. Με πυραύλους και μη επανδρωμένα αεροσκάφη πλήττουν εμπορικά πλοία και υποδομές, θέτοντας σε κίνδυνο ανθρώπινες ζωές και θαλάσσιες οδούς. Οι επιθέσεις δημιουργούν αστάθεια στη Μέση Ανατολή και στον Κόλπο, απειλώντας να παρασύρουν γειτονικές χώρες σε σύγκρουση, με συνέπειες για την Ευρώπη στον ενεργειακό εφοδιασμό και το εμπόριο. Η Ευρώπη έχει κάθε λόγο να μη μείνει αμέτοχη.
Οφείλουμε να ενισχύσουμε την επιχείρηση Ασπίδες με στρατηγείο τη Λάρισα και να ασκήσουμε διπλωματική πίεση για τη διακοπή της στρατιωτικής υποστήριξης των Χούθι από τρίτες χώρες. Δεν μπορούμε να επιτρέψουμε σε ένοπλες οργανώσεις να καθορίζουν την ασφάλεια των γειτονικών χωρών και τη διεθνή ναυσιπλοΐα. Ο τερματισμός των επιθέσεων έχει να κάνει όχι μόνο με την τήρηση της διεθνούς νομιμότητας, αλλά και με την αξιοπρέπεια της Ευρώπης. Ευχαριστώ.
Merci beaucoup. Nous arrivons au terme de ce débat et dans le cadre de la procédure catch-the-eye, à présent, Juan Fernando López Aguilar.
Señor presidente, que la milicia hutí perpetra actos de terrorismo y crímenes de guerra está fuera de toda duda y la Unión Europea tiene que sacar todas sus consecuencias, pero también la de apoyar la justicia penal internacional ante la que responden los crímenes de guerra, de humanidad, genocidio y de agresión.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Y si Trump y su administración pueden permitirse la contradicción de hostigar a la milicia hutí pero al mismo tiempo también a la justicia penal internacional, la Unión Europea no puede. Tiene todo el deber de sostener, como decíamos en el debate anterior, a la justicia penal internacional y proteger a sus jueces, fiscales, secretario general y todo el personal al que se le han impuesto sanciones extraterritoriales sin ninguna base jurídica reconocible. Aplicar el estatuto de bloqueo por tanto es una necesidad imperiosa y máxime cuando los miembros del Tribunal Penal Internacional son residentes en La Haya, Países Bajos, Unión Europea y por tanto están protegidos por el derecho europeo y por la Carta de Derechos Fundamentales de la Unión. Gracias, presidente.
Dziękuję bardzo, pani przewodnicząca Kallas. Huti, Hezbollah, Hamas mają wspólnego sponsora, jest to reżim w Teheranie. Irańskie pieniądze, broń, wsparcie logistyczne służą organizacjom, które destabilizują Bliski Wschód i zagrażają bezpieczeństwu międzynarodowemu. Nie wystarczy potępić kolejnych ataków, jak to ma często miejsce tu w Parlamencie Europejskim. Trzeba uderzyć w źródła ich finansowania i odciąć od dostaw uzbrojenia.
Niechęć do administracji amerykańskiej niektórych rządów Unii Europejskiej nie może zastępować europejskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa. Współpraca z USA leży w naszym interesie, interesie Unii Europejskiej. Za działania Huti bowiem płacą również Europejczycy. Zagrożona żegluga oznacza wyższe ceny energii i utratę bezpieczeństwa. Dlatego wzywam Komisję Europejską do skutecznego egzekwowania sankcji wobec Iranu, blokowania dostaw broni do Huti i zdecydowanej obrony szlaków morskich.
Speaker 392
Bezpieczeństwo naszych obywateli wymaga stanowczości wobec reżimu w Teheranie. Dziękuję.
Marc Botenga
Merci, monsieur le Président. Là, vous parlez de vous impliquer dans la guerre au Yémen, une nouvelle guerre au Moyen-Orient. Est-ce que vous trouvez, chers collègues, que le pétrole n'est pas assez cher ? Ah, vous dites faut condamner les crimes, je suis d'accord. Mais là, vous vous rangez du côté de l'Arabie saoudite.
J'ai l'impression que vous avez trouvé de nouveaux amis dictateurs, droits humains rien à faire. Non, vous allez soutenir l'Arabie saoudite, pourtant c'est l'Arabie saoudite qui a relancé cette guerre en bombardant un aéroport civil au Yémen d'abord. Ah, ça devient une habitude. Quand les États-Unis attaquent l'Iran, vous aidez. Quand Israël agresse le Liban, la Palestine, vous soutenez.
Marc Botenga
Et de temps en temps, vous lancez vous-mêmes une petite guerre comme en Libye. Et à chaque fois le résultat c'est quoi ? C'est le chaos. Là-bas, ce sont les gens qui meurent sous nos bombes et ici ce sont les travailleurs à payer le prix de vos guerres. Disons-le, sans l'attaque illégale des États-Unis contre l'Iran, on passait tranquillement dans le détroit d'Ormuz.
Et sans l'attaque initiale des Saoudiens et les crimes des Israéliens, ben on contournait aussi tranquillement le Yémen. Chaque fois que vous vous en mêlez, vous ou vos potes, c'est le chaos. Alors moi j'ai une proposition : laissons le Yémen aux Yéménites et retirons-nous de cette région. Merci beaucoup.
Thank you, Mr President, thank you honourable members for for this discussion.
I think first, I want to stress that actually Europe has a role as a security provider in the region. We have Operation Aspides already escorting ships out of the Red Sea to safety. And that's why we need more ships to that operation. We are closely working with the Saudi-led coalition. And why? Because actually, you know, our trade routes depend on this.
Kaja Kallas
I mean, we are going, our companies are going via the Red Sea now, as also there are other choke points. We will send a liaison officer from Aspides to ensure the coordination and avoid duplication. And there was a question, what has EU done? Actually, we have escorted hundreds of commercial vessels to safety. And it is not, you know, really engaging in this war, it's just protecting our own trade and commercial shipping.
Yes, I agree with those who said that the Houthis are not operating alone. They are being financed, equipped, and trained by Iran. And the playbook is exactly the same. Now, Houthis are committing acts of terror. And I heard many of you also raising the issue of designating Houthis as terrorist organization.
Kaja Kallas
For that, we need all the member states on board. Now, Yemen needs our additional and of course also international support, and especially support to the people of Yemen via humanitarian aid, but also the support to the government of Yemen so that they can keep order in country. But I also agree with those who say that we also need diplomacy. All parties concerned need to help bring this aggression to an end and call on Houthis to re-engage with the UN-led mediation process. The lasting peace can only be achieved through diplomacy and work in this regard is ongoing.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Madame la Vice-Présidente. J'ai reçu sept propositions de résolution pour clore ce débat. Le débat est donc clos et le vote aura lieu jeudi. Nous allons suspendre la séance pour quelques minutes et nous reprendrons avec le rapport de Monsieur Zingaretti. La séance est suspendue pour quelques minutes.
Bien. Nous reprenons nos travaux et l'ordre du jour appelle à présent le rapport de Monsieur Zingaretti, une nouvelle co-appropriation pour l'avenir des relations euro-méditerranéennes, le pacte pour la Méditerranée. Et je donne la parole immédiatement au rapporteur.
Nicola Zingaretti
Caro Presidente, cara Commissaria, il Mediterraneo nella storia è stato la culla della civiltà o il teatro di sanguinose guerre, dipeso dalla volontà dell'uomo se l'ipotesi era la prima o la seconda. E oggi il Mediterraneo è popolato da 520 milioni di persone, da cultura, imprese, ricchezza creativa e culturale. Ma purtroppo, per dirla con una frase di Papa Francesco di sei anni fa, il Mediterraneo oggi è molto un grande cimitero, il cimitero d'Europa. E non solo, è un cimitero senza lapidi, per citare Papa Leone XIV proprio quest'anno. Sembra più il luogo della diffidenza e dell'odio.
Per questo dobbiamo cambiare. Perché l'ambizione di fare del dialogo euro-mediterraneo un pilastro dell'integrazione europea, come riaffermato trent'anni fa con l'avvio del processo di Barcellona, non è arrivato a compimento. E oggi lo possiamo dire: tutto è cambiato e non in meglio.
Stati e nuovi attori globali, penso alla Russia e alla Cina in primis, hanno rafforzato la propria presenza riducendo addirittura qui l'influenza dell'Europa. Dobbiamo superare quindi il tempo dell'odio, rilanciare un progetto per la cooperazione, lo sviluppo e per la pace. E non possiamo attendere che siano solo i governi a ricostruire un clima di collaborazione e di dialogo sul Mediterraneo. La scelta della Commissione, dunque, della Commissaria, dunque, di rilanciare l'iniziativa è sicuramente un'opportunità positiva e da cogliere, soprattutto perché arriva in un momento in cui a livello globale sembrano prevalere la sfiducia e la paura, l'indifferenza verso l'altro e spesso la guerra, dove lo scontro ha sostituito il dialogo, i muri hanno preso il posto dei ponti. Tutti paghiamo il prezzo di questa situazione ed occorre voltare pagina.
Nella stesura di questo rapporto, allora, abbiamo ricevuto un mandato chiaro: investire nelle persone, nella società civile, nel dialogo, nello scambio economico e culturale. Dobbiamo essere capaci di creare benefici tangibili con più mobilità e migliori condizioni di vita. Per questo che chiediamo il rispetto della democrazia a tutti, dello Stato di diritto e dei diritti umani, di affrontare lo squilibrio commerciale, di sostenere lo sviluppo di progetti di interconnessione energetica e di energia green, di sostenere un'università del Mediterraneo, di rafforzare il programma Erasmus per la formazione professionale, di spingere per la promozione di centri di ricerca. Tutte azioni positive che si possono fare se l'Europa questa volta riuscirà a fare questo grande passo in avanti per cambiare la situazione attuale. Tutto questo garantirebbe e aumenterebbe la sicurezza e la pace e che la condivisione di interessi possa diventare il nuovo faro del futuro e non del passato.
Io penso che davanti alle migliaia di vittime disperse abbiamo inserito nel rapporto un punto importante: il diritto al nome, un'iniziativa affinché la Commissione restituisca un nome a tutte le vittime del Mediterraneo. Riconoscere il diritto al nome significa affermare che la dignità di una persona non finisce con la sua morte, perché dietro ogni vittima del Mediterraneo ci sono una storia, una famiglia, dei legami e che hanno il diritto a conoscere la sorte dei propri cari. Quindi, cari colleghi, Commissaria, il tema di andare avanti su questo patto del Mediterraneo riguarda noi, le nostre vite, ma soprattutto il nostro futuro. Non lasciare alle ragazze e ai ragazzi un Mediterraneo segnato dall'odio e dalla guerra, ma un Mediterraneo segnato dalla ricchezza delle proprie culture, delle proprie imprese, delle nuove generazioni. Noi non vogliamo più uno spazio di contrasto, ma uno spazio condiviso di stabilità, di prosperità e di pace.
E anche per questo, con il lavoro politico del Parlamento non dovrà esaurirsi con questo rapporto, ma dovrà proseguire negli anni a venire per monitorare insieme alla Commissione e vedere l'implementazione del patto e fare quello che oggi sembra impossibile: riaprire il dialogo, riaprire la cooperazione, garantire la pace e la stabilità in questo luogo così prezioso del nostro mondo. Grazie.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur Zingaretti. Je souhaite la bienvenue à Madame la Commissaire Šuica, à qui je cède la parole immédiatement.
Thank you, Chair, honorable members of the European Parliament. Two weeks ago, I was in Split, Croatia, for the Med9 summit. The nine leaders welcomed the pact as an opportunity to give our partnership with the South greater weight. Honorable members, today it's your turn. I warmly welcome your rapporteur, Mr. Zingaretti, and the shadow rapporteurs for the importance given to this pact.
Your report's title says it all: co-ownership. The pact is not something we do for our partners; it is something we build with them. What does this mean in practice? We are starting with people, particularly young people.
Dubravka Šuica
The Mediterranean University is one of our flagships aimed at creating alliances of institutions of higher education across the Mediterranean. We will open the initiative to universities across our region, creating university consortia and Med campuses. The Med9 leaders have also backed it and we have invited our southern partners to join as well. That is co-ownership at work. We want young people in Europe as well as in Mediterranean partners to have the skills needed for tomorrow's workplace.
This is also why the Med skills tracker is a key action under the pact. This connects to my second point on the economy. We have created Startup for Med with 80 million euro to support small and medium enterprises and startups across the region and reach 136,000 people. Growing our economies also means growing energy needs at stable and reasonable prices, protected from shocks. For this, we launched Team Med, the Trans-Mediterranean Renewable Energy and Clean Tech Initiative.
This initiative brings 5 billion euro in guarantees to the table to mobilize up to 25 billion euro in clean energy investments across the region. And we are about to launch the Team Med investment platform. The potential is enormous: 2,300 gigawatts of renewables, which is more than twice the EU's installed capacity today, at costs 30 to 40% lower than in Europe. Which brings me to the third point: security, migration and preparedness. We have seen a 55% reduction in illegal arrivals to the European Union over the past two years and a further 35% drop this year.
How? Through our partnerships, working on border management across all shores of the Mediterranean, combating migrant smuggling and improving effective return, readmission and reintegration. But arrivals figures never tell the whole story, as you rightly said. As your report reminds us, Mr. Zingaretti, behind every number there is a name. Every life lost at sea is one too many.
Dubravka Šuica
Climate preparedness also plays a big role. We created the EU firefighting hub in Cyprus and the Med9 leaders called for a second firefighting hub in the western Mediterranean. Our action, which is what distinguishes this pact from previous initiatives, has started delivering tangible benefits for our citizens with 21 initiatives. This autumn, now, a new iteration of the action plan will bring new initiatives. But ambition needs funding.
Your report also asks for adequate funding and so do the Med9 leaders. I count on this house to support this as well. A year ago we made a promise: one sea, one pact, one future. And today in the Parliament we are fulfilling only part of it. Thank you.
Francisco José Millán Mon
Gracias, presidente. Felicito en primer lugar a los ponentes por este informe tan amplio. El Pacto por el Mediterráneo representa una oportunidad para dar un nuevo impulso a las relaciones con una región que sigue siendo estratégica para la Unión Europea. Lamentablemente, más de 30 años después del proceso de Barcelona, no se han cumplido sus amplios objetivos ni tampoco creado el espacio de prosperidad y de buena vecindad que contempla el artículo 8 del Tratado. La situación de alguno de los países del Mediterráneo sur es especialmente compleja, lo que limita las posibilidades de un diálogo político verdaderamente ambicioso.
Sin embargo, son muchos los ámbitos concretos en los que podemos cooperar entre ambas orillas del Mediterráneo. Por ejemplo, en el plano universitario y educativo, como acaba de citar la comisaria. También en el plano económico, debemos impulsar la inversión, los intercambios también de servicios y las interconexiones energéticas entre ambas orillas. No olvidemos la necesidad para la Unión de diversificar sus relaciones económicas. Existen además amenazas comunes, no solo el cambio climático, también el terrorismo, el crimen organizado o el narcotráfico.
Francisco José Millán Mon
Además, la gestión de los flujos migratorios exige una cooperación más eficaz con nuestros socios en materia de fronteras, de retorno, readmisión, lucha contra las mafias. Y voy a terminar con una referencia a los graves acontecimientos ocurridos en julio en Ceuta, ciudad española y frontera exterior de la Unión Europea. La utilización de la inmigración como arma política y herramienta de guerra híbrida es inaceptable. La integridad territorial y las fronteras tienen que ser plenamente respetadas. Las relaciones de vecindad, también en el Mediterráneo, deben basarse en el respeto mutuo, el derecho internacional, la buena fe y el reconocimiento y pleno respeto de la soberanía de cada Estado.
Yannis Maniatis
Κύριε Επίτροπε, η έκθεση Cicurel αναδεικνύει ότι το νέο σύμφωνο για τη Μεσόγειο αποτελεί μια σημαντική ευκαιρία ουσιαστικής συνεργασίας με τις χώρες της νότιας γειτονίας. Εξαιρετικής σημασίας η ρητή στήριξη της έκθεσης στην ηλεκτρική διασύνδεση Ελλάδας-Κύπρου GSI, καθώς και στον αγωγό φυσικού αερίου EastMed. Όμως καμία συνεργασία δεν μπορεί να οικοδομηθεί χωρίς σεβασμό στο διεθνές δίκαιο, το δίκαιο της θάλασσας και τα κυριαρχικά δικαιώματα των κρατών μελών στις αποκλειστικές οικονομικές ζώνες τους. Δυστυχώς σήμερα οι αρχές αυτές παραβιάστηκαν κατάφωρα εις βάρος της πατρίδας μου, της Ελλάδας. Το κοινοβούλιο της Λιβύης επικύρωσε το παράνομο τουρκο-λιβυκό μνημόνιο, ένα κείμενο που και το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο και το Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο έχουν επανειλημμένα καταδικάσει.
Η σημερινή εξέλιξη απαιτεί άμεση και σκληρή ευρωπαϊκή αντίδραση. Η υπεράσπιση των κυριαρχικών δικαιωμάτων των κρατών μελών είναι και ευρωπαϊκή ευθύνη και αυτή κρίνεται στην πράξη. Ευχαριστώ.
Un informe sobre el pacto del Mediterráneo lleno de retórica y vana pretensión. Larguísimo, pero sin una sola línea sobre la invasión de la ciudad española de Ceuta, la mayor agresión en el Mediterráneo desde la ocupación turca de Chipre en 1974. La invasión marroquí de Ceuta es el peor ataque jamás sufrido por una frontera de la Unión Europea. ¿Y qué ha hecho la Unión Europea? Nada.
Hermann Tertsch
Al invasor marruecos la Unión Europea lo trata como protegido favorito al que riega con dinero y favores siempre en detrimento de España. Lo peor es que el lobista supremo de Marruecos es el Gobierno español del traidor Sánchez que ayudó decisivamente en esa invasión. El Partido Popular Europeo ha impedido con la izquierda una comisión de investigación sobre esta invasión. Esperemos que no impida que Patriotas meta ahora unas enmiendas para que Ceuta aparezca como merece en este informe. Europa no necesita retórica buenista, sino fronteras seguras y una urgente remigración para revertir la invasión a través del Mediterráneo que amenaza a las democracias y destruye la convivencia.
Speaker 399
Merci, Alberico Gambino. Pas de manifestation dans les tribunes, autrement nous ferons évacuer les tribunes. Merci beaucoup.
Il Mediterraneo non è soltanto un confine meridionale dell'Europa, è il cuore della nostra sicurezza, della nostra competitività, del nostro futuro.
Alberico Gambino
Per troppo tempo abbiamo considerato la sponda sud soltanto come destinataria di aiuti. Oggi serve un cambio di paradigma. Il patto per il Mediterraneo deve diventare uno strumento concreto di politica estera, fondato su investimenti, cooperazione energetica, sicurezza e interessi reciproci. È la strada che l'Italia ha già tracciato con il piano Mattei. Ma dobbiamo essere chiari: non possiamo parlare di governo dei flussi migratori concentrandoci sui nuovi canali d'ingresso e lasciando in secondo piano i rimpatri.
Servono frontiere sicure, lotta ai trafficanti e accordi di riammissione realmente efficaci. Il Mediterraneo non ha bisogno di nuove promesse. Ha bisogno di un'Europa che sappia difendere i propri interessi e costruire partenariati alla pari. Grazie.
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur Gambino. Helmut Brandstätter.
Helmut Brandstätter
Grazie, Presidente, cara Commissaria. Il patto Mediterraneo è un progetto europeo di prim'ordine. Un progetto perfetto. Noi viviamo in un tempo molto difficile, anche irrazionale, pensiamo solo agli Stati Uniti. Però questo patto è un patto europeo.
L'Unione Europea che stringe un'alleanza in buona fede a vantaggio reciproco. La regione mediterranea è stata fin dall'antichità un luogo di cooperazione, commercio e scambi tra i popoli. Stiamo portando avanti questa tradizione all'interno di un quadro moderno di scambio di energia, risorse minerarie, competenze e pratiche democratiche per i cittadini dappertutto nel Mediterraneo, anche per l'Austria, che non è così lontana dal Mediterraneo. Allora, noi vogliamo un patto dove tutti approfittano. Un patto per i cittadini dappertutto nel Mediterraneo.
Grazie.
Leoluca Orlando
Signor Presidente, signora Commissaria, onorevoli colleghi, il patto per il Mediterraneo è un'occasione storica che interpella l'Unione Europea sul ruolo del Mediterraneo, non più zona di transito né periferia da sfruttare con logiche neocoloniali, ma una realtà viva, plurale, accogliente, di legalità internazionale, di dialogo interculturale e interreligioso e di pace, in alternativa a conflitti, morti in mare e genocidi. Il Parlamento europeo è chiamato a svolgere un ruolo di stimolo e controllo per il rispetto di tutte le popolazioni interessate, quelle europee, quelle nordafricane e quelle mediorientali. Il Mediterraneo non deve più essere soltanto un aggettivo, deve essere un sostantivo. Deve cioè indicare una realtà viva, una realtà ambientale e umana capace di accogliere insieme le sfide del cambio climatico e della mobilità internazionale, dello sviluppo industriale, dell'agricoltura e della pesca, del rispetto delle diversità e della garanzia e promozione dei diritti. È questo l'auspicio e l'impegno al quale è chiamato questo Parlamento.
Giorgos Georgiou
Κύριε Επίτροπε, η Μεσόγειος είναι μια περιοχή με τεράστιες δυνατότητες, αλλά και με βαθιές αντιθέσεις: πολέμους, ανισότητες, προσφυγιά, περιβαλλοντικές απειλές.
Το σύμφωνο για τη Μεσόγειο θα μπορούσε να αποτελέσει μια πραγματική ευκαιρία για ειρήνη, συνεργασία και κοινή ευημερία. Όχι όμως εάν αντιμετωπίζεται ως εργαλείο επέκτασης της γεωπολιτικής επιρροής της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Ούτε εάν η ασφάλεια, η στρατιωτικοποίηση και ο έλεγχος της μετανάστευσης υπερισχύουν των αναγκών των λαών. Ως Αριστερά εργαστήκαμε για ένα διαφορετικό περιεχόμενο, με επίκεντρο τον άνθρωπο, την κοινωνική δικαιοσύνη, τα εργασιακά δικαιώματα, την προστασία του περιβάλλοντος, με ουσιαστική συμμετοχή των κοινωνιών, με επαρκή χρηματοδότηση, με σεβασμό στην κυριαρχία των κρατών και στο διεθνές δίκαιο. Δεν μπορούμε να επικαλούμαστε το διεθνές δίκαιο και να ανεχόμαστε την επιλεκτική εφαρμογή του για την Κύπρο και για την Παλαιστίνη.
Η Μεσόγειος δεν χρειάζεται νέους γεωπολιτικούς ανταγωνισμούς, χρειάζεται αλληλεγγύη, συνεργασία, διάλογο, ειρήνη. Αυτή είναι η Μεσόγειος που οφείλουμε να οικοδομήσουμε.
Stanislav Stoyanov
Уважаеми господин председател, след години на стратегически програми и милиарди евро европейско финансиране за страните от Средиземноморието, нелегалната миграция продължава да задушава Европа, а икономическите резултати остават незадоволителни. Потресаващите кадри от Сеута, където хиляди мигранти преминаха испанската граница за броени дни, се превърнаха в символ на провала на тази политика. Досегашният модел не работи. Европейският съюз предоставя финансиране, но редица партньорски държави не изпълняват ангажиментите си. Финансовата помощ трябва да бъде обвързана с проверими ангажименти за ограничаване на нелегалната миграция и връщане на незаконно пребиваващите мигранти.
Държавите, които системно отказват да сътрудничат, не могат да продължават да получават европейско финансиране без последствия. Истинско партньорство предполага взаимна икономическа изгода. Притокът на евтина работна ръка оказва натиск върху заплатите и заетостта, включително в България, и променя демографския облик на Европа. Вместо да привличаме квалифицираните кадри от средиземноморските държави и така да отслабваме икономиките им, трябва да насърчаваме инвестициите, работните места и местния бизнес. Особено важни са взаимоизгодната търговия, енергийната сигурност и транспортната свързаност, които могат да дадат нов тласък на икономическо развитие от двете страни на Средиземно море.
Европа не може вечно да плаща за обещания, които остават неизпълнени. Време е да спрем да финансираме проблемите и да започнем да намираме решения. Благодаря.
Yannis Maniatis
Το σύμφωνο για τη Μεσόγειο άργησε. Πρέπει όμως να αποτελέσει μια ουσιαστική γεωπολιτική πρωτοβουλία με επίκεντρο τη σταθερότητα, την ασφάλεια και την ενεργειακή αυτονομία της Ευρώπης. Η Ανατολική Μεσόγειος μπορεί και πρέπει να εξελιχθεί σε στρατηγικό ενεργειακό κόμβο. Ο σχεδιαζόμενος αγωγός φυσικού αερίου EastMed, η ηλεκτρική διασύνδεση Ελλάδας-Κύπρου-Ισραήλ, αλλά και της Ελλάδας-Αιγύπτου αποτελούν έργα καθοριστικής σημασίας για τη διαμόρφωση των ενεργειακών μας πηγών και τη μείωση των εξαρτήσεων.
Ωστόσο δεν μπορούμε να μιλάμε για ενεργειακή ασφάλεια όταν η Τουρκία αμφισβητεί κυριαρχικά δικαιώματα και της Ελλάδας και της Κύπρου και επιχειρεί συνεχώς να παρεμποδίσει στρατηγικές και ενεργειακές διασυνδέσεις. Δεν είναι δυνατόν να χρηματοδοτούμε στρατηγικά έργα και να ανεχόμαστε τρίτες χώρες να επιχειρούν να επιβάλουν τους δικούς τους όρους. Οφείλει η Ευρώπη να υπερασπιστεί έμπρακτα τις επενδύσεις της, το διεθνές δίκαιο αλλά και τα κυριαρχικά δικαιώματα των κρατών μελών. Γιατί ενεργειακή αυτονομία αποτελεί προϋπόθεση της ευρωπαϊκής στρατηγικής αυτονομίας και η Ευρώπη δεν μπορεί να διεκδικεί γεωπολιτικό ρόλο εάν αδυνατεί να προστατεύσει τα ίδια της τα στρατηγικά συμφέροντα.
Leire Pajín
Señora comisaria, queridos colegas. Este debate va de ambición, de liderazgo, de cómo entendemos el mundo y cómo queremos ejercer nuestra capacidad de influencia. Hace 31 años el proceso de Barcelona inauguró una nueva forma de entender las relaciones entre las dos orillas del Mediterráneo. Una apuesta ambiciosa por la paz, por la cooperación, por la prosperidad. Entonces Javier Solana hablaba de construir una asociación entre iguales basada en el diálogo y la responsabilidad compartida.
Hoy no estamos ahí y yo les digo que debemos recuperar esa ambición y esa forma de entender la relación con el Mediterráneo. Porque esto no va de entenderlo como una frontera que hay que proteger, sino de grandes desafíos que debemos compartir juntos: la movilidad humana y no ver la migración como la amenaza sino como una garantía; trabajar juntos en la lucha contra el cambio climático, el Mediterráneo se calienta un 20% más rápido que otras áreas; trabajar también para la prevención de desastres de forma compartida y por supuesto por la paz de forma incansable para que no vuelva a ocurrir lo que hemos visto en Gaza. Se trata por tanto de entender que el Mediterráneo no es una frontera que nos separa, es un espacio de convivencia, de oportunidades y de futuro que debemos seguir trabajando así.
Silvia Sardone
L'Europa sull'immigrazione continua ad avere un approccio debole. Questo patto con i paesi del Mediterraneo poteva essere un'opportunità e invece risulta superficiale, timido, privo di proposte concrete, lasciando troppi spiragli aperti all'immigrazione. Il testo infatti vuole ampliare i percorsi migratori verso l'Europa senza riconoscere l'impatto destabilizzante dell'immigrazione di massa sulle società europee. Inoltre gli accordi commerciali e anche gli investimenti dell'Europa nei confronti dei paesi terzi continuano a non essere in alcun modo condizionati ad accordi di rimpatrio. Le rivolte di questi giorni in Francia e in Italia, a Milano, nella mia città, sono figlie di tensioni sociali legate all'immigrazione.
Noi dovremmo porre dei freni a questa situazione, non certo far finta di nulla o addirittura favorirla. Grazie.
Merci, Geadis Geadi.
Geadis Geadi
Η Μεσόγειος αποτελεί περιοχή στρατηγικής σημασίας με σημαντικές γεωπολιτικές και οικονομικές προκλήσεις. Το νέο σύμφωνο για τη Μεσόγειο πρέπει να αποτελέσει ουσιαστικό εργαλείο συνεργασίας με επίκεντρο την ενεργειακή ασφάλεια, τις ηλεκτρικές διασυνδέσεις, την αντιμετώπιση της παράνομης μετανάστευσης και των διακινητών, την καταπολέμηση της τρομοκρατίας και των υβριδικών απειλών.
Younous Omarjee
S'il vous plaît, Monsieur Geadi, s'il y a un problème de traduction, je demande au service technique de bien vouloir le régler. Vous n'avez pas dans quelle langue? C'est bon? C'est bien, vous pouvez continuer et je ferai attention au temps supplémentaire qui vous est accordé.
Geadis Geadi
Thank you, President.
Η Μεσόγειος αποτελεί περιοχή στρατηγικής σημασίας με σημαντικές γεωπολιτικές και οικονομικές προκλήσεις. Το νέο σύμφωνο για τη Μεσόγειο πρέπει να αποτελέσει ουσιαστικό εργαλείο συνεργασίας με επίκεντρο την ενεργειακή ασφάλεια, τις ηλεκτρικές διασυνδέσεις, την αντιμετώπιση της παράνομης μετανάστευσης και των διακινητών, την καταπολέμηση της τρομοκρατίας και των υβριδικών απειλών. Ωστόσο, η συνεργασία στη Μεσόγειο πρέπει να εδράζεται στο διεθνές δίκαιο και όχι σε μονομερείς διεκδικήσεις και αμφισβητήσεις. Επί τη ευκαιρία, ευχαριστώ τους συναδέλφους από όλες τις πολιτικές ομάδες που στήριξαν μία δύσκολη προσπάθεια για ένα ευρωβουλευτή από την Κύπρο να καταθέσει μία διακομματική τροπολογία, όπου υπογραμμίζουμε τη σημασία των έργων κοινού ενδιαφέροντος της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, όπως ο Great Sea Interconnector και ο αγωγός EastMed Pipeline, καταδικάζοντας ταυτόχρονα τις τουρκικές προκλήσεις που εμποδίζουν την υλοποίηση των έργων. Η Μεσόγειος δεν μπορεί να είναι θύμα των τουρκικών εκβιασμών εις βάρος των ευρωπαϊκών συμφερόντων.
Και κυρία Κάλλας, έχετε ευθύνη να περάσετε από τα λόγια στις πράξεις.
Pina Picierno
Merci beaucoup, Pina Picierno. Sì, grazie Presidente, Commissaria Suica, cari colleghi. Il Mediterraneo è forse una delle chiavi più importanti per provare a ristabilire un ordine politico globale, perché le opportunità sono tante e sono tutte davvero molto concrete, dalle energie rinnovabili all'idrogeno, alle reti elettriche interconnesse. Qui nel Mediterraneo si gioca la nostra sicurezza energetica e anche la possibilità di riduzione delle nostre dipendenze strategiche. Quindi, qui nel Mediterraneo si gioca anche il nostro posizionamento nello scenario politico globale.
Si gioca anche qui il futuro dei giovani, delle imprese, delle donne che chiedono sempre più prospettive concrete. Anche per questo che la cooperazione tra la sponda nord e quella sud dovrà poggiare su valori che noi non possiamo considerare secondari: la democrazia, lo stato di diritto, i diritti umani fondamentali, la pace, perché proprio la coerenza rendere credibile il patto proposto dalla Commissione. Su questo dobbiamo continuare a lavorare. Grazie.
Tomasz Froelich
Merci beaucoup, cher collègue, Tomasz Froelich. Herr Präsident, der Mittelmeerraum ist für uns von zentraler Bedeutung in Fragen des Handels, in Fragen der Energie, in Fragen der Sicherheit, in Fragen der Migration, vor allem aber in Fragen der Remigration. Leider ist die EU mit ihrem bisherigen Ansatz komplett gescheitert. Wir verteilen das Geld, aber die Ergebnisse sind ernüchternd. Illegale Migration läuft weiter, Rückführungen stocken, kriminelle Schleuserbanden arbeiten weiterhin ungestört.
Besonders deutlich wird dies in Marokko. Das Land erhält von Brüssel rund 150 Millionen Euro im Jahr und die deutsche Bundesregierung war sogar so bescheuert, über 8 Millionen Euro für LED-Lampen in marokkanischen Moscheen bereitzustellen. Als Dank hat Marokko im Sommer in Ceuta fast 100.000 Migranten als Waffe gegen Europa eingesetzt. Das hat mit Partnerschaft nichts zu tun, das hat mit Respekt nichts zu tun. Nein, das war eine Kriegserklärung.
Absolut inakzeptabel, aber eben auch ein Zeichen unserer eigenen Schwäche. Schließlich lädt die europäische Linke ja die ganze Welt nach Europa ein. Wir müssen endlich unsere Entwicklungshilfe an klare Bedingungen knüpfen. Wer bei Remigration nicht zusammenarbeitet, wer illegale Migration nicht stoppt, der erhält künftig keinen einzigen Cent mehr, basta. Dass es besser geht, zeigen übrigens Tunesien und Algerien.
Das stabilisiert den Migrationsdruck, das stabilisiert die Energieversorgung, das reduziert Abhängigkeiten. Das ist im gegenseitigen Interesse. So geht echte Partnerschaft.
Malika Sorel
Chers collègues, l'Union européenne ne peut prétendre bâtir la prospérité et la stabilité des pays du Sud tout en captant les médecins, ingénieurs et chercheurs indispensables à leur avenir. Aucune économie ne peut se développer sans disposer des compétences nécessaires. La captation des médecins pose une question fondamentale. Les populations du Sud auraient-elles moins droit aux soins que celles du Nord ? Cette injustice nourrit les discours de haine des fondamentalistes religieux, ce qui met l'Europe en danger.
Tunis stoppt die Boote, Algier schützt die Grenzen, Algier bleibt ein zuverlässiger Gaslieferant.
En privant ces pays de leurs élites, nous poussons davantage de personnes à migrer, faute de perspectives chez elles. Nous déplorons ensuite en Europe les conséquences de ces migrations. Où est la cohérence ? Il est urgent d'établir pour chaque pays partenaire une cartographie des métiers stratégiques et des besoins prioritaires. L'Union européenne doit rompre avec son hypocrisie aux conséquences ravageuses.
Madame la Commissaire, je compte sur vous pour corriger cette contradiction stratégique majeure.
Christophe Gomart
Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, un pacte suppose que chacun sache ce qu'il donne et ce qu'il reçoit. Or, sur l'immigration, l'énergie et le commerce, nos relations avec la rive sud de la Méditerranée sont trop souvent sur des accords opaques et des financements dont on ne connaît ni mesure l'usage ni les résultats. Pourtant, nos économies sont étroitement imbriquées et la balance commerciale équilibrée. Aussi, la transparence est nécessaire dans nos relations. Par exemple, un principe simple doit s'imposer : pas de préférence commerciale ni d'aide au développement pour les États qui refusent de prendre leurs ressortissants expulsés.
À cela s'ajoute une question politique : quel statut pour ces pays du Sud ? J'appelle, moi, à la création d'un statut d'État associé de coopération. Cette catégorie doit réunir les États du sud de la Méditerranée dans le cadre du pacte pour la Méditerranée en se concentrant sur la gestion des flux migratoires, la lutte contre le terrorisme, la souveraineté énergétique, les routes commerciales et l'approvisionnement en matières premières. Des partenariats utiles, des engagements réciproques et une Europe qui renforce ses liens sans se diluer. Merci.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur Gomart. Je ne vois pas Nikos Papandreou. Il n'est pas là. Je donne donc la parole à France Jamet.
France Jamet
Oui. Mes chers collègues, la Méditerranée est évidemment un espace éminemment stratégique pour tous les États riverains européens sur lequel, malheureusement, l'Union européenne nous affaiblit chaque jour un peu plus. La Turquie occupe indûment et militairement une partie du territoire chypriote, l'Union européenne laisse faire et travaille à son intégration dans l'Union. L'immigration illégale débarque par milliers sur nos côtes, l'Union européenne laisse faire et pire encore. Nos pêcheurs se plaignent d'une distorsion de concurrence avec des pavillons de complaisance extra-européens, la Commission laisse faire et se retourne même contre nos pêcheurs avec plus de normes et plus de flicage.
Voilà simplement quelques exemples de la politique désastreuse de l'Union européenne dont nos nations et nos peuples font les frais. Alors le remède contre la faiblesse dans laquelle nous plonge en Méditerranée l'Union européenne passe, je vous le dis, par le retour de nos diplomaties nationales qui seules ont légitimité à défendre nos intérêts et nos peuples avec constance, équidistance et indépendance.
Dámy a pánové, vážená Komise.
Velká dohoda s Libyí, Tuniskem, Marokem nebo Alžírskem, fajn. Dohoda, která zahrnuje obchod, investice, energetiku a vzdělávání a bezpečnost, tak jo. Ale jako odbornice na migraci mě zajímá několik zcela konkrétních věcí. Budou partnerské země skutečně spolupracovat při návratech svých občanů, kteří nemají právo zůstat v Evropské unii? Pomohou omezit převaděčské sítě a chránit naše vnější hranice?
A jak tyto státy přispějí k omezení nelegální migrace? A co se stane, když své závazky plnit nebudou? Pokud pakt o Středomoří má pomoci zemím, jako je Alžírsko, Tunisko nebo Maroko, tak chci také vědět, jak to pomůže evropským občanům. Evropská unie musí využít svou vyjednávací sílu. Finanční podpora a další formy spolupráce musí být propojeny s jasnými závazky a měřitelnými výsledky.
Neodmítám spolupráci se středomořskými partnery. Naopak, chci ale, aby přinášela výsledky pro Evropany a aby Evropa dokázala chránit své hranice i vlastní občany. Děkuji.
Merci beaucoup, Hildegard Bentele.
Sehr geehrter Herr Präsident, liebe Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Mit der Entscheidung, eine Kommissarin für den Mittelmeerraum zu bestimmen, hat diese Kommission bewusst eine Priorität gesetzt. Die EU möchte sich dort, wo Europa, Afrika und der Nahe Osten zusammenkommen, besonders engagieren. Zurecht. Hier liegen große Potenziale, beispielsweise an Energiequellen für Industrieansiedlung und Tourismus.
Gleichzeitig sind die Umstände herausfordernd: teils repressive politische Strukturen, hohe Ungleichheit und ein niedriges Bildungsniveau. Zudem sind unsere Konkurrenten schon vor Ort. Gut ist: Die EU verfügt über ein breites Partnerschaftsangebot. Ich plädiere dafür, in der Region die Global-Gateway-Initiative, die auf die Kraft des Privatsektors setzt, gezielt umzusetzen. Denn es sind Investitionen, die echte Arbeitsplätze schaffen und sichern und die Grundlage für nachhaltigen Wohlstand legen.
Außerdem kann der Schwerpunkt auf den Ausbau von Transport- und Wirtschaftsverbindungen helfen, politische Spannungen abzubauen. Der Pakt für das Mittelmeer wird sich daran messen lassen müssen, was bei den Menschen vor Ort ankommen wird an Arbeit, Sicherheit, Einkommen und Perspektiven. Viel Erfolg bei der Umsetzung.
Francisco Assis
Obrigado, muito obrigado senhor presidente, senhora comissária. No seu monumental e extraordinário livro, Fernand Braudel escreveu que o Mediterrâneo é um conjunto de rotas marítimas e terrestres interligadas. A decadência, as crises, os males deste mar são as roturas deste sistema circulatório. O sistema circulatório encontra-se hoje profundamente doente. Outrora marcado pela superabundância da vida, nas palavras de Albert Camus, o Mediterrâneo tornou-se sinónimo de perda e de morte.
Se queremos ajudar a sarar o Mare Nostrum, temos de saber compreender a sua juventude, as suas frustrações, aspirações e potencialidades. Precisamos de modernizar as parcerias com os países mediterrânicos, centrando-nos não só naquilo que é estratégico para a União Europeia, como energia renovável, mas também em setores que possam dar perspetivas e empregos de qualidade aos mais jovens. Neste sentido, quero aqui saudar, em particular, a proposta de uma Universidade do Mediterrâneo contida neste novo pacto. A Europa precisa de recentrar a sua relação com o Mediterrâneo na identidade comum, em vez da alteridade que a tem marcado nos últimos anos. É preciso saber reaproximar as duas margens.
Merci beaucoup, Kristoffer Storm.
Rapporten nævner migration med en masse fine ord. Man bruger ikke en eneste sætning på det, der reelt er vigtigt, nemlig at få lukket Europas grænser. Hvert eneste år vælter hundredtusindvis af migranter ind over vores grænser. I vores byer vokser parallelsamfund frem, hvor europæisk lov ikke længere gælder, og hvor islam sætter dagsordenen. Og hvad har dette hus at sige?
Ingenting. Ikke et eneste ord. Ikke fordi I har glemt det. I tør bare ikke. I vælger at tale om klima, kulturudveksling og samarbejde, mens de europæiske borgere betaler prisen i utryghed, i vold og i tabt kontrol med deres egne lande.
Kristoffer Storm
Se på billederne fra Paris. Det er prisen for centrum-venstres politik. Migranter, der begår kriminalitet i Europa, har ikke ret til at være her og skal sendes hjem uden undtagelser. Der kommer en dag, hvor en mor i Aalborg, en butiksejer i Paris eller en betjent i Rom vil se jer i øjnene og spørge: Hvorfor gjorde I ingenting?
Sunčana Glavak
Hvala vam lijepa, poštovana povjerenice, kolegice i kolege. Sigurnost i stabilnost Sredozemlja, kao što znate, izravno utječu na sigurnost cijele Europske unije. Zato Pakt za Sredozemlje mora donijeti konkretnu suradnju s našim južnim susjedima, a ne ostati samo na političkim deklaracijama. Hrvatska je tijekom svog predsjedanja skupinom Med 9 upravo sigurnost, održivost i otpornost Sredozemlja postavila među glavne prioritete. Na nedavnom sastanku na vrhu u Splitu, pod predsjedanjem hrvatskog premijera Plenkovića, čelnici mediteranskih država članica usvojili su Splitsku deklaraciju i podržali provedbu Pakta kroz konkretne projekte i ulaganja.
Posebno je naglašena potreba za jačanjem pomorske sigurnosti, zaštitom kritične infrastrukture, suzbijanjem organiziranog kriminala i učinkovitim upravljanjem migracijama. No sigurnost nije samo pitanje granica. Ona podrazumijeva i zaštitu temeljnih prava, osobito slobode vjeroispovijesti i prava vjerskih manjina, uključujući kršćanske zajednice koje su u pojedinim dijelovima regije izložene progonu i diskriminaciji. Europska unija mora zaštititi slobodu vjerskih zajednica, našu kulturnu baštinu i naše nasljeđe. Hvala vam lijepa.
Ruggero Razza
Grazie Presidente, Commissario, colleghi. Viviamo il tempo del Mediterraneo globale, come si dice oggi. Viviamo il tempo nel quale quest'area geopolitica sempre più importante, che connette l'Europa con i paesi del Medio Oriente, con l'Indo-Pacifico, si trova a vivere una centralità geopolitica ed economica che finalmente viene raccolta dall'Europa con un'azione politica chiara come il Patto del Mediterraneo. Questo, Commissario, è l'anno che ci vede a trent'anni dalla Conferenza di Barcellona. E il Patto del Mediterraneo probabilmente è anche la presa d'atto del fallimento della speranza di un protagonismo europeo nell'Euromediterraneo, se è vero che strumenti nuovi come il Piano Mattei voluto dal governo italiano, oggi il Patto del Mediterraneo, si rivelano indispensabili in quell'area.
Non solo immigrazione, come ho pure sentito, ma cooperazione. Se questo vuol dire che l'Europa guarda finalmente a sud, è una buona notizia per tutti.
Go raibh maith agat, a hUachtaráin. Is maith an beart é an t-ábhar seo a phlé inniu. So I think this pact with the Mediterranean is a very good one. It will help to strengthen cooperation with our southern partners, foster growth, innovation, stability, and above all, peace across the region.
Seán Kelly
I also welcome putting people at the heart of this partnership. Civil society, businesses and universities is where the action is and I think this will help to foster economic growth and particularly cultural exchanges which will help us to understand one another better. EU security is a big issue now and particularly the whole question of counter-terrorism and peace is something that we need as much cooperation as possible on. And finally I'm very happy that the European Parliament will be overseeing the implementation because by doing that we can ensure that we have tangible results and not just talk. Ar aghaidh leis an amhrán agus sinn le chéile.
Go raibh maith agat a Chathaoirligh.
Merci beaucoup cher collègue. Je vais donner la parole à présent aux orateurs inscrits dans la procédure catch-the-eye pour commencer la parole est à Monsieur Sokol.
Tomislav Sokol
Pakt za Mediteran trebao bi biti važan instrument suradnje sa zemljama našeg južnog susjedstva. Međutim, ovo izvješće propušta jasno prepoznati jedno od ključnih pitanja za europske građane, a to je povratak nezakonitih migranata u zemlje podrijetla. Ovih dana na ulicama Pariza, Bruxellesa i Milana ponovno vidimo koliko je nerealna ideja integracije čak i nakon više generacija migracija. Ne možemo govoriti samo o novim oblicima mobilnosti i partnerstva, a pritom zanemarivati politiku povratka. Tko nema pravo ostati u Europskoj uniji, iz nje mora otići.
Dobrovoljno kada je moguće, a prisilno kada je potrebno. Zato Pakt za Mediteran mora biti vanjskopolitički instrument za deportaciju ilegalnih migranata. Suradnja i financijska pomoć trećim zemljama moraju biti uvjetovani njihovom spremnošću da prihvate povratak svojih državljana. Kolegice i kolege, bez učinkovite politike povratka nema vjerodostojne europske migracijske politike, pa ni u kontekstu Pakta za Mediteran. Hvala lijepa.
Thomas Bajada
Merci Monsieur Sokol. Thomas Bajada.
Grazzi President. Jien dawk li jgħiduli dawk li jien Ewropew jien mill-Mediterran. U l-futur qed jinnota li ż-żgħażagħ bħali li kibru u għexu fil-Mediterran. Futur ta' paċi, futur ta' opportunitajiet, jew futur ta' biża' u ta' inkwiet. Kull min tkellem hawnhekk jew il-maġġoranza tal-kollegi li tkellmu minn hawnhekk li ġejjin minn pajjiżi li mhumiex mill-Mediterran tkellmu fuq il-Mediterran daqs li kieku huwa l-ħażin, daqs li kieku huwa l-piż li qed iwaqqa' lill-Ewropa.
Imma jien irrid li nitkellmu fuq il-Mediterran bħala post ta' opportunitajiet, post fejn tirrenja l-paċi, l-istabbiltà u l-opportunitajiet taż-żgħażagħ. Dik hija li rridu nitkellmu fuqha, ħalli kemm jista' jkun ejja nitkellmu fuq x'nistgħu nagħtu lin-naħa t'isfel tal-bqija nkunu qed nagħmlu disservizz lill-Ewropa.
Maria Zacharia
Σήμερα ενώ εμείς συζητούμε το μέλλον της Μεσογείου, το κοινοβούλιο της Ανατολικής Λιβύης ενέκρινε το τουρκολιβυκό μνημόνιο. Μια συμφωνία που η ίδια η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση είχε κρίνει αντίθετη στο δίκαιο της θάλασσας. Ο Ερντογάν προχωρά τη γαλάζια πατρίδα.
Η απειλή πολέμου κατά της Ελλάδας παραμένει. Η Κύπρος εξακολουθεί να ζει με την τουρκική κατοχή. Και η σημερινή έκθεση για τη Μεσόγειο δεν κατονομάζει ούτε μία φορά την Τουρκία. Σας ζητώ να αναβληθεί η αυριανή ψηφοφορία, να πάρετε πίσω το κείμενο και να το επικαιροποιήσετε τόσο με τα ζητήματα κυριαρχίας που αφορούν την Ελλάδα και την Κύπρο, όσο και για το ζήτημα της γενοκτονίας στην Παλαιστίνη, την οποία επίσης δεν αναφέρατε ως χώρα της Μεσογείου. Να το πάρετε πίσω.
Σας ευχαριστώ.
Thank you Chair and thank you Commissioner Šuica for your work. Europe's own history teaches us that peace takes root when nations learn to build together. That conviction should guide the Pact for the Mediterranean. Co-ownership must mean that our southern partners help shape our common priorities and share responsibility for delivering them. We need concrete results.
Reinhold Lopatka
Cooperation between universities, reliable energy partnerships and investment that creates jobs and prospects in countries of origin, especially for the youth. On migration, cooperation must deliver effective border management and prevent irregular departure. Let us build it through practical commitments, mutual respect and the patient work of earning trust. And let us work together with the bigger region, with the Arabian Peninsula and also with African countries. They are our neighbors and also the neighbors of all Mediterranean countries.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Gracias, presidente, comisaria Šuica. Lo que en 1995 se llamó Proceso de Barcelona dio lugar en 2008 a una Unión por el Mediterráneo que integró a nada menos que a los 28 entonces Estados miembros de la Unión Europea con los de la cornisa del otro lado de la orilla, yendo desde el Magreb hasta Turquía. Pero sucede que desde entonces no han hecho sino acentuarse las desigualdades, de modo que ante una Europa que envejece, en el otro lado del Mediterráneo se produce un reverdecimiento demográfico vertiginoso cada 20 años. Pero sobre todo se han acentuado las desigualdades sociales y económicas. Y por tanto la Unión Europea, que es una superpotencia en cooperación al desarrollo y ayuda humanitaria, tiene que emplear toda su fuerza para promover sus valores en la gobernanza, en la igualdad de género, en el empoderamiento de las mujeres, en la capacitación institucional y sobre todo para ofrecer oportunidades en origen y tránsito a las personas que de otro modo se arrojan a los tráficos ilícitos en las rutas migratorias.
Se ha puesto de manifiesto en la crisis de Ceuta. La diferencia puede marcarla Europa haciendo valer su potencial diplomático, financiero, económico y humanitario. Gracias, presidente.
Kostas Papadakis
Το σύμφωνο για τη Μεσόγειο αποτελεί ευρωενωσιακό γεωπολιτικό και ενεργειακό σχεδιασμό κομμένο και ραμμένο για την κερδοφορία των ομίλων. GSI και κάθετος διάδρομος καταργούν το φτηνό ρωσικό φυσικό αέριο και εδραιώνουν το πανάκριβο αμερικανικό LNG εν μέσω σφοδρών μονοπωλιακών ανταγωνισμών. Οι αστικές τάξεις Ελλάδας και Τουρκίας ανταγωνίζονται για αναβάθμισή τους σε γεωστρατηγικό ενεργειακό κόμβο και στο έδαφος αυτό εκδηλώνεται η επιθετικότητα του τουρκικού κράτους που επιβραβεύεται από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση ως στρατηγικός εταίρος, την ώρα μάλιστα που σήμερα το κοινοβούλιο της Ανατολικής Λιβύης ενέκρινε το απαράδεκτο τουρκο-λιβυκό σύμφωνο.
Από την άλλη πλευρά ο λαός πληρώνει πολλαπλά με νεκρούς και σακατεμένους εργάτες στα κάτεργα των ενεργειακών ομίλων όπως της Motor Oil. Με 12 νεκρούς επίσης ξεριζωμένους στον υγρό τάφο της Μεσογείου σε καταδιώξεις από το ελληνικό λιμενικό καταγράφεται η πολεμική και πράσινη ενεργειακή φτώχεια επίσης φουντώνει. Οι μαζικές απεργίες, οι διαδηλώσεις σε όλη την Ευρώπη με όποια κυβέρνηση αποδεικνύουν ότι προκαλεί ασφυξία στο λαό, τη νεολαία, η πολιτική υπέρ του κεφαλαίου και η πολεμική εμπλοκή που θα μπει σε κάθε περίπτωση στο στόχαστρο της διεθνούς απεργίας σε 100 λιμάνια στις 30 Οκτώβρη.
Costas Mavrides
Merci beaucoup Monsieur Mavrides. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οικοδομήθηκε συνδυάζοντας το όραμα της ειρήνης με κοινή διαχείριση της παραγωγής άνθρακα και χάλυβα. Αυτό το μοντέλο με αξιοποίηση της ενέργειας μπορεί να οδηγήσει ολόκληρη τη Μεσόγειο στη σταθερότητα και ευημερία. Κοινοί κανόνες για τη Μεσόγειο είναι φυσικά το διεθνές δίκαιο περιλαμβανομένης ειδικά της σύμβασης του ΟΗΕ για το δίκαιο της θάλασσας. Θεσμοί και υποδομές κυρία επίτροπε υπάρχουν όπως το East Med Gas Forum, το ευρωπαϊκό έργο κοινού ενδιαφέροντος GSI, το East Med Gas Pipeline, πάντα πρωτοστάτη η Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία.
Όμως το νεοοθωμανικό καθεστώς στην Τουρκία παραμένει ο παραβάτης και ο επεκτατιστής. Ένα ερώτημα κυρία επίτροπε, τον παραβάτη και επεκτατιστή τον ανταμείβεις ή του δίνεις δώρα; Αυτό περιμένω να ακούσω. Merci beaucoup, nous arrivons au terme de la liste des orateurs, ce débat était très intéressant, parfois passionné et nous attendons avec impatience la commissaire Dubravka Šuica.
Dubravka Šuica
Honorable members, thank you very much for your interventions today. I will try to reply to some of your concrete questions or to comment. To Mr Orlando, I want to thank him for pointing out the breadth of the pact, it is not only about migration, this is very important. To Mr Gambino, yes, and also there is another colleague who spoke about Mattei plan, it is completely aligned with the pact for Mediterranean. To Madame Picierno, she spoke about young people, young people I mentioned Mediterranean University, I'm here to mention Youth Parliamentary Assembly, these are concrete examples of what we can do to encourage dialogue and cooperation on both sides.
Also to Madame Picierno, reducing strategic dependencies and giving us options for new partnerships are at the center of this pact. To Mr Mavrides, pact is intended to bring us closer to partners beyond Southern Mediterranean and this could include triangular cooperation also with Gulf countries. Also someone, Maniatis, Mr Maniatis mentioned massive opportunities are there, we should use them to put projects like Great Sea Interconnector. So it is about other issues, not only migration. And now almost all of you spoke about migration.
So to Millán Mon and Mr Stoyanov, addressing the root causes of migration is part of the comprehensive answer to the threats of illegal migration.
This is why we are strengthening actions under the pact to try to increase opportunities for young people in their local communities. And President von der Leyen mentioned this here in this house, that we are launching Mediterranean youth skills and jobs initiative. So we are expanding the European model of the youth guarantee with our southern partners. On migration, if it is legal, it is okay. To Mr. Sokol, if it is illegal, then returns.
And this is our position. The pact enables both. To Madame Bartušek, returning illegal migrants will only work if we cooperate with these countries. It is as simple as that. We need to cooperate with them.
Dubravka Šuica
To Mr. Froelich, partnerships work. This year, we have 35% less migration, and that is on top of 55% reduction in the last two years. Mr. Sokol, once again, the pact for Mediterranean and pact for asylum and migration, they work together. We have now leverage. And they work together in order to facilitate returns, including through return directive.
So this is what we are doing. So on Ceuta, because it was mentioned several times, Commission, you said that Commission has done nothing during Ceuta crisis. It is true that we have been on board. The events in Ceuta exposed shortcomings, and these shortcomings show the importance of cooperating even more with our partners in order to build partnerships. I want to thank you.
My main goal has always been to make sure that we bring together concrete, tangible initiatives that support each other. Now, as I already said, we have the first version of action plan. The second version will come in November. But we need to make sure that these efforts are not cut short. I have to mention this once again.
This is why the budget discussions are so important. Yes, we can make difference, as many of you said, but we need if we maintain the current external instrument. If it's not, it's not enough. We need your support. We need you to protect the Global Europe pillar, so that our strategic partnerships with our southern neighbors grow stronger and more fruitful.
I don't have enough time to reply to all the questions. I want to thank once again to our rapporteur because I think this is good direction and working together with European Parliament is critical to the success of the pact for the Mediterranean. And I think if you will continue working like this, I think that we can shape this pact even better. Thank you so much.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie, Commissario. Prego, onorevole Zingaretti, per le conclusioni.
Nicola Zingaretti
Grazie a tutte le colleghe e i colleghi, abbiamo preso nota di tutti i suggerimenti che possono arricchire sicuramente lo sviluppo del patto. Ma voglio dire una cosa molto chiara ad alcuni colleghi che però io non vedo più in aula. Non c'è alcuna retorica nel patto e non c'è nessuna retorica nell'accordo e nel rapporto perché non c'è nessuna retorica nel parlare di dialogo, di cooperazione, di investimenti, di condivisione di interessi. In tutto questo in realtà c'è la sicurezza degli europei, c'è la sicurezza per la pace, per il benessere, per lo sviluppo delle imprese europee. È quello che l'Europa ha costruito in questi settant'anni.
Quando invece si è affermato l'opposto di tutto questo, e cioè si è affermato il nazionalismo, l'odio, la diffidenza, l'ignoranza, la paura, l'esito è stato sempre uno: la guerra e le diseguaglianze. È stata l'Unione Europea con questi strumenti che ha garantito alle persone che sono sedute in quest'aula di non uccidersi tra loro, ma di parlare forti della solidarietà e dell'esistenza dell'Unione Europea. Quindi io dico: andiamo avanti, non fermiamoci, perché viviamo nel tempo della diffidenza, della paura, della timidità, del sospetto e dell'odio. E da tutto questo non può nascere la sicurezza, non può mantenersi la pace, non può nascere il benessere e il futuro.
Chi ha fallito è la cultura del nazionalismo, non l'Europa della collaborazione. E se c'è una missione di questo patto nel tempo nel quale sembrano prevalere le paure noi vogliamo costruire insieme, noi vogliamo ricostruire la speranza che insieme questi 520 milioni di esseri umani costituiscano una speranza per il futuro e non di nuovo con il sospetto e la paura il rischio della guerra, della diffidenza e delle diseguaglianze. Se lavoriamo come la storia europea ci ha insegnato dopo la Seconda Guerra Mondiale ce la faremo anche questa volta. Grazie.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole. La discussione è chiusa e la votazione si svolgerà domani. La seduta è sospesa e riprenderà tra alcuni minuti con la relazione dell'onorevole Van den Berg, rafforzamento delle competenze dell'Unione, opportunità di istruzione e formazione professionale in tempi di transizione. Bentrovati, la seduta è ripresa.
L'ordine del giorno reca la relazione dell'onorevole Van den Berg, rafforzamento delle competenze nell'Unione, opportunità di istruzione e formazione professionale in tempi di transizione. Prego onorevole Van den Berg in qualità di relatore. Prego.
Brigitte van den Berg
Thank you. For me it all started when I found out that students of university education have way more opportunities to go on an Erasmus program than students of vocational education and training. And when I arrived in the parliament and dived deeper into the different policies, I found out that there are so much inequalities. And I remember in my first month here in the parliament, I asked the Director General of EMPL, why, why do we open traineeships within the institutions only for students of university education? And his answer was actually beautiful.
First he said, I never thought about it. And then he said, but now that I have, I want to change it. And now, two years later, this month, 100 VET students are going to start their Blue Book traineeship. And also in the parliament, things have changed. Also in my office, things have changed.
Brigitte van den Berg
I have a trainee of VET education. And he is a great inspiration to me and also confrontational sometimes. For example, he said to me, why, why would someone choose an education that would then make them feel less valued by society? Because yes, research shows that three quarters of Europeans believe that general education has more of a positive image than vocational education. And if I'm throwing out numbers here, that is in large contrast with what the Draghi report says, namely that 80% of SMEs actually need people with vocational education and training and that they all experience huge shortages.
And I don't understand that there's such a gap between what we need and how we talk. And I think the problem is that we live in a diploma democracy, that we have the conversation among people who are all of university education background. And not only in politics, but also in our trade unions, in our lobby groups, almost everywhere, the huge majority has university education and we barely talk with the people that we talk about. And I wanted to do that differently. So I started a VET advisory board consisting of VET students from 13 different institutions in the Netherlands.
It's a start and I hope that other European members of parliament also want to start a VET advisory board because they gave me amazing advice and much of their advice is actually concluded in this initiative report. The report contains three priorities. First of all, recognizing the values of VET students and professionals in society and stop discrimination and unequal treatment. Second, investing in places where economy meets VET education and see VET as a strategic asset for making Europe.
And third, recognizing VET diplomas, because this might be the largest inequality in our European policy that I have found, that we recognize bachelors and masters all over Europe, but that we don't recognize vocational diplomas yet. And I'm very happy to continue working on this in the as a rapporteur of the Skills Portability Act. But I'm also very happy that this initiative is laying the basis for the VET strategy and that we have such a large support from all the different groups in Parliament. Because this is not a matter of political conflict, it's mostly a matter of political ignorance. And that is something that we can solve.
So let's get to work and let's make a strong position for the VET professionals in Europe. Thank you.
Grazie onorevole, ora a nome della Commissione la vicepresidente esecutiva, prego le prego onorevole Minzato, prego.
Roxana Mînzatu
Don't worry. Don't worry. Congratulations, no, congratulations dear Brigitte, rapporteur, for for this important topic and many thanks to the EMPL colleagues, of course to the CULT and FEMM colleagues as well that contributed to to this very important report and thank you for the entire cooperation. I would share with everything that Brigitte has already said and we can add to the motivation that she she presented in in a very passionate way. We look at the needs that our European economy has as well.
So we look at domains where we have shortages of of of skills and it's nine out of ten vocational type of shortages. And we look also at the perception that European citizens have about VET and indeed three out of four Europeans would rather choose general type of education rather than vocational education. So this is a bit of a discrepancy that we do need to address from a fairness perspective but also from a competitiveness perspective as well. So many reasons to act on making vocational education the first choice, the preferred choice, the decent choice and the exciting choice for a quality job, for a a good career for our young generation. Indeed, I will also share with with you the same satisfaction that Brigitte mentioned in terms of having trainees in the Commission as are as is normal from from VET education.
It was the same type of conversation that I had with her early in the mandate: why do we not have these people with us and show and so and send a strong signal? And we are now after some time, indeed it took some time to really be able to open applications to to our VET graduates, but now yes, we will have VET trainees in the Blue Book program in the European Commission starting with the month of March next year. But really looking forward to having them with us and and and working together. Beyond that, we will also present beginning of November the European Vocational Education and Training Strategy. It is a key deliverable of the Union of Skills.
It will be part of our education and skills package. It is building on the Member States' commitments in the Herning Declaration with an aim to make vocational training more attractive, more innovative and also importantly more inclusive.
And thus to be able also to respond better to changing skills needs. The report that we have today here in our debate points to the challenges that continue to hold vocational education and training back and the key areas that we need to address. And without being able to preempt the college debate and the decision that we will take on the 4th of November, I want to say that we are quite aligned and to underline a few ideas. First, that we agree that we need to have this parity of esteem as we call it. So the same kind of recognition and prestige that is deserved by both VET graduates and other types of graduates.
And this will help us close the perception gap because this is important when choices are being made about the education pathways. Second, on relevance and quality with work-based learning, with apprenticeships, with centers for vocational excellence, with strong partnerships with employers and social partners as ways to improve VET quality. This is very important and just to give an example in strategic sectors, our proposal for VET business partnerships in the future European Competitiveness Fund could help a transnational partnership between companies and vocational schools to deploy clean energy technologies. In addition, we are exploring the setup of a network of vocational excellence so that we can scale up what works. Third, on future readiness with VET curricula adapting to new skills need.
And for this, we want to increase the speed at which training follows technology and through a deeper sectoral cooperation with industry. Fourth, inclusion and this is very important with more girls, with more young women in technical and STEM pathways. This is very important indeed. This is untapped talent. Fifth, mobility and recognition with easier portability of VET qualifications and more opportunities for mobility for apprentices.
Roxana Mînzatu
And in this context too, we will promote measures to make vocational education and training mobility a normal opportunity. Today we have only around 5% of VET learners going abroad and our target is to go to at least 12%. So really there is ample room for improvement in terms of mobility. And your input is very much in line with our priorities and has been very valuable as we are finalizing this strategy. But I would also add that the VET strategy inside the education package will be accompanied by a number of key priorities and they are very horizontal.
So VET is very horizontal with these as well. Basic skills will be addressed in the education package and we need to understand that basic skills are extremely important as foundations for VET learners because we see that it is often that VET learners have weaker basic skills than their peers in general education. So we need to be able to help schools improve the level of basic skills and this means, you know, of course better lifelong prospects, employability and career transitions. Then in the education package we will address also the teaching profession, tackling teacher shortages, making sure the profession is more attractive. Well, this is extremely important for the attractiveness and quality of vocational training where we have a very alarming number.
Only 18% of VET teachers feel that they are recognized and valued in the profession according to Cedefop and this is really what we are starting from. And then digital education which will be reflected in the education package, making sure the digital and AI tools used in classrooms, in workshops are safe, are human-centered and in line with our European values. For example, for VET learners who train on simulators and AI tools that they will later use on the job, this matters very concretely. And teachers but trainers as well need the skills to be able to use these tools like just a few examples but looking forward for the debate.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie Commissaria, prego a nome della Commissione CULT, l'onorevole Farreng.
Thank you.
Laurence Farreng
Merci, Madame la Présidente, Madame la Vice-Présidente exécutive, chers collègues. Nous avons beaucoup débattu du renforcement des compétences en Europe et des besoins en main-d'œuvre qualifiée. Parlons aujourd'hui de ce que l'on oublie trop souvent : les apprentis et les élèves en formation professionnelle. Ces filières sont trop souvent sous-estimées. Pourtant, elles mènent à l'emploi, elles transmettent des savoir-faire, elles participent à notre compétitivité européenne.
Les valoriser, c'est reconnaître comme des filières d'excellence à parité avec les autres filières. C'est respecter les jeunes qui les choisissent. C'est avant tout une question d'égalité des chances. Chaque jeune doit être soutenu et pris au sérieux quelle que soit sa voie. Cette valorisation passe notamment par la mobilité européenne des apprentis, donc par Erasmus.
Et son budget est en discussion et le Conseil vient de proposer une baisse importante. Soyons clairs : toute baisse se fera au détriment des apprentis. Après ces remarques, Madame la Vice-Présidente, il me reste une question. Vous aviez annoncé lors de la publication de l'Union des compétences un travail sur le diplôme européen de l'apprentissage. Nous avons hâte vraiment de voir cette initiative se concrétiser.
Je vous remercie.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie, onorevole. Prego all'onorevole Gálvez a nome della commissione FEMM. Prego.
Lina Gálvez
President, vocational education and training is not only an economic policy instrument, but also a tool for equality, empowerment, social mobility and social justice. Gender equality must be embedded in the design and implementation of VET policies from the outset as a fundamental principle and as the only tool to remove stereotypes which are very harmful not only to women, but also to many men and to our labour markets and our economies and competitiveness. To fully realise VET's potential, we must ensure that women and men have real equal opportunities to acquire new skills, change careers and access quality employment and avoid the perpetuation of existing inequalities in the labour market that are bad not only for those suffering that, but I insist also for our economies. And I insist again, gender stereotypes needs to be challenged. Career guidance, education system and employers should aim to expand individual choices by actively encouraging girls and women to pursue training in STEM, digital skills and emerging green industries, while also encouraging boys and men to enter care-related and other traditionally female-dominated professions.
Angelika Winzig
In dieser Straßburg-Woche mussten wir leider wieder finanzielle Beiträge für Unternehmen aus mehreren Mitgliedstaaten im Rahmen des Globalisierungsfonds zur Verfügung stellen, weil sie in Schieflage geraten sind. Für die betroffenen Mitarbeiter ist das natürlich eine große persönliche Belastung. Mit einer Ausbildung nach deutschem, Schweizer oder österreichischem Modell hätten sie einen Wettbewerbsvorteil, denn die duale Ausbildung ist das Erfolgsmodell. Es verbindet Praxiswissen im Betrieb mit der theoretischen Ausbildung in der Schule und sorgt damit für eine nachweislich niedrige Jugendarbeitslosigkeit. Ich kann andere Mitgliedstaaten deshalb nur ermutigen, die duale Ausbildung als europäischen Standard zu etablieren.
Denn unser wirtschaftlicher Wohlstand hängt davon ab, wie gut wir unsere Fachkräfte ausbilden. Was jedoch nicht in unserer Kompetenz liegt, ist den Mitgliedstaaten ihre Ausbildungspolitik vorzuschreiben.
Ein kostenfreies Right to Training auch während der Arbeitszeit liegt im Ermessen unserer Mitgliedstaaten bzw. der Betriebe. Die europäische Berufsausbildungsstrategie ist eine gute Chance, indem wir Rahmenbedingungen schaffen, die unseren Betrieben nützen und der Jugend exzellente Perspektiven eröffnen. Denn gute Ausbildung braucht keine neuen Hürden, sondern neue Möglichkeiten.
Grazie onorevole. Prego onorevole Jerković. Prego.
Romana Jerković
Thank you rapporteur for the great work. We believe this is a good and progressive report which sends the right message that competitiveness and the skills development must go hand in hand with workers' rights and quality employment. It was important to further strengthen social dimension by reinforcing the link between the VET and quality jobs, and we did it. VET will be more attractive only if it leads to fair wages, decent working conditions, job security and real opportunities for career progression. I'm therefore very glad that these elements are reflected in the report together with the important role of social dialogue and the involvement of social partners in improving the quality and attractiveness of VET.
Access to upskilling and reskilling is equally important as digitalization and the green transition reshape our economies. No worker should be left behind simply because they do not have the resources to acquire new skills. And this is also why the right to training matters so much to us. Training should be accessible to all workers during working time and at no cost to them. If we want a competitive Europe, we have to invest in people and give them the security and opportunities to develop throughout their working lives.
I believe that this report takes us in that direction. Thank you.
Margarita de la Pisa Carrión
Comisaria, señorías. En Europa hay escasez de profesionales, también de personal docente en sectores esenciales que se enfrentan a graves dificultades, como es el sector primario, la construcción o los cuidados. Esta situación, sin duda, afecta a nuestra competitividad. La solución no puede ser importar talento de fuera cuando en países como el mío el paro juvenil ronda el 25%. Es imprescindible una buena formación y condiciones laborales que hagan atractiva a las próximas generaciones, que dignifiquen estas vocaciones tan necesarias para la sociedad.
Por supuesto, en colaboración con los sectores productivos para que se pueda dar respuesta a los desafíos tanto del presente como del futuro de cada país. En este sentido, se deben respetar las competencias de cada Estado miembro en el diseño de su formación profesional para que puedan desarrollar sus fortalezas, que sean referencia de excelencia en la Unión Europea. Tratar de forzar la igualdad en la formación puede ahogar el espíritu de sana competencia que nos hace crecer. Debemos elevar los estándares para recuperar nuestro liderazgo internacional y el ambiente de prosperidad que tanto estamos echando de menos. Gracias.
Mariateresa Vivaldini
Grazie Presidente, colleghi.
L'istruzione e la formazione professionale devono tornare al centro delle nostre politiche, soprattutto se vogliamo rilanciare la manifattura e la competitività europea. In Italia, per esempio, ancora oggi oltre un giovane su otto tra i 15 e i 29 anni è NEET, cioè non studia e non lavora. Allo stesso tempo quasi un profilo professionale su due ricercato dalle imprese è difficile da trovare. Abbiamo quindi un paradosso: giovani che rischiano di rimanere esclusi e imprese che non trovano le competenze di cui hanno bisogno. Non possiamo permetterci di sprecare questo talento.
Dobbiamo costruire un mercato del lavoro che metta la persona al centro, valorizzando capacità e aspirazioni e rafforzare il collegamento tra scuola, formazione e imprese. E dobbiamo farlo guardando anche ai territori, comprese le aree rurali, dove formazione e nuove competenze possono creare opportunità e contrastare lo spopolamento. Tutto ciò non deve subire un'impostazione ideologica che non tenga conto delle possibilità e della dimensione delle nostre imprese, ma deve rispettare le competenze nazionali e le esigenze specifiche del territorio. Riteniamo che inserire un generico diritto alla formazione durante l'orario di lavoro non vada in questa direzione. Investire nei giovani, nella formazione e istruzione professionale significa investire nella competitività delle nostre imprese e nel futuro della nostra Europa.
Grazie.
Thank you, Madam Chair, dear Vice-President, dear rapporteur. Yes, there is a paradox here. 80% of SMEs cannot find workers with the right skills. By 2035, six out of every ten jobs will require technical intermediate qualifications. Yet we tell young people that vocational training is a second-rate option, it is not trendy.
Elisabetta Gualmini
The negative prejudice is so deeply rooted that we push our boys and girls to become doctors or lawyers. This is really a terrible mistake. So, equal standing is important. Those who choose a technical path should have the same rights as those who attend a university. Second, we need an individual right to training for every worker, all life long.
Finally, the assessment of outcomes. If European funds are tied to measurable objectives, job placements cannot be the only indicators. Results are to be measured also by social inclusion, by the fact that a 16-year-old attends a school and achieves a qualification. So let's go on and work together.
Thank you, Chair, and thank you to the rapporteur for her great work. Will my job be replaced by AI? Can I afford my rent with this salary? Insecurity so many of us face because the future of the job market is unclear. And let me paint a picture for you.
Anna Strolenberg
We have aging societies and we have a shortage of nurses, builders, technicians, and those in those jobs are often underpaid and undervalued. We need to prepare for the jobs of the future. And as a first step, we should appreciate the work of those who keep our societies running: electricians, train drivers, caregivers need better salaries. As a second step, we should train people for the green and tech jobs of the future, and women should be included. If we had more women in tech, perhaps the internet wouldn't be this hell of deepfakes, porn, and crypto scams.
And lastly, we must appreciate the importance of workers from abroad. For them, it's difficult to find jobs that match their knowledge. Their skills can be recognized in the Netherlands, but then 15 minutes down the road in Belgium, they can be ignored. So skills and diploma recognition should transcend borders. Colleagues, let's make all talent count.
Thank you.
Li Andersson
Siitä aivan liian monet ammatillisen koulutuksen opiskelijat tulevat puhumaan minulle vuosien saatossa. Vaikka puolet ikäluokasta valitsee ammatillisen opintopolun, jäävät heidän saavutuksensa ja heidän tarpeensa kerta toisensa jälkeen toisten varjoon. Eikä tämä ilmiö rajoitu vain Suomeen, vaan samoja kokemuksia olen kuullut eri puolilla Eurooppaa. Siksi on erittäin tervetullutta, että EU valmistelee ammatillisen koulutuksen strategiaa ja että parlamentti nostaa tämän aiheen esille, mutta tämän rinnalle tarvitaan myös poliittisia uudistuksia, joilla voidaan toteuttaa aidosti käänteentekevää koulutuspolitiikkaa. EU-maat ovat asettaneet tavoitteeksi sen, että vuonna 2030 60 prosenttia väestöstä osallistuisi aikuiskoulutukseen.
Arvostuksen puute.
Li Andersson
Mutta nyt, kun aikaa on jäljellä noin kolme vuotta, on määrä vain 40 prosenttia. Monen asian pitää siis muuttua, jotta osaamisen päivittämisestä tulee jokaiselle kuuluva oikeus. Jokaiseen jäsenmaahan tarvitaan rakenteita, joilla taloudellisesti tuetaan osaamisen päivittämistä. Suomessa tämä tarkoittaa uutta aikuiskoulutustukea. Sen lisäksi tarvitsemme Draginkin ehdottamaa subjektiivista oikeutta jokaiselle työntekijälle päivittää maksutta omaa osaamistaan työaikana.
Eurooppa ei voi rakentaa tulevaisuuttaan sääntelynpurun näpertelyyn, vaan investoimalla rohkeasti niin ihmisiin kuin niiden osaamiseen.
Andrzej Buła
Szanowna pani przewodnicząca, szanowni państwo. Przyszłość europejskiej gospodarki zależy nie tylko od wielkich inwestycji, ale przede wszystkim od ludzi, którzy potrafią je realizować. Dlatego kształcenie zawodowe musi być traktowane jako strategiczna inwestycja w konkurencyjność Europy. Cieszę się, że od kilku lat możemy obserwować realną zmianę myślenia w tym zakresie. Coraz więcej mówimy o inwestycjach w szkolenie zawodowe.
Młodzi ludzie coraz częściej są zainteresowani ścieżką kształcenia, która na końcu pozwala zdobyć konkretne, solidne umiejętności, a przedsiębiorcy wiedzą, że warto inwestować w rozwój kompetencji. Musimy ich w tym wspierać. Przykład mojego województwa opolskiego pokazuje, że współpraca szkół, władz regionalnych i przedsiębiorstw przynosi konkretne rezultaty. W moim niewielkim regionie udało się zaangażować do współpracy z pięćdziesięcioma szkołami ponad tysiąc przedsiębiorców. Korzyści czerpią z tego wszyscy.
Musimy jednak pójść dalej. W Unii Europejskiej kompetencje zdobyte w szkole zawodowej, na kursie czy w miejscu pracy powinny być łatwiejsze do potwierdzenia i uznania w innym państwie członkowskim. Równie ważne jest uczenie się przez całe życie. Rozwój sztucznej inteligencji, cyfryzacja i zielona transformacja zmieniają zawody szybciej niż kiedykolwiek. Dlatego pracownicy muszą mieć dostęp do szkoleń, przekwalifikowania się i uznawania kompetencji zdobytych również poza formalną edukacją.
Dziękuję.
There is a blue card if you accept it from Mr Oliveira. Please.
Obrigado presidente, senhor deputado Buła, fez referência às questões do ensino da formação profissional na perspectiva do sistema educativo e era precisamente sobre isso que queria colocar-lhe uma pergunta, que é de saber se está de acordo ou não que é preciso contrariar lógicas de segregação social na abordagem ao ensino profissional a partir do sistema educativo.
João Oliveira
Devemos ou não recusar sistemas que fazem o encaminhamento forçado de jovens para vias profissionais ou profissionalizantes que na prática são vias mais desqualificadas face ao ensino geral ou académico e com resultados de, digamos assim, de segregação social de jovens oriundos de camadas económicas e sociais mais desfavorecidas? Está de acordo ou não que é preciso contrariar essa abordagem?
Andrzej Buła
Absolutnie w mojej pracy jako marszałka województwa opolskiego nigdy nie było użyte słowo segregacja. Nie mamy prawa używać takiego słowa wobec młodych ludzi. Po pierwsze edukacja w każdym wymiarze powinna być atrakcyjna. Czyli jeżeli chodzi o szkolnictwo zawodowe, to właśnie przedsiębiorcy, przyszli pracodawcy muszą pokazać atrakcyjność zawodu. Muszą pokazać, że młodzi ludzie są nam potrzebni.
Jeżeli tego nie zrobią przedsiębiorcy wspólnie ze szkołami, to młody człowiek nie wie, gdzie się ma odnaleźć. Więc proszę nie używać nigdy słowa segregacja, a raczej zadbać o to, żeby były utrzymane fundusze europejskie na szkolnictwo zawodowe i żeby to szkolnictwo było bardzo atrakcyjne. Dziękuję.
Gabriele Bischoff
Kolleginnen und Kollegen, ich lade Sie ein, mit mir mal hoch zur Decke zu gucken. Es gibt ja viele, die denken, dass qualifizierte Fachkräfte von der Decke fallen, vom Himmel, aber das ist nicht so, sondern ich komme ja aus dem Land, da hat die berufliche Bildung, die duale Ausbildung eigentlich einen guten Stellenwert. Aber wir stellen fest in der Krise und in der Transformation, dass Unternehmen weniger ausbilden und investieren in junge Menschen. Und wenn ich mit jungen Leuten rede, dann sagen die: Ja, aber im Vergleich zu einem Studium habe ich berufliche Perspektiven, mich weiterzuentwickeln? Und weil wir sehen, dass Unternehmen viel mehr in Akademiker investieren, in deren Weiterbildung bezahlt und auch in der Arbeitszeit, als in Menschen, die eine Berufsausbildung haben.
Und hier müssen wir ansetzen. Die Säule hat das Recht auf Weiterbildung bezahlt und in der Arbeitszeit eben auch postuliert, aber wir müssen eben nachlegen, damit junge Menschen auch wirklich eine Perspektive haben und dass sie hinterher auch gut bezahlt werden. Aber ich möchte noch mal, wir sind gerade in Frankreich, das Augenmerk legen auf die grundständige Bildung. Wir sehen, dass junge Menschen auf die Straße gehen, um für bessere Bildung zu demonstrieren. Wir werden nie eine gute Ausbildung haben, wenn wir nicht mehr investieren in wirklich auch die Schulbildung der jungen Leute.
Und wir sehen, wenn wir PISA angucken, dass Europa als Kontinent abgehängt wird von Asien und anderen Ländern, weil wir in einer Spirale nach unten uns befinden. Deshalb an die Mitgliedstaaten: Investieren Sie in Bildung, an die Unternehmen: Investieren Sie in Weiterbildung Ihrer Beschäftigten und die Ausbildung, dann können wir auch sichergehen, dass wir die qualifizierten Fachkräfte haben.
Marie Dauchy
Apprendre un métier, trouver un emploi, vivre dignement de son travail, voilà la promesse que la formation professionnelle doit tenir à notre jeunesse. Ce rapport aurait pu nous rassembler, encore fallait-il répondre aux difficultés concrètes plutôt que revenir à vos obsessions idéologiques. Vous évoquez l'accès aux formations des jeunes en situation de handicap, mais avec quels moyens? Quel accompagnement? Quand on parle d'égalité des chances, on devrait commencer par penser à eux.
Un jeune sourd ou malentendant a besoin de cours accessibles, pas d'une promesse vague qui englobe tous les handicaps.
En revanche, pour promouvoir le pacte vert et l'immigration de travail, votre texte est beaucoup plus précis. Nos artisans attendent des apprentis et du soutien, pas une nouvelle couche de contraintes idéologiques. Et avant de chercher toujours davantage de compétences à l'étranger, donnons-nous les moyens de les former chez nous. Vous aviez l'occasion de nous rassembler autour de l'avenir de nos apprentis. Vous avez préféré nous diviser sur vos obsessions idéologiques.
Szanowni Państwo, kiedy mój kraj Polska wchodził do Unii Europejskiej, straszono Francuzów polskim hydraulikiem. Dziś niejeden chciałby skorzystać z jego usług. Europa zrozumiała, ile jest wart. Najwyższy czas wyciągnąć wnioski. Kształcenie zawodowe to nie gorsza droga.
Marlena Maląg
Dziś to droga do przyszłości. Polski rząd Prawa i Sprawiedliwości postawił na model dualny, łączący szkołę z nauką u pracodawcy, na doświadczenie zdobywane w warsztacie, na kwalifikacje potwierdzone certyfikatem. Sztuczna inteligencja i automatyzacja zmieniają rynek pracy. Musimy uczyć nowych technologii, ale nie możemy pozwolić, by zniknęło nasze europejskie dziedzictwo, sztuka rzemiosła. W świecie masowej produkcji dzieło ludzkich rąk ma wyjątkowo szczególne znaczenie.
Napis handmade już nie staje się symbolem najwyższej jakości. Dziś należy to przede wszystkim docenić. Dlatego potrzebujemy starszych mistrzów, którzy przekażą młodemu pokoleniu kunszt. Niech doświadczenie daje przyszłość młodym, a młodzi przyszłość doświadczeniu. Inwestycja w szkolnictwo zawodowe to inwestycja w silną i konkurencyjną gospodarkę.
Kolegice, kolegi, osrednja beseda tega mandata je konkurenčnost. Prav. Ambak konkurenčnost brez ljudi ne obstaja. To pozabljamo. Medtem veliko govorimo o pomanjkanju kvalificirane delovne sile, predvsem ljudi s specifičnimi poklicnimi in tehničnimi znanji.
Speaker 458
Hkrati pa poklice, ki ta znanja zagotavljajo, še vedno prepogosto obravnavamo kot drugorazredne. To nima nobene logike, ker poklicno izobraževanje ni slepa ulica, ampak je ena najhitrejših poti do znanj, ki jih evropsko gospodarstvo najbolj potrebuje. In če želimo, da se mladi za te poklice odločijo, morajo biti tudi cenjeni, z dostojnim plačilom, možnostjo napredovanja, nadaljnjega izobraževanja in priznavanjem kvalifikacij med državami članicami. Ker kakšen enotni trg je to, če lahko kapital prečka meje lažje kot znanje človeka? Evropskega gospodarstva ne bodo rešili samo algoritmi, roboti in umetna inteligenca.
Nekdo jih mora znati izdelati, uporabljati, popravljati, izboljševati. Konkurenčnost se torej ne začne pri tehnologiji, začne se pri človeku. Hvala.
Maravillas Abadía Jover
Gracias, presidenta. Europa tiene un gran desafío: recuperar su competitividad. Y esto contrasta con mi siguiente conclusión: ocho de cada diez pymes europeas tienen dificultades para encontrar trabajadores cualificados y, al mismo tiempo, miles de jóvenes siguen sin encontrar empleo. En España, sin ir más lejos, el paro juvenil alcanza el 22,7 %, muy por encima de la media europea.
Y sin embargo, el gobierno de Sánchez sigue presumiendo de cuán social es. Vaya paradoja para un gobierno que presume tanto: empresas que necesitan trabajadores y jóvenes que no encuentran su primer empleo. Colegas, el problema no es la falta de talento, es la falta de conexión entre lo que se enseña y lo que el mercado laboral demanda. Debemos a la juventud una formación profesional de primera, más conectada con las empresas y más prestigio para los oficios tradicionales. Europa no puede aspirar a liderar la industria del futuro si no prepara a los profesionales que la harán posible hoy.
El futuro de los jóvenes se construye cuando su formación se convierte en empleo y sus capacidades en oportunidades. Muchas gracias.
Johan Danielsson
Fru talman, Europa står inför många utmaningar. För att stärka vår konkurrenskraft måste vi hantera vår brist på kvalificerade yrkesarbetare i viktiga sektorer. Men samtidigt som vi satsar på yrkescenter, Erasmus+ och erkännande av kvalifikationer, så måste vi också prata om vad som är allra viktigast för att få fram fler skickliga yrkesarbetare. Och då handlar det om attraktiva jobb med värdiga villkor. Värdighet i form av ett arbete med lön som går att leva på.
Värdighet i form av ett arbete med en god pension som inte dömer arbetare till fattigdom när yrkeslivet är slut. Värdighet i form av ett arbete där man inte riskerar att bli sjuk eller dö på grund av sitt jobb. Bara så kan vi säkerställa att människor inte bara kan, utan också vill ta dessa jobb. För idag finns det många gånger tillräckligt med arbetare som har rätt utbildning, rätt kompetens, men på grund av löner och arbetsvillkor arbetar i en helt annan sektor på arbetsmarknaden. Tack för ordet.
Ja, in einem Punkt hat dieser Bericht recht: Die EU hat seit über 20 Jahren jungen Menschen vor allem ins Studium gelockt. Deswegen fehlen uns heute die Fachkräfte. Bis hierher sind wir uns wohl einig. Statt die Lehre aber zu stärken, wie sie ist, begrüßt der Bericht den Plan, das Punktesystem der Universitäten auf die Berufsausbildung auszuweiten. Die Lehre braucht keinen akademischen Anstrich.
Elisabeth Dieringer
Sie ist gleichwertig, gerade weil sie anders ist. Außerdem soll eine österreichische Lehre, die man großteils im Betrieb macht, automatisch gleich viel gelten wie eine rein schulische Ausbildung anderswo. Bei Abschlüssen von außerhalb der EU soll sogar ein Praxistest reichen, wenn Zeugnisse fehlen. Mit dieser Anerkennung kann man bei uns dann eine Arbeitserlaubnis als Fachkraft beantragen. Ein einzelner Test wird dadurch zur Abkürzung in unseren Arbeitsmarkt, während unsere Lehrlinge dafür vier Jahre arbeiten müssen.
Dieser Bericht wertet die Lehre also ab, nicht auf. Das kann ich unmöglich mittragen.
Sérgio Humberto
Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, valorizar o ensino profissional é uma decisão estratégica para a Europa. O futuro tecnológico e industrial da Europa depende de profissionais qualificados, com carreiras atrativas e perspetivas de progressão. A experiência austríaca oferece uma referência: combinar escola e empresa, mantendo vias de acesso ao ensino superior. Portugal também tem experiência para partilhar, nas suas escolas profissionais e nas parcerias estratégicas com empresas e territórios. Para o PPE, a exigência é clara: formação de qualidade, qualificações valorizadas e oportunidades de progressão.
Precisamos de apoiar os formadores, aproximar escolas e PME e tornar a requalificação acessível a quem trabalha. Os fundos europeus devem chegar com menos burocracia e ser avaliados pelos resultados. Se estas qualificações são essenciais para o futuro da Europa, esse valor tem de se refletir nas escolhas políticas, nas carreiras e nos salários. Muito obrigado.
Marit Maij
Ja, dank u wel voorzitter, commissaris, rapporteur, collega's. In Nederland volgt ongeveer 40% van de studenten een MBO-opleiding. Studenten die worden voorbereid op essentiële beroepen. In de bouw, in de techniek, in de zorg, in de distributie. Zij worden de kok, de beveiliger, de kraamverzorger, de loodgieter, de IT-hulp en ga zo maar door.
Zonder praktisch opgeleide mensen stopt de Europese economie, de Nederlandse economie met draaien. Ze valt stil. En toch blijven we deze groep systematisch achterstellen. Minder inkomen, vaak minder bescherming en vooral minder aanzien. Het is echt tijd dat dit is afgelopen.
MBO-studenten moeten bijvoorbeeld de mogelijkheid krijgen om veel meer mee te doen aan de Erasmus-uitwisselingen. MBO-studenten moeten betaald worden voor hun stages. Diploma's en vaardigheden moeten over de grens erkend worden. En we moeten banen die essentieel zijn voor onze samenleving, voor onze welvaart en welzijn ook op die manier gaan waarderen en betalen. Want zonder die vaardigheden en kennis van praktisch opgeleide mensen loopt de Europese economie gewoon vast.
Zonder MBO geen Europese Unie. Dank u wel.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole, abbiamo concluso il dibattito, iniziamo la procedura catch-the-eye, abbiamo tre, sei iscritti, possiamo accettarli tutti. Prego onorevole Sousa Silva, prego.
Hélder Sousa Silva
Senhora Presidente, Senhora Comissária, atentemos ao cenário atual. Hoje na União Europeia 80% das pequenas e médias empresas enfrentam dificuldades em encontrar trabalhadores com as competências certas. E prevê-se que em 2035 cerca de 60% das oportunidades de emprego exigirão qualificações intermédias proporcionadas pelo ensino técnico-profissional. Apesar desta evidência, o ensino profissional continua a ser desvalorizado e até discriminado. Precisamos de uma verdadeira estratégia europeia para o ensino e formação profissionais que verdadeiramente valorizem efetivamente estes percursos.
Para isso é urgente eliminar as barreiras administrativas ao reconhecimento automático de qualificações entre os Estados-Membros e incorporar nessa estratégia europeia um diploma europeu de ensino profissional. Porque um verdadeiro mercado único europeu também não pode ter fronteiras para as competências. Muito obrigado.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Gracias Presidenta, Comisaria Schmit, este es un debate bonito además de interesante. Cómo fomentar las oportunidades de formación profesional y educación para un empleo de calidad, un empleo digno en condiciones laborales dignas que incluyen también la negociación colectiva y la defensa por tanto de un pilar social europeo restaurado merecedor de ese nombre que es un gran desafío que tiene que tener su acomodo presupuestario en el próximo marco financiero plurianual. Pero además conecta con un debate que teníamos esta mañana sobre el programa Erasmus Plus que debemos financiar con 50.000 millones de euros y que esta mañana algunos discutían como si fuese una propuesta ideológica. No, es una propuesta de futuro como es de futuro mirar con luz larga el trabajo, la dignidad del trabajo y la calidad del trabajo en la Europa que queremos en el futuro. Y para eso es importante la gobernanza de la inteligencia artificial porque amenaza, claro que sí, no solamente con modificar el mundo del trabajo sino con destruir masivamente los puestos de trabajo para los que en este momento se preparan las niñas y los niños, jóvenes europeos que merecen una respuesta de gobernanza y para empezar una exigencia de que el reglamento pionero de inteligencia artificial de la Unión Europea se aplique entera e íntegramente.
Elena Kountoura
Ευχαριστώ, κυρία Πρόεδρε. Η επαγγελματική εκπαίδευση και κατάρτιση μπορεί να ενισχύσει την ισότητα των φύλων και την οικονομική ανεξαρτησία των γυναικών διασφαλίζοντας ισότιμη πρόσβαση στις ευκαιρίες της πράσινης και ψηφιακής μετάβασης. Γι' αυτό η επικείμενη ευρωπαϊκή στρατηγική θα πρέπει να εξασφαλίζει επαρκή χρηματοδότηση και μετρήσιμους στόχους για τη συμμετοχή και την επαγγελματική εξέλιξη των γυναικών. Χρειάζονται συγκεκριμένα μέτρα για την αντιμετώπιση των έμφυλων στερεοτύπων στον επαγγελματικό προσανατολισμό, στήριξη των γυναικών που επιστρέφουν στην εργασία και προσβάσιμες και οικονομικά προσιτές υπηρεσίες φροντίδας. Χρειαζόμαστε ισότιμη πρόσβαση στην κατάρτιση στα νησιά και στις αγροτικές απομακρυσμένες περιοχές με ενίσχυση των τοπικών εκπαιδευτικών δομών και στήριξη του κόστους μετακίνησης και διαμονής ώστε οι νέοι να βρίσκουν ποιοτική εργασία και να παραμένουν στον τόπο τους.
Θα πρέπει επίσης να κατοχυρωθεί το ατομικό δικαίωμα στην κατάρτιση εντός του χρόνου εργασίας και χωρίς κόστος για τους εργαζόμενους. Η αναβάθμιση των δεξιοτήτων πρέπει να οδηγήσει σε καλύτερους μισθούς, ποιοτική εργασία και ίσες ευκαιρίες για όλους. Σας ευχαριστώ πολύ.
Grazie, onorevole. Prego, onorevole Botenga.
Merci, madame la Présidente. Écoutez, je ne conteste pas l'importance de la formation d'un côté, mais de l'autre, il y a quand même chez nous maintenant en Belgique, il y a le cas de GSK. GSK, c'est des travailleurs qui savent faire des médicaments, c'est des travailleurs qui savent faire des vaccins. Et malgré cela, il y a 1217 emplois qui sont menacés aujourd'hui. Et pourquoi, c'est quoi à la base ?
Marc Botenga
C'est qu'il y a énormément de profits d'un côté, d'autre part, ils ont doublé l'argent qu'ils donnent aux actionnaires, plus de 5 milliards, ils ont même été puiser dans leurs réserves pour donner aux actionnaires. Avec tout cela, il y a des millions, des centaines de millions, a calculé le syndicat CSC, d'aides publiques pour cette entreprise. Mais aucune conditionnalité. Et donc ça veut dire qu'on a investi, on les a aidés, eux ils versent aux actionnaires, et les travailleurs bien formés, capables, compétents, sont quand même la victime. C'est quoi le message qu'on envoie ?
On a besoin d'une Europe qui défend ses emplois, on a besoin de conditions aux aides publiques et on a besoin d'imposer aussi une condition simple, c'est que si vous faites un licenciement collectif, ben alors du coup vous allez rembourser les aides publiques. Merci.
Maria Zacharia
Κυρία Μινζάτου, κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, μας λένε ότι οι εργαζόμενοι πρέπει να αποκτήσουν νέες δεξιότητες. Σύμφωνοι, αλλά ποιος θα πληρώσει την κατάρτιση και ποιος εγγυάται ότι θα οδηγήσει σε καλύτερη εργασία και όχι σε φθηνότερους εργαζόμενους; Στην Ελλάδα μόλις το 15% των πρόσφατων αποφοίτων επαγγελματικής εκπαίδευσης απέκτησε εργασιακή εμπειρία κατά τις σπουδές του. Στην Ευρώπη το 65%. Ως ευρωβουλευτής και συνδικαλίστρια κατέθεσα τροπολογίες για τη σύνδεση της δημόσιας χρηματοδότησης με τις συλλογικές συμβάσεις, την ισότιμη πρόσβαση στην κατάρτιση και την ενίσχυση των επιθεωρήσεων εργασίας.
Απ' την εμπειρία μου στα συνδικάτα λοιπόν θα σας πω, ένα πιστοποιητικό δεν πληρώνει το ενοίκιο.
Χρειαζόμαστε δημόσια δωρεάν κατάρτιση για όλους, αμειβόμενη μαθητεία με ασφαλιστικά δικαιώματα, εκπαίδευση εντός του εργάσιμου χρόνου και ουσιαστική συμμετοχή των συνδικάτων στο σχεδιασμό των προγραμμάτων κατάρτισης. Οι νέες δεξιότητες δεν πρέπει να συνοδεύονται από αβεβαιότητα, πρέπει να συνοδεύονται από επαγγελματική εξέλιξη, καλύτερους μισθούς και συλλογικές συμβάσεις. Ευχαριστώ.
João Oliveira
Obrigado presidente, senhora comissária Minzatu, recusamos a abordagem neoliberal que olha para a formação profissional como compensação pelo despedimento ou para as qualificações dos trabalhadores como instrumento para o aumento da exploração laboral por via da apropriação de maiores fatias da riqueza criada. O ensino e a formação profissional têm de estar associados a uma distribuição mais justa da riqueza, incluindo por via do aumento dos salários. Entendemos também que a formação profissional tem de ser vista a partir de uma perspectiva centrada no trabalhador, como instrumento para a melhoria do emprego, dos salários, das condições de trabalho, do desenvolvimento profissional, incluindo ao nível das carreiras e das profissões. Ensino e formação profissional não podem substituir a responsabilidade dos estados por políticas de promoção do pleno emprego e de promoção do emprego de qualidade e devem considerar o desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico a partir das necessidades dos trabalhadores e não em contradição com os seus direitos. A introdução de novas tecnologias ou o uso da IA têm de ser considerados como instrumento de valorização do trabalho e dos trabalhadores e não como fatores de ameaça aos seus direitos.
Antonella Sberna
E como já disse também, devemos recusar lógicas de segregação social na abordagem ao ensino profissional a partir do sistema educativo.
Grazie onorevole, abbiamo concluso il dibattito, prego commissaria Minzatu.
Roxana Mînzatu
Thank you, you have mentioned so many policies that we are now working on and they are all connected, of course, the education package, the Quality Jobs Act, the future budget, which is very important for our ambitions. But to be very focused, I think that I want first to underline that we are very committed to making vocational education and training an attractive option and we want to really help our Member States. And that means Erasmus, a strong budget, more mobility for VET learners through Erasmus, skills portability initiative, you know what we've presented in terms of faster, easier recognition in that direction. We are working also not on a VET European degree, but on a bottom-up approach that would lead us towards this ambition. For example, I give you two projects, Portugal, Ireland, Belgium, Lithuania, and yes, these are the countries that are working on a joint qualification in domiciliary palliative care.
Or Croatia, Slovenia, Italy, Austria, and Slovakia that are working on a joint qualification in electrotechnical skills for smart buildings. These are concrete things that we do with Erasmus towards more joint efforts in that direction. We need to offer the prospect of a quality job through quality education to our young generation. And I think this is the foundation of this report and this is the foundation of our future VET European strategy and with this in mind, we can connect, create all the other connections with the other policies that you have mentioned and that are important. Thank you for your cooperation and thank you Brigitte again.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie vicepresidente, prego onorevole Van den Berg per le conclusioni.
Brigitte van den Berg
Thank you very much for this discussion about the VET, the INI on VET. And I feel a strong support in this Parliament to really recognize the value of VET. And I also feel a strong support, Roxana Minzatu, from you as our Vice-President, I really feel you stand with us to fight for the strength of VET. And I heard many of you about the paradox, the paradox that on the one hand we have huge labor shortages when it comes to VET and on the other hand we have a lack of recognition of the value of VET.
And I think it is because we don't really listen. This is the advice of the VET Student EU Advisory Board. And if you listen to them, they really tell us what is unequal. They want an equal budget when it comes to Erasmus. They want an equal recognition of their diplomas.
And they want an equal budget for the innovation also in VET education. And this we should really work on. We do not only talk about equality, but we actually really do equality. And there then we can truly work on the equality, value, and recognition of VET. Thank you very much.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie, onorevole. La discussione è chiusa e la votazione si svolgerà domani. L'ordine del giorno reca la dichiarazione della Commissione: decisione dell'amministrazione Trump di sospendere le sanzioni e i dazi nei confronti della Russia previsti dal Graham Act. Prego, Vicepresidente, Alto rappresentante Kallas.
Kaja Kallas
Honorable members, I said it this morning in the hemicycle and I'll say it again. Russia is not winning on the battlefield and that is the reason why we see Moscow switching up tactics, overtly bombarding civilians and civilian infrastructure, stepping up aggression against European Union, and lobbying for sanctions relief. The economy is Moscow's Achilles' heel. Russia wants to get rid of the sanctions because the economic pressure works. Sanctions have already deprived Russia of over 1 trillion euro from its war chest.
And sanctions work especially well when coordinated with our partners and allies. The adoption of the Graham Bill by the US Senate and the House of Representatives last month was an important and positive development. It reflected the truly bipartisan support and effort to pressure Russia, the only country that stands in the way of peace. And it marked the moment when both sides of the Atlantic came together again with targeted and coordinated action to end this war. The latest decision to waive the application of the principal sanctions, restrictions, and tariffs under the Lindsey Graham Act is regrettable and impairs international pressure on Russia to end its war.
Honorable members, in the 17-month period between Lindsey Graham first introducing this proposal in April 2025 and the formal adoption in September 2026, the European Union has adopted over 30 rounds of Russia-related sanctions, including at each of the last 10 Foreign Affairs Councils. When Russia escalates aggression against Ukraine, Europe responds with more pressure on the aggressor. When Russian drone lands on a village park, killing children, as we saw yesterday in Kharkiv, we must respond with more pressure. A week ago, the EU agreed to sanction over 1,600 people and entities linked to Russia's war. This was the largest round of sanctions listings since the war started.
Last Friday, we also adopted important sanctions to close loopholes and counter circumvention. Just yesterday, I proposed another major package of new listings focused on curbing Russia's sources of revenue further, from the shadow fleet, from the energy sector, and from the banking sector, amongst others. And we are working hard to put together a 22nd package to target sectors and entities that support the prolongation of Russia's war, also in third countries. We are determined to keep raising the pressure. We are also determined to coordinate these efforts with our partners.
Our work through various formats, including the G7, remains active. Yes, it is sometimes challenging, but Europe is nothing but consistent in our policies and unwavering in our objectives. We continue to engage with the United States on that basis. If the US would implement the Graham bill, we could really put the pressure so that Russia will end its war. Honorable members, Ukraine has already agreed to energy ceasefire, Russia broke it.
Ukraine has already agreed to Black Sea arrangement, Russia rejected it. In fact, there are five ceasefire options currently on the table, jointly developed with other countries. The only country standing in the way of implementing them is Russia. Ukraine wants peace, Europe wants peace, the United States wants peace. The only one who doesn't want peace is Russia.
Kaja Kallas
We need to get Russia from a position where they pretend to negotiate to a position where they actually need to negotiate. And that is why, until Russia agrees to stop its illegal war and Ukraine gets a just and lasting peace, Europe must retain its leverage and not lift sanctions ourselves. Europe's security is at risk. We don't simply have a choice. Thank you.
Michał Szczerba
Pani Przewodnicząca, Pani Wiceprzewodnicząca Komisji, to nie jest przyjemna dla nikogo debata. Stany Zjednoczone to nasz sojusznik, ale wzajemna relacja musi być budowana na prawdzie i na lojalności. A w tej sprawie musimy mierzyć się z kłamstwem i nadszarpniętym zaufaniem, bo osłabianie sankcji wobec państwa terrorysty można odczytywać w kategoriach zdrady. Bo decyzje amerykańskiego prezydenta mają bezpośredni wpływ na osłabienie walczącej Ukrainy i wzmocnienie agresora, ale mogą mieć bezpośredni wpływ również na bezpieczeństwo całej Europy, flanki wschodniej NATO i mojego kraju, Polski. Nie można finansować machiny wojennej Putina.
Nie można finansować jego gospodarki wojennej. Słyszymy, że złagodzenie restrykcji dotyczących rosyjskiego diesla ma obniżyć ceny paliw, ale główną przyczyną ich wzrostu jest wojna z Iranem i zakłócenia na światowym rynku energii. Ta sprawa i to zniesienie sankcji może natomiast przynieść Kremlowi dodatkowe pieniądze na prowadzenie wojny i tego nie chcemy. Dlatego także dzisiaj w tym Parlamencie, w tym miejscu, w tej świątyni demokracji, chcemy mówić w imieniu Ukrainy. Apeluję do naszych amerykańskich sojuszników: nie osłabiajcie presji na Rosję, nie nagradzajcie agresora kosztem ofiary.
Kongresie amerykański pokaż również swoją siłę. Presję trzeba wywierać na Putina, a nie na Ukrainę.
Kathleen Van Brempt
Grazie. Dear Mrs High Representative, dear Kaja, I hate to say it, I really hate to say it, but we told you so. We have warned you time and time again. Donald Trump cannot be trusted. Not with Ukraine, not with our safety and security and not with our future in Europe.
This was an accident waiting to happen. We knew it when he decided to reduce funds and military support to Ukraine. We knew it when they decided to use intelligence, satellites and weapons as a bargaining chip against Ukraine. And now by waiving the sanctions and tariffs under the Graham Act, Trump is handing his friend Putin fresh money for his war. Trump has made a choice and he has chosen the aggressor.
Now is time for us Europeans to make a clear choice too. We must secure Ukraine's capacity to resist. Yes, we need to keep our sanctions and all the support when you want to toughen them up. We need to enforce them and close every loophole. But we also need to put much more pressure on Russia.
Ensure funding for Ukraine, so let's enforce the Ukraine facility to offer stable and predictable support. And as a Belgian I tell you, we must also find a reliable and legally sound way to use the frozen assets. Because standing with Ukraine is also about standing with our values, our future and the safety of our citizens. Commission, Council, Council is not here but they will, you can tell them, it's time to prove that whatever it takes is not an empty promise.
Pierre-Romain Thionnet
Chers collègues, vous avez fait ajouter un débat pour commenter la décision du président américain de geler l'application de sanctions qui devaient viser la Russie. Une décision qui survient dans un double contexte diplomatique avec un regain de tension bilatérale entre Washington et Kiev. Mais aussi et surtout un contexte de politique intérieure américaine avec l'approche des élections de mi-mandat où la question du coût de la vie est prégnante. Quelle sera l'utilité de ce débat, si ce n'est de s'indigner et de monter à la tribune en dénonçant la collusion entre Trump et Poutine ? Nous aurions pu ajouter d'ailleurs la proposition faite par Vladimir Poutine d'organiser un sommet avec les Américains et les Chinois pour discuter d'un accord destiné à mettre fin à la guerre d'Ukraine, sans les Ukrainiens, sans les Européens.
Évidemment, ce n'est pas une proposition acceptable et il faudrait être naïf pour ne pas voir ici une tentative d'imposer à nos pays une paix et un ordre de sécurité à notre détriment. Mais où est la stratégie diplomatique de l'Europe à côté de cela ? Quelle proposition concrète avons-nous formulée pour donner sa chance au processus de paix et amorcer des négociations avec tous les acteurs ? Bien sûr, nous partageons l'idée que tout processus diplomatique doit s'accompagner d'un soutien à l'Ukraine de telle sorte qu'elle puisse négocier dans une posture qui ne lui soit pas défavorable. Mais ce processus diplomatique est totalement inexistant de notre côté et nous semblons nous vanter d'avoir le commentaire et la condamnation morale pour seule stratégie.
À force de faire abstraction du réel et du réalisme, nous ne devrions pas nous étonner que d'autres aient l'intention de parler de l'Europe sans l'Europe pour le plus grand malheur de l'Ukraine.
Małgorzata Gosiewska
Dziękuję pani przewodnicząca.
Szanowni państwo, nie popieram decyzji administracji Donalda Trumpa o uchyleniu sankcji wobec Rosji. Nie można dawać Moskwie kolejnych możliwości finansowania tej okrutnej wojny. Ale, szanowni państwo, nie pozwólmy, by ta decyzja przesłoniła problem, z którym Unia Europejska nie potrafi skutecznie się zmierzyć: własną niekonsekwencją. Europa od lat mówi o solidarności z Ukrainą i konieczności odcięcia Putina od pieniędzy. Tymczasem w czerwcu tego roku import rosyjskiego LNG do Unii był o 14% wyższy niż rok wcześniej.
Państwa członkowskie kupiły rosyjski gaz za niemal miliard euro. Nie można jedną ręką wspierać Ukrainę, a drugą finansować państwo, które je bombarduje. Ale problem nie kończy się na gazie i ropie. Dotyczy również nawozów sztucznych, a więc sektora o strategicznym znaczeniu dla europejskiego rolnictwa i bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. Rosyjskie nawozy trafiają na rynki Polski, Niemiec, Francji i innych państw Unii.
W roku 2025 Unia Europejska sprowadziła z Rosji 2,68 miliona ton samych nawozów azotowych, o 5% więcej niż rok wcześniej, szanowni państwo. A przecież od lipca 25 roku obowiązują już dodatkowe cła. To pokazuje, jak trudne jest rzeczywiste ograniczenie tej zależności. Rosyjscy producenci, niestety, skutecznie walczą o dostęp do europejskiego rynku, naszego rynku. Polska Krajowa Administracja Skarbowa ujawniła proceder nielegalnego obrotu mocznikiem wyprodukowanym przez objętą sankcjami białoruską spółkę Grodno Azot.
Towar trafiał do obrotu z wykorzystaniem mechanizmów pozwalających omijać ograniczenia. To pokazuje, że samo ogłoszenie sankcji nie wystarczy. Potrzebne są skuteczne kontrole, weryfikacja pochodzenia produktów i zdecydowane działania wobec firm, które próbują obchodzić przepisy. A konsekwencje, szanowni państwo, ponosi również polski przemysł. Grupa Azoty musi konkurować z importem rosyjskich nawozów, podczas gdy jako europejski producent ponosi wysokie koszty gazu i energii.
Osłabianie krajowej produkcji nawozów oznacza zagrożenie dla miejsc pracy, rolnictwa i naszego bezpieczeństwa gospodarczego. Nie chodzi o to, by podnosić ceny nawozów rolnikom. Chodzi o uczciwą konkurencję i o to, by rosyjskie wpływy nie były ważniejsze niż bezpieczeństwo Europy. Decyzja administracji Trumpa rodzi uzasadnione obawy, ale nie może być dla Europy wygodnym alibi. Jeśli naprawdę chcemy osłabić Rosję, przestańmy zasilać jej gospodarkę własnymi pieniędzmi i przestańmy tolerować mechanizmy, które pozwalają rosyjskim i białoruskim produktom obchodzić nasze ograniczenia.
Więcej konsekwencji, szanowni państwo.
Petras Auštrevičius
Madam Chair, Madam High Representative, honorable colleagues. It is a great mistake to deny reality and support the aggressor rather than the victim. It's a great mistake to weaken Western sanctions in exchange for lucrative business deals. It's a great mistake to spread disinformation by claiming that, I quote, "Russia has been fine on Ukraine, they haven't been doing much," end of quote.
All the world sees what is happening in Ukraine. Kherson has been turned into the testing ground where civilians are deliberately targeted and hunted like prey. Two thousand people in Oleshky are starving. Today, Nova Vodolaha, and we all mourn a 14-month-old Anhelina and her mother. Russia's barbaric acts could be listed endlessly.
Rejecting the Lindsey Graham's act grants the aggressor a license to kill and reinforces impunity for war crimes. As the European Union, we must close all avenues for Russian fossil fuels and nuclear fuel, as well as for citizens of Russian terrorist state to enter our territory. The aggressor state must be held accountable. Rest assured that all this house will stand by Ukraine and its people because that is how we understand true greatness. Thank you.
Arvoisa puheenjohtaja, on häpeällistä, että presidentti Trump asettuu tukemaan sotarikoksia tekevää Venäjää. Sitä käytännössä tarkoittaa hänen päätöksensä purkaa pakotteita ja ostaa miljardiluokassa dieseliä Venäjältä. Miksi? Koska hänen oma sotansa Iranissa aiheutti öljyn hinnan nousun. Trump laittaa ukrainalaiset maksamaan hengellään omista virheistään.
Venäjän pommitukset samalla vain kovenevat, silti Yhdysvallat on rajoittanut myös tiedustelun ennakkovaroituksia ukrainalaisille. Sadat ihmishenget ovat suoraan vaarassa joka yö Trumpin takia. Euroopan on nyt astuttava esiin. Meidän on vahvistettava tukeamme Ukrainalle, jotta se voi saada ansaitsemansa kestävän rauhan. Ja meidän on vaadittava itseltämme myös enemmän.
Ville Niinistö
Me tuomme yhä öljyä ja kaasua Venäjältä. Komission on varmistettava, että laki kaasuntuonnin kiellosta toteutuu myös käytännössä ja tuonti loppuu pikaisesti. Komission on myös tuotava lakiesitykset Venäjän öljyn ja ydinenergian tuonnin kieltämiseksi ja Venäjän jäädytetyt varat on annettava sotakorvauslainana Ukrainan tueksi. Ukrainan asia on meidän asiamme.
Hanna Gedin
Trump's wavering the sanctions and tariffs on Russia is the fallout from his reckless war on Iran. And the pressure on Moscow is now deliberately switched off to buy cheaper diesel at the pump. If US will not hold the line, who will? Well, Europe must. The EU has already legislated a full ban on Russian gas and LNG by 2027, and we must now eliminate the last drops of Russian oil still funding Putin's war machine through the shadow fleet and pipeline loopholes.
This oil money funds Kinzhal missiles and Shahed drones, terrorizing Ukrainians every single night. With Washington wavering, Europe leading by example is not just principled, it is the only leverage Ukraine has left. And I say this with experience. I have lived through a night in a Ukrainian air raid shelter with bombs raining down from outside, and I was part of the negotiating team that banned Russian gas in the deal last year. The Commission then promised a ban on Russian oil by early this year.
Yet here we are in October, and missiles and drones are still terrorizing the Ukrainian people. So I turn directly to the Commission. Where is the promised legislation? Where is your courage to lead by example when the American sycophantic president bows to Putin?
Hans Neuhoff
Kolleginnen und Kollegen, die Europäische Union sollte Präsident Trump eine Dankeskarte schicken. Denn er hat die Strafzölle des Graham-Gesetzes im letzten Moment ausgesetzt, die viele hier im Haus am liebsten mit Standing Ovations begrüßt hätten. Das Graham-Gesetz hätte nämlich nicht nur Moskau getroffen, sondern auch die EU. Ungarn, die Slowakei, Frankreich und Belgien gehören zu den größten Abnehmern russischer Energie. Ihnen drohten Strafzölle von bis zu 100 % auf sämtliche Exporte in die USA.
Und das obendrauf auf die Zollkröten, welche Kommissionspräsidentin von der Leyen im vergangenen Jahr bereits lächelnd heruntergeschluckt hat. Zölle gegen China und Indien hätten Warenströme umgeleitet, und wohin, natürlich auf den europäischen Markt. Weniger Abnehmer für russisches Öl und Gas hätten mitten in der Hormus-Krise die Energiepreise weiter nach oben getrieben. Müssen unsere Bauern erst das Europaviertel blockieren, bis die horrenden Kraftstoffpreise auch in den Luxuslimousinen der EU-Kommissare wahrgenommen werden? Kolleginnen und Kollegen, es zeigt die ganze Verrücktheit und Verranntheit der europäischen Führung, dass man sogar Maßnahmen, die einem selbst schaden, reflexartig beklatscht, nur weil Russland draufsteht.
Wer bereit ist, der eigenen Bevölkerung zu schaden, nur um Russland zu schaden, betreibt keine verantwortliche Außenpolitik, er betreibt geopolitische Selbstbeschädigung. Vielen Dank.
Colleagues, the time has come to speak openly. The US President has chosen to cooperate with the war criminal Putin. Before our eyes, Putin is starving the city of Oleshky. President Trump, this is on your conscience too, because you say that Russia, quote, "has been fine on Ukraine". For Europe, Russia is an existential threat, and Ukraine protects us.
For us in Europe, Trump's plan is dangerous and fundamentally wrong. It is no different from Munich 1938, which led to a major war. Putin is Hitler and Stalin in one. He must be defeated. Unfortunately, many still believe that Russia cannot be defeated.
In this case, only one option remains: choosing your own defeat. I believe that, sooner or later, the American people will find the strength to see how dangerous this shift is and to put an end to it. Thank you.
Brando Benifei
Grazie Presidente, colleghi, Alto Rappresentante Kallas, il Graham Act nasceva con l'obiettivo dichiarato di aumentare la pressione economica sulla Russia. Ma quale credibilità può avere questa strategia se contemporaneamente, per decisione di Trump, gli Stati Uniti accettano di acquistare diesel russo violando non solo le sanzioni internazionali, ma anche le proprie stesse leggi e suscitando ferma opposizione nel Congresso, sia da parte dei democratici che di molti repubblicani? È una contraddizione incredibile. Non solo viene svilito un atto chiave del Congresso, ma mentre l'Ucraina difende la propria sovranità e il principio che nessuno Stato possa conquistare con la forza il territorio di un altro, la Casa Bianca alimenta le risorse economiche del Paese aggressore. È inaccettabile.
L'Europa deve cercare la pace e spingere affinché la guerra finisca, ma per fare ciò il costo di questo conflitto per la Russia deve salire, non diminuire.
Nessuna pace giusta ci può essere sulla pelle di un popolo invaso. Grazie.
Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann
Frau Vorsitzende, Frau Kommissarin, meine Damen und Herren. Das ist Ina. Ina ist ein Jahr alt und letztes Jahr ist es letztes Jahr letzt gestern ermordet worden von einer russischen Drohne, ihre Mutter ist kurz danach auch ums Leben gekommen. Und Putin jubelt und der US-Präsident hebt die Sanktionen auf und lobt Putins Verhalten. Meine Damen und Herren, das ist so unvorstellbar und jetzt kommt Putin, sucht einen Diktatfrieden unterstützt von China und den USA.
Meine Damen und Herren, Europa muss handeln. Nutzen wir endlich die russischen Assets. Machen wir Druck auf Russland, endlich das Töten einzustellen. Die Ukraine sehnt sich nach Frieden. Europa möchte den Frieden.
Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann
Wir brauchen diesen Frieden aber nur, wenn Putin gezwungen wird, endlich jetzt und sofort seine Truppen zurückzuziehen, damit Kinder wie Angelina, die keine Chance hatten zu überleben, eine Zukunft haben in der Ukraine und in Europa. Slava Ukraini.
Virginijus Sinkevičius
Colleagues, in September President Trump signed the Graham Act. Its aim was very simple: cut the money that pays for Russia's war, for hybrid attacks here in Europe, for cyberattacks here in Europe and the United States, for terrorism across Ukraine. Four weeks later, he waived its sanctions and tariffs, one week after that famous diesel deal with Putin, just before the American elections. Peace in Ukraine cannot be traded for a few drops of cheaper diesel. Lithuania borders Russia and we know one thing: Putin stops only when he is forced to.
Europe must now take the lead and do what Washington unfortunately can't. First of all, stopping buying Russian fossil fuels, sanction those who buy Putin's oils, use the frozen Russian assets for Ukraine and finally adopt the 22nd package of sanctions without delay. President Trump waived the sanctions, Europe must now, Europe cannot waive its responsibility. Thank you.
Jussi Saramo
Arvoisa puhemies, liian moni asia muistuttaa tilannetta 1930-luvulla. Kansainvälinen järjestelmä ei koskaan ollut reilu, mutta nyt se yritetään korvata kokonaan vahvimman oikeudella. Muutama autoritäärinen vanha mies on valmis uhraamaan loputtomasti nuoria ihmiselämiä omien valloitusunelmiensa tähden. Putin tappaa Ukrainan siviilejä ja molempien maiden sotilaita. Trump tappaa siviilejä pommittamalla esimerkiksi lastenkoulun Iranissa ja eteläamerikkalaisia kalastusaluksia.
Kukaan ei ota vastuuta näistä rikoksista, päinvastoin Yhdysvallat jopa estää Kansainvälisen rikostuomioistuimen toimintaa Euroopassa.
Nykyteknologialla tilanne on vielä vaarallisempi kuin sata vuotta sitten. Identiteettisota leviää niin Espanjassa, muualla Euroopassa kuin Brasiliassakin. Trump ja Putin ovat saman äärioikeistolaisen liittouman edustajia. Tällä parlamentilla patriootit sekä suvereenit ovat Putinin taskussa ja konservatiivit Trumpin taskussa. Lopulta tämä oikean laidan viides kolonna pelaa vastustajajoukkueessa Eurooppaa ja meidän yhteisiä arvojamme vastaan.
Trump ei missään vaiheessa ole aidosti tukenut Ukrainaa. Trump on itse hyökkäyksellään Iraniin aiheuttanut paitsi Iranin sortovallan vahvistumisen, myös polttoaineiden globaalin hinnannousun. Dealit Venäjän kanssa ovat yrityskauppa hänen itse luomansa ongelmat muiden harteille. Euroopan on pysyttävä vahvana kansainvälisen oikeuden puolella.
Grazie onorevole, prego onorevole Droese, prego.
Verehrte Kollegen, die US-amerikanische Regierung zeigt mit ihrem Handeln, dass Sanktionen nicht selbstverständlich und nicht alternativlos sind. Sie sind gegebenenfalls politische Instrumente, die den politischen Interessen des eigenen Landes dienen müssen. Washington prüft seine Handlungsspielräume gegenüber Russland offenbar unter wirtschaftlichen und strategischen Gesichtspunkten. Kurzum, die USA machen Realpolitik. Und was machen die Eurokraten der Mitgliedstaaten wie der BRD?
Siegbert Frank Droese
Exakt das Gegenteil. Sie setzen weiter auf Sanktionen, deren Folgen unsere Landsleute, Unternehmen treffen, unsere nationalen Haushalte ruinieren, Hauptsache der Krieg läuft weiter. Und das alles für eine Bande ukrainischer Verbrecher und Diebe. Realpolitik bedeutet aber, die eigenen Interessen zu kennen und zu vertreten, dafür realistische politische Mittel zu nutzen und zuallererst den eigenen Bürgern zu dienen. Präsident Trump macht Politik für die Amerikaner, wenn es dazu einen Diesel-Deal mit Russland notwendig macht.
Die EU dagegen käme niemals auf so eine effiziente Idee. Die Geschichte lehrt aber: Wer zu spät kommt, den bestraft das Leben. Frau Kommissarin, tschüss EU.
Davor Ivo Stier
Kolegice i kolege, Ukrajinci se osjećaju izdanima. I to s pravom. Dolazeći iz Hrvatske, potpuno ih razumijem. Kada je Hrvatska bila napadnuta tada od pete vojne sile u Europi, međunarodna zajednica nije joj pomogla, nije dala oružje da se može obraniti, dapače stavila je, nametnula embargo oružja da se Hrvatska ne može braniti i naravno osjećali smo se izdanima. Ali reći ću vam nešto.
Nema te sile koja može pokoriti jedan narod koji je spreman boriti se za svoju slobodu. I zato je Hrvatska pobijedila, oni koji su nametnuli embargo su završili u ropotarnici povijesti. Nadam se da u Washingtonu se još sjećaju te lekcije iz devedesetih jer u pitanju nije samo neka mjera koja može eventualno sniziti cijenu dizela, u pitanju je izdaja samih temelja na kojima počivao američki utjecaj u slobodnom svijetu.
President, Commission, dear colleagues, Trump is gambling with Ukrainian lives and European security. In ten days, he struck a diesel deal, eased sanctions, dropped the Graham Act, told Ukraine to stop striking refineries, said Ukraine needs a new president, praised Putin for being frankly fine on Ukraine. All to lower diesel prices his own Iran war drove up. It will fail. But we must also look at ourselves.
Thijs Reuten
We still pay Russia for fuel. And we have a plan for peace. Yes, High Representative, you are right and I thank you for your strong stance also this morning and your analysis is spot on. But member states hold the key to really pressure Putin to want peace too.
So, to the 27 capitals, I say again, please stop the "as long as it takes" mantra, but really do what it takes. Pick up on the immobilized assets, the sky shield, the deliver deep strike and urgently needed interceptors to Ukraine before it's too late. Thank you.
Karin Karlsbro
Madam President, Madam High Representative, Russia has been fine on Ukraine, they haven't been doing much. These are the words of the American President. That same day, Russian drone killed six people in a park, two of them children. Russian missiles are raining down on Ukraine. Putin is killing children in playgrounds and Trump calls that fine.
Something is rotten in Trump's America and Europe must arm Ukraine, tighten sanctions and make Russia pay for its crimes and use the frozen assets. Ukraine's destiny or Europe's future are not for Trump and Putin to decide. Thank you so much.
Villy Søvndal
Thank you chair. There are times when you have to speak in clear language, I'm going to do that. Trump's betrayal goes far beyond Ukraine, it goes far beyond Europe. By waiving sanctions in Russia, Trump is betraying the very principles America helped build and defend for generations. Freedom, the rule of law, the principle that borders could not be changed by force.
Now an American president is helping a dictator tear down the very order. Putin has immediately seized the opportunity, he's proposing a meeting with Trump and Xi to decide Ukraine's future. Without Ukraine, without Europe. There's an old saying, if you're not at the table, you are on the menu. And that is exactly what Putin wants.
Villy Søvndal
But I refuse to believe that that is what Americans truly stand for. So, dear Americans, help us defend the freedom our nations built together. The best way to do so, don't vote for Trump and his friends in the midterm elections. Thank you.
Ingeborg Ter Laak
Yes. Trumps boek, The Art of the Deal, kan door de schredder, net als zijn belofte om in Oekraïne binnen 24 uur vrede te bekrijgen. Met deze walgelijke dieseldeal beledigt hij niet alleen de nagedachtenis van Lindsey Graham, maar ook van al die dappere gesneuvelde Oekraïners. Europa voert de druk op Poetin op met het grootste sanctiepakket uit de Europese geschiedenis. Maar Poetin, zijn eenzijdige energiebestand is een blanco cheque om nog meer Oekraïense energiecentrales of locaties aan te vallen en te vernietigen.
De koude Oekraïense winter komt eraan. Honderden duizenden mensen dreigen te verkleumen van wat er nog over is van hun huizen. Deze deal staat gelijk aan Amerikaanse terugtrekking. Ongrondwettelijk, onverdedigbaar, voor Europa is het duidelijk. We moeten zelf regie nemen over onze veiligheid, economie en strategische belangen.
Jean-Marc Germain
Chers collègues, Madame la Haute Représentante, avec Trump, on n'est jamais à l'abri du pire. Alors que la Russie intensifie ses attaques sur l'Ukraine, cible directement les civils qui tombent par centaines, attaque les infrastructures énergétiques à l'approche de l'hiver, voilà que le président des États-Unis décide de se ranger du côté de l'agresseur. Après la suspension des renseignements de Starlink, puis l'achat de diesel russe, Trump pousse l'indécence à son paroxysme en stoppant les sanctions américaines contre la Russie. C'est un tournant majeur. L'Europe était seule à financer l'effort de guerre, elle est désormais seule à défendre l'Ukraine.
Pour autant, nous ne devons pas baisser les bras. Ce qui se joue, c'est plus que la défense d'un pays ami, c'est le combat pour la liberté et la démocratie sur notre continent. Je salue donc, Madame la Haute Représentante, les nouvelles sanctions européennes contre la Russie. Mais il faut aller plus loin et plus vite en accélérant notre sortie du gaz russe, en mettant en place une protection du ciel ukrainien et en mobilisant les avoirs russes gelés en faveur de l'Ukraine, et enfin en accélérant la montée en puissance de la défense européenne. Car tant que Poutine pense pouvoir gagner la guerre, car tant que Poutine pense pouvoir gagner la guerre, nous n'aurons pas la paix.
Ondřej Kolář
Thank you very much. Good evening colleagues, Your High Representative. Donald Trump is promising to make America great again. Now, I believe that America actually was greatest when it stood up for the values that we all share, when it defended freedom and democracy, when it was able to tell the dictators and authoritarians of the world that they are doing something wrong. Now today we see the United States actually siding with the autocrats and with the dictators all over the world.
It seems as if the President of the United States was actually fascinated by them. That doesn't help anything. In 1938, my homeland Czechoslovakia was sacrificed for the sake of peace. A year later, the Second World War started. We see that appeasing the aggressor doesn't lead to peace, it can lead to something much worse.
I don't know if Donald Trump realizes that. But if you ask me if America is great again, I say no. Donald Trump is turning America into a joke.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole, abbiamo concluso il dibattito, abbiamo la procedura catch-the-eye, prego onorevole Terheş.
Thank you. I think we talk too much about Trump and the United States and too little about what we can do to actually stop Russia. And I offer you two solutions or two proposals. First, closing the northern corridor. Today, right now, the trade deficit between EU and China is over one billion euros per day.
Cristian Terheş
The goods from China that are sold on the European market are coming via Russia. Why we are lecturing Trump here, even right now, all those goods are transiting Russia and Russia makes money out of these goods. I'm looking forward to the European Commission to come up with a plan to close this corridor and move all these goods to the middle corridor. Second proposal, the Novorossiysk port. I checked online that over 70 million tons of oil, Kazakh oil, shipped through this Russian port, mainly to the European markets.
There are many other ports in the region, Georgian ports, Turkish ports. We got to work with these countries to find other ways to import goods from that area because otherwise we are just funding Russia while we are lecturing Trump and others for running their show. Thank you.
Dainius Žalimas
Dear colleagues, Russia's main hope is to outlast Western support for Ukraine. The Kremlin believes that sooner or later political forces willing to abandon Ukraine will come to power here in Europe. This is precisely why President Trump's decision to ease pressure on Russia is so dangerous. Instead of bringing peace closer, it encourages Putin to continue the war, hoping that Western resolve will eventually collapse. If we really want this war to end, we must increase the cost of aggression rather than reduce it.
That means tightening sanctions, closing loopholes, targeting Russia's shadow fleet and ending our purchases of Russian oil and gas. It also means strengthening Ukraine's military capabilities, ensuring predictable long-term support and providing a clear, credible path towards EU membership. Every concession that allows Russia to sustain its aggression prolongs the war. Thank you.
Kaja Kallas
Honorable members, thank you for this debate. The wars are rarely so black and white as they are in Ukraine, there's one aggressor and one victim and that is also very clear for us. To achieve peace, you have to put the pressure on the aggressor, not the victim. A year ago I was in Kuwait and visited also a history museum there and actually, you know, I saw when Iraq invaded Kuwait and I watched the UN speeches, the speeches were actually exactly the same. If you took Iraq and put Russia and if you took Kuwait and put Ukraine instead, you got the same speeches.
But the outcome was totally different and why? Because the international community was united in not only the speeches but also pushing back the aggressor, pushing back Iraq from Kuwait's borders. That also means sanctions, that meant pressure, that also meant by the way frozen assets of Iraq being used for Kuwait. And international community was united. If we would be united right now with United States on the pressure on Russia, it would this pressure would make Russia to actually come to the negotiation table with Ukraine and to negotiate, while so far they are just pretending to negotiate and presenting their ultimate maximum goals.
So what we have to do is stay on the course because we can't we cannot give in to aggression because if we give in to aggression just more aggression will follow like one of the colleagues was telling here. So thank you very much.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie vicepresidente, la discussione è chiusa. L'ordine del giorno reca le dichiarazioni di voto. Relazione Terheş sospensione dell'applicazione sulle norme relative alla responsabilità estesa del produttore per i rifiuti, i rifiuti di apparecchiature elettriche ed elettroniche e i rifiuti di plastica monouso, Omnibus 8 sulle normative ambientali, prego onorevole Terheş per un minuto.
Cristian Terheş
It's working now? Mulțumesc. Am votat în favoarea acestei propuneri de suspendare a acestei reglementări aberante privind inclusiv modul cum se împachetează cadourile de Crăciun. Cu toții am fost de acord în dezbaterea pe care am avut-o în plenul Parlamentului că e nevoie de această reglementare. Vin însă să-mi întreb următorul lucru.
De ce după fiecare propunere susținută de europarlamentarii de pe partea greșită a eșichierului politic, de pe partea stângă, se votează o propunere astăzi în aplauzele acestora și după trei-patru ani trebuie să venim și să propunem o altă soluție legislativă, fie ca să modificăm, fie ca să suspendăm, fie ca să revocăm ceea ce s-a votat înainte cu câțiva ani de zile? Nu ne-am săturat de genul acesta de propuneri efectiv aberante susținute de stânga neomarxistă europeană care nu au niciun fundament rațional și pragmatic? Dacă am ajuns în acest Parlament să reglementăm inclusiv modul cum să-ți împachetezi cadourile de Crăciun, cred că am ajuns mult prea jos. E necesară o dereglementare masivă, motiv pentru care am și susținut această propunere. Sper să nu fie nici ultima și nici singura.
Antonella Sberna
Mulțumesc.
Grazie, onorevole. Non vedo l'onorevole Boylan. La prossima seduta si terrà domani, mercoledì 21 ottobre alle ore 9:00. L'ordine del giorno è stato pubblicato ed è disponibile sul sito internet del Parlamento europeo. Il processo verbale della presente seduta sarà sottoposto all'approvazione del Parlamento domani dopo le votazioni.
La seduta è tolta.