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PLENARY European Parliament
Follow its sittingsHenna Virkkunen
It's about making Europe stronger, more resilient, and less exposed to critical dependencies. We will remain open to trade, investment, and cooperation with trusted partners. But Europe must also be able to develop, deploy, and protect the technologies that our economy, public services, and security depend on.
Honorable members, two more points before I conclude. Firstly, our technological sovereignty package takes its climate and environmental footprint very seriously. Europe's structurally higher energy costs, they are a genuine competitive constraint, particularly for technologies that consume power at scale. And this is precisely why the package also includes the strategic roadmap for digitalization and AI in energy. And secondly, technological sovereignty also requires investments.
Other tech-leading countries have invested massively, while Europe continues to suffer from a huge gap in equity and high-risk financing to tech.
And this is a clear market failure to address, especially for large-scale ventures and scale-ups. Just for the initiatives of this package, the total investment needs are estimated up to 450 billion euros in the next 10 years. And we know that public funding is very crucial, but it will be in no way sufficient to bridge such a big investment gap. So we need ways to crowd in large amounts of private investments. The reform of the EU's capital markets under the Savings and Investment Union will improve how the EU's financial system channels savings to productive investments.
At the same time, the Commission is launching now a consultation with our Member States and with the European Investment Bank Group and other key stakeholders on the idea of setting up a European equity capacity. In other words, we aim to create a mechanism managing a portfolio of equity investments in advanced technologies and infrastructure that are critical for our economic security, such as digital, but also clean energy and biotechnologies. And this can be a true game changer for Europe and I count on your support.
Ana Miguel Pedro
Senhora Comissária, uma decisão tomada fora da União Europeia foi suficiente para pôr em causa o acesso de empresas, investigadores, administrações públicas e aliados a modelos avançados de inteligência artificial. Estamos a falar da tecnologia que começa a suportar cibersegurança, investigação científica, serviços públicos, indústria, energia, saúde e defesa. É uma questão estratégica, geopolítica e de segurança. E a pergunta que temos de fazer é se pode a Europa aceitar que o acesso às capacidades críticas do século XXI dependa de uma autorização política de terceiros.
Pode uma pequena e média empresa europeia que integrou modelos avançados de inteligência artificial nos seus processos descobrir de um dia para o outro que deixou de ter acesso à tecnologia de que depende? Pode uma administração pública construir serviços essenciais sobre sistemas que podem ser limitados, suspensos ou condicionados por interesses estratégicos externos? Pode a Europa ambicionar liderar a transição digital se não controla as infraestruturas, os modelos, os dados, a capacidade computacional e a cadeia de valor que tornam essa transição possível?
A resposta tem de ser não. Temos regras, temos valores, mas a Europa não pode ser uma potência regulatória com dependência tecnológica crítica. Não basta dizer ao mundo como a inteligência artificial deve ser governada, temos de ter capacidade para a desenvolver, alojar, auditar, proteger e disponibilizar em solo europeu, sob jurisdição europeia e com infraestruturas europeias. Não basta sermos fortes na norma se formos fracos na capacidade. Por isso, senhora comissária, o pacote soberania tecnológica apresentado pela Comissão é bem-vindo.
A Europa tem de produzir mais semicondutores, ter mais centros de dados, mais supercomputadores, mais cloud europeia e maior capacidade para treinar os seus próprios modelos de inteligência artificial.
Uma dependência tolerável em tempos normais pode tornar-se uma vulnerabilidade grave em tempos de crise. A Europa aprendeu com a energia que a dependência estratégica tem custos: custos económicos, custos políticos, custos de segurança. Não podemos repetir o mesmo erro na inteligência artificial.
Alex Agius Saliba
Merci beaucoup, Alex Agius Saliba.
Is there anyone left that believes that Europe can put its economy in the hands of Donald Trump and his big tech oligarchs?
We have seen what happened to the international court judges being cut off from essential digital services because of sanctions. Just try to imagine living without Microsoft, Mastercard and other American technology. Good luck, but you can't. And therefore Europe cannot ignore its tech dependency. A kill switch to turn off technology is not only a risk today, but it is a reality.
Friday the US administration decided to turn off the most powerful AI models of Anthropic for the EU. This is a watershed moment. Europe needs to control its own tech infrastructure if it wants sovereignty.
If we want to stop the blackmail, we need to build our own solutions using the tech talent that we have in Europe. We can build it cheaper and provide services that do respect our rules. So let's make more use of them. The tech sovereignty package needs that ambition if it wants to play in the hands of EU companies and truly make a difference. Part of the solution is swift and strict enforcement of our tech rules.
Our legislation protects our citizens and our market from online abuse, but big tech is not abiding with it. Being sovereign means that our citizens and this Parliament decides on the rules of the game and not the almighty big tech companies.
If they want to enter our internal market, they need to respect our rules and respect them in full.
Ernő Schaller-Baross
Tisztelt Elnök úr, tisztelt Biztos asszony! A digitális szuverenitás erősítése fontos és támogatandó cél. Az infrastruktúra fejlesztése, a munkahelyek teremtése pedig különösen. Európa digitális versenyképességét ugyanakkor nem önmagában a nagy összegű beruházások fogják meghatározni, hanem az, hogy képesek vagyunk-e egy olyan környezetet teremteni, amely ösztönzi az innovációt, támogatja a vállalkozásokat és teret ad a technológiai fejlődésnek. Biztos asszony!
A világ vezető technológiai központjai nem központi tervek alapján váltak sikeressé.
Előbb megszületett a piaci kereslet, az infrastruktúra pedig ezt követte. Éppen ezért ott kell fejlesztenünk, ahol arra valóban szükség van, és ahol a fejlesztések a legjobb ár-érték arányban szolgálják Európa és Magyarország jövőjét is. Különösen akkor, amikor az uniós költségvetés forrásai végesek, és egyre több területen szembesülünk forráshiánnyal. Miközben az Európai Bizottság újabb milliárdokat talál technológiai nagyprojektekre, ez részben helyes is, a kohéziós politika és a vidéki térségek vagy gazdák támogatásai állandó nyomás alatt vannak.
Nehéz megmagyarázni a termelőknek, hogy az ő forrásaik szűkösek, miközben a Bizottság újabb és újabb milliárdokat mozgósít olyan technológiai fejlesztésekre, amelyek megtérülésére még egyelőre korántsem egyértelmű válaszokat látunk. Ezért olyan digitális politikára van szükség, ami az emberek igényeiből indul ki, felméri a piacot, ez nem ideológiai kérdés, hanem versenyképes teljesítménnyel és innovációval kell megteremtenünk.
Diego Solier
Gracias, presidente, comisaria. Hay algo que me llama la atención cada vez que hablamos de soberanía digital. Queremos liderar la inteligencia artificial. Queremos liderar las tecnologías del futuro. Queremos reducir nuestras dependencias estratégicas.
Pero seguimos dependiendo demasiado de tecnologías, infraestructuras y cadenas de suministro desarrolladas fuera de Europa. Y a veces me da la impresión de que algunos creen que la solución pasa por aislarnos de quienes hoy lideran la innovación tecnológica mundial. Creo que sería un error. Porque Europa necesita desarrollar capacidades propias, pero también necesita saber seguir colaborando con nuestros socios y aliados tecnológicos. La soberanía tecnológica no puede convertirse en un aislamiento tecnológico.
Y si queremos liderar la inteligencia artificial, necesitamos centros de datos, semiconductores, ingenieros y energía asequible y fiable. Porque no existe la soberanía digital sin soberanía energética.
Y también debemos reconocer una realidad fundamental: no existe la soberanía cibernética sin industria. Gran parte de las infraestructuras críticas que queremos proteger son construidas, operadas y defendidas cada día por empresas privadas. Por eso nuestra tarea no debe ser crear nuevos obstáculos. Nuestra tarea debe ser crear las condiciones para que las empresas puedan invertir, innovar y crecer en Europa.
Porque la verdadera pregunta no es cuánto regulamos la tecnología. La verdadera pregunta es si dentro de diez años seguiremos dependiendo de la tecnología de otros o habremos sido capaces de desarrollar la nuestra. Y ese es el desafío que Europa debe empezar a afrontar desde hoy. Muchas gracias.
Helmut Brandstätter
Merci beaucoup, Helmut Brandstätter.
Merci, Monsieur le Président, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, Technologie ist Macht. Technologie ist die Macht. Technologie heißt unsere Wirtschaftsordnung, unser soziales Gefüge. Technologie als Macht ist auch wichtig für unsere Sicherheit.
Und wir haben gelernt: Donald Trump will uns dominieren. Er will nicht, dass wir Macht haben, er möchte Macht über uns haben. Und deswegen müssen wir uns wehren, und wir müssen uns mehr wehren, Frau Kommissarin. Sie haben einige wichtige Sachen gesagt. Aber wann haben wir endlich den Kapitalmarkt?
Nur ein einiger europäischer Kapitalmarkt gibt uns die Chance, auch große Unternehmen hier aufzubauen. Und ich bitte Sie auch: Fahren Sie in die Vereinigten Staaten. Dort gibt es Forscherinnen, Forscher, Unternehmer, die wollen dort nicht mehr leben in diesem Land, das eher schlechter wird. Die wollen zu uns nach Europa kommen. Und noch etwas: Es gibt ja komische Leute in der Politik, die sagen, ein kleines Land Österreich müsste souverän werden.
Das ist ja absurd. Wir als Europäische Union können souverän werden. Und dafür müssen wir jetzt handeln. Das machen wir für unsere Bürgerinnen und Bürger gegen die Mächte von außen, für unser Europa. Danke schön.
Virginijus Sinkevičius
Dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the recent restrictions on access to anthropic latest AI models should be a final call for Europe to wake up. Because this is exactly how digital dependence looks like.
Whatever the exact security concerns, the political lesson is very clear. A technology that European companies, researchers and public authorities may need tomorrow, they might be just limited by a decision taken outside of Europe. It does not always come as a crisis. Sometimes it comes as a very simple update to terms of access, an export control decision or a model that suddenly just no longer available. The Commission's new tech sovereignty package is therefore a necessary step.
Europe needs stronger capacity in AI, cloud, semiconductors, and open source. But we should be honest. Announcing a package, it's not enough. We need implementation, investment, and public procurement that first of all helps European solutions to scale. And this is not about closing Europe.
No, we need partners, including in United States. But partnership cannot mean a structural dependence. If we want resilience, we must first of all build it ourselves. And if we want sovereignty, we must be ready to pay for it, organize it, and defend it.
Pernando Barrena Arza
Merci beaucoup, Pernando Barrena.
Good morning, thank you chair. The European technological sovereignty package means good news as it is allegedly aimed at strengthening Europe's digital autonomy and resilience. However, the package mainly supports a market-led expansion of data centers and artificial intelligence infrastructure, risking either market fragmentation between member states or the shift from third country dependencies like China or the USA to dependency on European oligopolies. Please be aware that the problem is not only that Europe takes sufficient chips, cloud and artificial intelligence infrastructure.
The political problem is that the Commission risks defining sovereignty mainly as an industrial and market objective instead of a democratic, social, and ecological objective. Our concerns so far: the balance between technological sovereignty and democratic control. Simplification cannot be a synonym for deregulation, as we are seeing in the AI Omnibus. The open source strategy must not remain symbolic but seriously taken. And the energy dimension of the package: we will reject any revival of nuclear power-based solutions.
So good intentions in the headlines, but a lot to be improved in the fine print. Thank you so much.
Siegbert Frank Droese
Herr Präsident, verehrte Kollegen, digitale Souveränität ist ein wichtiges Ziel. Europa darf bei der digitalen Infrastruktur, bei Halbleitern, bei Cybersicherheit nicht dauerhaft von den USA oder von China abhängig sein. Aber was die Kommission daraus macht, ist nahezu immer das Gegenteil von echter Souveränität. Immer neue Regulierung, immer neue Zentralisierung, immer neue Kontrollinstrumente und neue Behörden. Souveränität entsteht durch innovative und starke Unternehmen, fairen Wettbewerb ohne Green Deal Fesseln, technologische Offenheit und nationale Handlungsfreiheit, aber eben nicht durch Bürokratie und Planwirtschaft aus Brüssel.
Negatives Beispiel dafür ist der digitale Euro. Der wird uns als Modernisierung verkauft, wird aber tatsächlich von niemandem verlangt oder gebraucht und birgt für das Bargeld und für die finanzielle Freiheit der Europäer erhebliche Risiken. Der digitale Euro ist erstens ein Experiment, zweitens ein staatliches kontrolliertes Zahlungsmittel und wird drittens der Einstieg in Überwachung und programmierbares Geld sein. Wer digitale Resilienz haben will, muss die Freiheit der Menschen in Europa beachten. Der Kommission dagegen geht es immer zuerst und überall um absolute Kontrolle, genau das Gegenteil von Freiheit.
Vielen Dank.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Au terme de ce premier tour d'orateurs des groupes politiques, je donne la parole à Madame la Vice-Présidente.
Henna Virkkunen
Thank you very much, honorable chair, honorable members. I very much agree what many of you said, that Europe is really having everything what is needed to be competitive in technologies. So I think it's important that we are building to our own strengths. It's good to also underline that we have really world-class science and research in Europe. We have very strong industrial base in Europe.
We have also huge potential in our startups. We have 45,000 startups with great ideas. But now we have to be sure that and make sure that our startups, they are able to scale up their businesses in Europe.
businesses in Europe and that's why we have to focus very much to our single market really to remove the barriers between member states, really to accelerate our savings and investments union to attract investments and also to make Europe easy and faster for the businesses by cutting red tape and bureaucracy from our businesses. And in the same time we have to use much more actively also public procurement to boost our own homegrown technologies in Europe and of course via using open source we can really do that. And it's important also to underline like many of you said that tech sovereignty, that it's not about isolation or protectionism, but we seek certainly that we have to build up our own capacities in critical fields like in AI, in semiconductors, also in quantum computing, cybersecurity technologies, in space technologies.
So these are very critical technologies where we have to have our own capacity, but in the same time, we want to work very closely with our trusted partners, because nobody can't be competitive alone. So we need always our partners. So this package is very much about resilience and security of European Union, because we want to be sure in the same time we are when we are open for investments, open for trade, that these very long global supply chains, they can't be weaponized against us, that we have also our own capacity, we have alternatives and nobody isn't having so-called kill switch element to our critical technologies.
Presidente, querida Vicepresidenta, quiero comenzar compartiendo tres noticias recientes.
Pilar del Castillo Vera
Primero, hace unos días, uno de los principales desarrolladores de IA en el mundo restringió formalmente el acceso a sus modelos más avanzados. Segundo, la semana pasada, China anunció una inversión de casi 300.000 millones de dólares en una red nacional de centros de datos, exigiendo que al menos el 80% de la tecnología utilizada proceda de proveedores nacionales. Y en los últimos meses hemos visto cómo Irán señalaba infraestructuras de computación en la nube en Baréin y Dubái como objetivos militares. Tres ejemplos diferentes que hablan de una misma realidad.
La soberanía tecnológica no es solo una cuestión de competitividad, que también, pero es asimismo una cuestión estratégica y de seguridad. Por eso es fundamental que la ambición de esta propuesta se traduzca en resultados concretos.
Primero, el objetivo de triplicar nuestra capacidad computacional para 2030 no puede admitir retrasos. Segundo, reducir nuestra dependencia de proveedores externos de semiconductores exige algo más que identificar vulnerabilidades. Necesitamos objetivos claros y mecanismos que permitan medir los avances realizados. Por último, la coordinación entre política energética y tecnologías digitales no es una opción, es un imperativo. Esto es un primer paso.
Estamos en la buena dirección, aunque el futuro no depende de las intenciones, sino de los resultados. Muchas gracias.
Elena Sancho Murillo
Gracias, presidente, querida vicepresidenta.
Por fin tenemos sobre la mesa el paquete, el tan esperado paquete de soberanía tecnológica en un momento en el que Europa sigue dependiendo en más de un 80% de infraestructuras digitales controladas fuera de la Unión, lo que también supone un coste estimado de 264.000 millones de euros. El Cloud and AI Development Act es su pieza central. Pero su enfoque creemos que sigue siendo demasiado débil. El diseño por niveles de esa soberanía cloud no reduce de forma real la dependencia y deja amplias partes del sector público que van del 70 al 99% en manos de grandes proveedores extranjeros.
En la práctica, los hyperscales siguen dominando el cloud, la inteligencia artificial y la infraestructura de centros de datos que sostienen nuestra economía digital. Y eso es clave. Los centros de datos no son solo infraestructura técnica. Son el núcleo físico del poder digital europeo donde se decide quién controla los datos, la continuidad del servicio y nuestra resiliencia ante crisis o presiones externas. Si queremos una soberanía digital real, este paquete debe pasar de la gestión del riesgo a la construcción de la propia capacidad europea.
Muchas gracias.
Younous Omarjee
Merci. Please, please, Madame Sancho-Berro, you have a request for blue card from Piotr Müller. Piotr Müller for blue card. No, okay. Okay, donc nous continuons la discussion, András László.
András László
When it comes to digital sovereignty and innovation in the digital sector, the EU is lagging far behind the United States and increasingly behind China too. And this has been the case for a very long now. In Europe we lack enough software and hardware engineers, chip manufacturing is limited, expensive energy makes investing in data centers in Europe unattractive, and so does overregulation. At best, the EU is copying innovation in tech to have European alternatives.
The problem is that the way innovation works is that those who pioneer innovation usually grab the largest market share. Copying digital innovation does not result in digital sovereignty. Therefore, the Commission's usual strategy of throwing money at the problem won't work either. Let me give you an example of how serious we are about digital sovereignty. This is an email we all received in our mailboxes.
Dear member, as of 4 June 2026, Qwant will replace Google as default search engine on the European Parliament computers in light with the Parliament's commitment to digital sovereignty and the protection of users' personal data. The problem is, the tutorial video added to the email explaining to you how to go through your different browsers and switch back your search engine to Google.
That's how serious we are. But let me give you also an example about the Commission's tech- tech savviness and commitment. President von der Leyen deletes her messages with Pfizer's CEO, and after investigation and pressure, what is the Commission spokesperson saying? That she had to free up space on her phone. This is not serious, this is embarrassing, incompetent.
Francesco Torselli
Onorevoli colleghi, onorevole Commissario, la sovranità digitale si raggiunge quando si possiedono tre cose: i dati, le infrastrutture e le capacità di difendere le infrastrutture e i dati. Oggi l'Europa si pone l'obiettivo ambizioso di raggiungerli tutti e tre. Io personalmente, mera opinione personale, sono molto molto convinto del terzo, un po' più scettico sul primo, sulla sovranità dei dati.
Ma ne aggiungerei un quarto. Noi dobbiamo individuare una via europea all'intelligenza artificiale, alle nuove tecnologie. Se noi partiamo per copiare o inseguire quello che gli altri fanno da vent'anni, partiamo sconfitti. Noi abbiamo dei settori in Europa in cui già primeggiamo. Penso alla sanità, alla manifattura, all'artigianato, all'agricoltura.
Ecco, l'applicazione dell'intelligenza artificiale e delle nuove tecnologie a questi settori deve essere la nostra via alla sovranità, non inseguire e copiare ciò che fanno gli altri. Grazie.
Younous Omarjee
Please, Mr. Torcelly.
Yes, you have a request for a blue card from Madame Grapini. Vous avez la parole.
Maria Grapini
Okay. Stimate coleg, suveranitatea tehnologică nu este o modă, nu este un moft, este o necesitate pentru, până la urmă, competitivitate și pentru securitate. Spuneați dumneavoastră că trebuie să avem o cale europeană pentru inteligența artificială. Cum găsim această cale? De ce am rămas în urma celorlalți, Statele Unite, China?
Care sunt propunerile dumneavoastră concrete, pentru că ne-a prezentat Comisia un program?
Ce vedeți că-i bun și ce-i rău? Mulțumesc.
Francesco Torselli
Grazie mille. Put your headphone please. Grazie mille collega. Io credo che la soluzione stia in quello che sia io che lei abbiamo detto. Cioè trovare la via europea.
Non credo che limitare semplicemente l'utilizzo di tecnologie altrui o peggio pensare di farci in casa tecnologie altrui che già sono sicure sia una soluzione. Noi sappiamo che esistono tecnologie non sicure. Su quello dobbiamo essere pronti a tutto pur di diventare autonomi e indipendenti da quelle tecnologie anche hardware e non solo software. Per questo attendiamo tutti con grande fervore il prossimo Chips Act. Ma la via europea sta nell'essere originali e non copie di chi esiste già al mondo.
Grazie mille.
Bart Groothuis
Merci beaucoup, Bart Groothuis.
Thank you, Chair. Dear Commissioner, sometimes it takes a political stunt to get things moving. Kennedy's moonshot speech, of course, or the creation of Airbus, bold declarations that precede the reality they eventually created. So did the first EU Chips Act. It was ambitious, but it didn't get things moving yet because it forgot to address the demand.
Who was going to buy those advanced chips? I'm glad the new Cloud and AI Development Act nudges European governments away from American cloud providers and toward European alternatives. This at least puts some demand at the table. But real demand, colleagues, doesn't come from governments. Real demand comes from the market.
And right now, building and training European large language models with the most advanced AI chips is currently effectively impossible within the EU. And at least if you intend to follow laws and rules like the Copyright Directive or the GDPR.
So here's the stunt. Here's the moonshot. Here's the Airbus moment of our time. Clear the runway for European AI to grow on European soil and get things moving. Deregulate.
Thank you very much.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Mr. Bart Groothuis, oui, vous avez une demande de blue card venant de Dirk Gotink. Bien sûr. Je vous donne la parole. Allez-y.
Voilà, parfait.
Dirk Gotink
Ça va, en néerlandais. Meneer Groothuis, dank u wel. U zegt terecht dat er een moonshot moment nodig is. Dat er heel veel gebouwd moet gaan worden. Niet alleen in de utilities kant, gewoon de hardware, maar ook in de software.
En u zegt ook, daarvoor moeten we veel verder gaan eigenlijk dan de vereenvoudigingsagenda die we nu op een aantal punten hebben. Kunt u daar nog wat meer over zeggen? Want wat ons betreft, wat ons betreft komt er, is het niet een strijd tussen belangen over milieubescherming aan de ene kant en onze digitale soevereiniteit aan de andere.
Het gaat over temporaliteit. Gaan we nu investeren, nu bouwen, zodat we straks ook beter kunnen beschermen? Hoe ziet u dat?
Bart Groothuis
Kijk, het bouwen van neurale netwerken verhoudt zich niet met de GDPR. Die vereist doelbinding. Je weet van tevoren niet hoe je een redenering opbouwt namens een ander persoon. Dus de GDPR moet worden aangepast. De Copyright Directive verhindert het bouwen van een Large Language Model.
De grote vraag in Europa komt alleen naar geavanceerde chips en naar technologie voort uit het bouwen van eigen Large Language Models. Zolang wij niet dereguleren, krijgen we dat niet van de grond. En deze Tech Sovereignty Package is een goede eerste aanzet, maar dat is bij lange na niet wat er moet gebeuren om de echte vraag van de grond te krijgen.
Dat is mijn pleidooi en ik hoop dat we de steun van de collega's daarvoor krijgen. Dank u.
Alexandra Geese
Merci beaucoup Alexandra Geese.
President, Commissioner, colleagues. Gestern hat die US-Regierung Anthropic verboten, ihr KI-Spitzenmodell für Nicht-Amerikaner anzubieten, Europa eingeschlossen.
Das Modell übrigens, das Anthropic den europäischen Behörden wochenlang nicht einmal zur Prüfung vorgelegt hat. Für diese US-Regierung sind wir keine Partner, sondern Feinde. Und spätestens jetzt müssen doch alle verstehen, wie gefährlich unsere Abhängigkeit von ausländischer Technologie ist. Vorletzte Woche hat die Kommission endlich das Paket zur technologischen Souveränität vorgelegt, für das sich dieses Parlament lange eingesetzt hat. Aber dieses Paket enttäuscht, denn ein klares Bekenntnis zu Innovation und Sicherheit Made in Europe fehlt in diesem Paket.
Wir müssen doch endlich den Elefanten im Raum angehen. US-Tech-Konzerne sind keine Trusted Partners mehr. Sie streben gemeinsam mit US-Präsident Trump nach der Weltherrschaft des Stärksten und der Abschaffung einer regelbasierten Weltordnung und Wirtschaft. Unsere Bürgerinnen und Bürger in Europa verdienen etwas Besseres. Aber dafür müssen wir, muss dieses Parlament jetzt kämpfen.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Madame Giese, oui, vous avez une demande de carton bleu venant de Monsieur Piotr Müller.
Piotr Müller
Szanowni państwo, cieszę się, że dzisiaj rozmawiamy o suwerenności cyfrowej, tylko suwerenności cyfrowej nie będzie bez taniej energii. I chciałem właśnie zadać pytanie pani z Zielonych, ponieważ to wy jesteście jednymi ze współtwórców systemu ETS, który powoduje, że ceny energii w Europie są największe na świecie.
To Zieloni przez lata postulowali, żeby w Europie nie było energii nuklearnej, która jest stabilna, która jest bezpieczna i która jest przewidywalna. Czy pani dzisiaj jest w stanie powiedzieć, że to był błąd z waszej strony? Bo właśnie te przewagi, które mieliśmy, jeżeli chodzi o cenę energii, straciliśmy przez waszą politykę.
Alexandra Geese
Thank you for that question. I mean, have you ever looked at the cost of nuclear energy? It's the most expensive form of energy. So do you want our citizens to subsidize that energy in order to have American AI so Elon Musk and Mark Zuckerberg and a lot of other US companies can make money? Because this is what's happening in the US.
In the US, it's the citizens who are paying higher electricity bills, and this is why they are revolting at AI.
Look at the numbers. What we can do in Europe, and this is where the Commission is looking in the right direction, is having more renewable energy. Big build-up of renewable energy, that's the way to go for Europe. Everything else will be too expensive.
Piotr Müller
Ja mam wrażenie, że Zieloni w ogóle nie wiedzą, jak działa system energetyczny. Chyba pani zdaje sobie z tego sprawę, że żeby działał system energetyczny w Europie i w każdym państwie, potrzebne są również stabilne źródła energii. Odnawialne źródła energii są ważnym elementem funkcjonowania systemu energetycznego, ale źródła stabilne, takie jak energia właśnie jądrowa, jest niezbędna do zachowania stabilności w systemie. Jeżeli wy tego nie widzicie, to nie dziwię się, że wy nie wiecie, jak zbudować suwerenność w Europie, jeżeli chodzi zarówno o sprawy cyfrowe, jak i o sprawy energetyczne. Jestem naprawdę tym zmieszany, że nadal nie wyciągacie wniosków z tych błędów.
Look at the prices of energy. Look how the French government has to subsidize energy. Nuclear energy is not an option. Who is going to pay for that? You know, this is exactly what in the US where they have atomic energy, they use gas and oil for AI with really serious devastating consequences for the climate.
Is this the world you want our kids to live in? You know that nuclear energy is too expensive and you don't need that kind of stability. Renewable energy and a good grid can give us everything we need. Thank you.
Zsuzsanna Borvendég
Merci beaucoup Madame Guezou, Zsuzsanna Borvendég.
Az EU digitális szuverenitásáról beszélünk, de valójában a Big Tech gyarmata vagyunk.
Fejlesztenünk kellene, de a migrációs és a háborús politika felemészti pénzügyi forrásainkat, a szankciók és a túlhajtott zöld átállás pedig megemeli az energiaárakat, így pótcselekvésként szabályozunk. Etikai kérdéseken vitatkozunk évekig, de hiába akarunk mi Grál-lovagok lenni, ha az általunk használt külföldi platformok nem tartják be szabályainkat. Az Anthropic például július 8-ától új adatvédelmi rendelkezést léptet életbe, amely lehetővé teszi, hogy jogi megkeresés nélkül átadja beszélgetési adatainkat külföldi kormányzati ügynökségeknek, megsértve ezzel a GDPR 6. és 48. cikkét.
A Nagy Testvér tehát figyel, és mi a polgáraink magánélethez való jogát sem tudjuk garantálni az etikus szabályainkkal. A szuverenitást azzal kell kezdeni, hogy rászorítjuk a Big Tech cégeket a törvényeink betartására.
Alin Mituța
Merci, Alin Mituta.
Madam Commissioner, colleagues, well, if we are serious about competitiveness, building state-of-the-art digital infrastructure is a necessity, but is not enough. Europe does not need fiber, 5G, cloud capacity only to tick targets on a scoreboard.
We need them to be used at full capacity for our businesses, researchers, hospitals, industry, and public services. Too often, when the Commission is bold, the Council becomes mellow. Too often, when we promise simplification, we multiply reporting, and too often, when we say we deliver for consumers, we reduce the debate to low prices for internet entertainment. But serving citizens means building a vital digital economy that produce value, multiplies jobs, and keeps innovation in Europe.
Decoupling from the rest of the world is not possible. Unlocking our own market potential is possible, as well as helping market forces work across borders or giving predictability to investment. Europe does not need isolation or overregulation to be sovereign. Europe needs digital infrastructure that is built, scaled and put to good use. Thank you.
Nicola Zingaretti
Su ogni epoca incombe il rischio di costruire un mondo disumano e più ingiusto. Con queste parole si apre l'enciclica di Papa Leone XIV Magnifica Umanità.
L'allarme non è certo verso l'innovazione digitale o l'intelligenza artificiale, ma verso chi la crea, chi la governa e a quali fini la utilizza. Se il controllo è in mano alle democrazie per il bene comune e la dignità dell'umano o ai privati per il dominio di pochi ed esclusivamente per il profitto. L'Europa è in ritardo, regola tecnologie che non ha creato e non possiede a sufficienza i dati e gli strumenti utili. Ora abbiamo iniziato. Bene, ma dobbiamo correre.
L'autonomia strategica richiede unità, grandi investimenti comuni, mercato unico, garanzia di una diffusione dell'innovazione dal laboratorio fino al territorio e quindi partecipazione. Allora, e solo allora, l'Europa potrà trovare anche su questo il suo ruolo nel mondo per difendere anche nel futuro i suoi valori: libertà, uguaglianza e la democrazia.
Ondřej Knotek
Merci beaucoup, Ondřej Knotek.
Vážený pane předsedající, vážená paní komisařko, aktuální americký zákaz přístupu k nejpokročilejším modelům AI ukazuje, jak závislí jsme na zahraničních technologiích a jaké důsledky pro naši konkurenceschopnost to může mít. Je pozitivní, že Komise přichází s kroky pro rozvoj umělé inteligence v EU. Pro vlastní bezpečnost potřebujeme evropská řešení, evropskou digitální infrastrukturu a evropské pokročilé čipy.
Ale dovolte mi tři poznámky. První poznámka, potřebujeme skutečnou geografickou vyváženost a věřím, že podpořen bude i dobře připravený projekt AI Gigafactory v České republice. Za druhé, Spojené státy a Čína už nám ujely o řadu koňských délek a ten náskok budeme stahovat velmi obtížně. Evropská unie si za to může sama, přehnali jsme to s regulací evropské umělé inteligence. A za třetí, digitální autonomie nesmí znamenat úplné uzavření před světem.
Je pro nás klíčové i nadále úzce spolupracovat s partnery, jako je Jižní Korea, Japonsko nebo Tchaj-wan.
Michał Kobosko
Panie przewodniczący, pani przewodnicząca, dla wielu koleżanek i kolegów to, co wydarzyło się w piątek w sprawie Atropica, to szok i niedowierzanie. Przyznam, że sam byłem tym wstrząśnięty. Ale nas polityków nie wybrano po to, żebyśmy byli zaszokowani, bo widzimy jasno, że ta sytuacja to żaden przypadek. To kolejny przykład, jak polityka transakcyjna wykorzystuje uzależnienia jako broń masowego rażenia. Nie ma znaczenia, czy chodzi o energię, surowce, amunicję czy sztuczną inteligencję.
To jest nowy świat, w którym żyjemy i dla naszego bezpieczeństwa powinniśmy przyjąć, że tak już po prostu będzie.
Naszym następnym krokiem musi być rozmowa o tym, co z tym zrobimy. Europa musi zacząć budować swoją niezależność cyfrową krok po kroku. Propozycje Komisji są być może zbyt słabe, zwłaszcza gdy popatrzymy na przyjętą przez ten Parlament w styczniu rezolucję w sprawie suwerenności technologicznej, której byłem współautorem. Ale od czegoś trzeba zacząć, więc zacznijmy od wsparcia dla otwartego oprogramowania, open source first, i kreowania popytu na europejskie usługi chmurowe. A potem pójdźmy dalej.
W ramach prac nad aktem o sieciach cyfrowych wzmocnijmy europejskich graczy cyfrowych. Tylko tyle i aż tyle, żebyśmy poczuli się trochę bezpieczniej.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Vous avez une demande, please, please, dear colleague, you have a request for blue card from Jörgen Warborn. Vous avez la parole.
Jörgen Warborn
Thank you very much. You mentioned open source, and I like open source very much. But I also like closed source or proprietary software. Ultimately, I think it is a business decision that the entrepreneurs, the European entrepreneurs, should take themselves. But why are you pushing so much for incentivizing open source?
Wouldn't that limit the European businesses to make their choice, and that limitation might actually hamper the competition of European businesses and European prosperity?
Michał Kobosko
Bardzo dziękuję za to pytanie. Ja uważam, że wszyscy odbiorcy i prywatni i biznesowi muszą mieć wybór i powinni mieć wybór. To co wydarzyło się w piątek z Anthropic'iem było precedensem, ale bardzo łatwo po tym precedensie wyobrazić sobie, że to samo pewnego dnia wydarzy się z innym oprogramowaniem zamkniętym. Na przykład pewnego dnia zostaniemy pozbawieni prawa do korzystania z oprogramowania biurowego, z którego wszyscy korzystamy. Dlatego trzeba wspierać możliwości alternatywne.
Te możliwości alternatywne dają europejskie firmy i europejskie rozwiązania, a zatem i rozwiązania zamknięte i rozwiązania otwarte.
Reinier Van Lanschot
Colleagues. In Star Wars, the most powerful machine in the galaxy is called the Death Star. AI may not be the Death Star yet, but it's definitely not a simple digital service anymore. It's infrastructure for our economy, our research, and security. So Trump's decision to block our access to Anthropic's most advanced AI models is no surprise.
But if Washington can cut us off, it means we're not on the Death Star, we're in its sight. But there is a new hope. Although the Empire kept building bigger and louder, it was outflown by rebels in smaller X-wings who were simply smarter and better.
For European tech sovereignty, our edge is never going to be bigger and louder. The European way is always going to be smarter and better. So let's not try to imitate the Death Star, let's build X-wings. Commissioner, how will you create the conditions that enable Europe to build? I believe we can do it.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Please, Mr. Van Lanschot. Yes, you have a request for a blue card from João Oliveira. João Oliveira, vous avez la parole. Allez-y.
En portugais. Allez-y.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, Presidente. Senhor Deputado Van Lanschot, a pergunta que quero fazer-lhe é de saber se, substituindo gigantes multinacionais tecnológicas americanas por outras de origem europeia, se nós resolvemos o problema do desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico estar condicionado, aprisionado, limitado pelo objetivo do lucro em que essas empresas naturalmente operam num quadro de funcionamento do mercado, ou se, pelo contrário, precisamos de fazer um investimento nas estruturas públicas, nos centros de investigação, nas universidades, garantindo que a ciência e a tecnologia ficam mesmo ao serviço da solução dos problemas das sociedades.
Reinier Van Lanschot
Thanks a lot for this question. I think it is possible for Europe to create our own European tech stack and become entirely sovereign. For the first time in decades, there are actually more people, talented people, coming from the US to Europe than there are going from Europe to the US because Europe is simply a better place to live, and talent is an essential factor in creating our own European tech stack.
That's one element, but if we also fix the Capital Markets Union and create a well-functioning 28th regime, our successful companies can actually scale. So there are a lot of possibilities that we can do it according to our own values. Thank you.
Rada Laykova
Thank you, Mr. President. Three races are underway: money, intelligence, and biology.
And the European Union has entered none of them as a builder. The European Union passed the world's first comprehensive AI Act and called it leadership. And the result is that American companies are building EU-only product tiers, which are slower, weaker and sometimes even absent from our market. While the EU is writing the rules, the rails are being built elsewhere. Our stablecoins are American.
Our EU data boundary is Microsoft's architecture. Meanwhile, China built mBridge, the US built BioRadar concepts and stablecoin dominance. Both are racing to control the rails of money, intelligence and biology.
And Europe is racing to control the paperwork. Sovereignty is not a regulation. It is owning the chips, the models, the payment rails, and the biosurveillance networks. That's the actual infrastructure of the next century.
Younous Omarjee
Merci, Madame Lajkova. Vous avez, please, Madame Lajkova, you have a request from Bruno Gonçalves. Mr. Gonçalves.
Bruno Gonçalves
Thank you very much, Ms. Lajkova. You have mentioned that EU is lagging behind and I have to agree with you. But I also have to remind you that you sit with the sovereigns, the ones that were cheering for Trump in the beginning of this mandate.
And therefore you have not even mentioned one of the topics that has been worked on under the cloud and artificial intelligence development act that has been proposed by the Commission. So instead of sitting on the way of criticizing the EU every time, I would just ask you for a simple one measure to improve the capacity and competitiveness, and don't come with the paperwork because you can do much better than that. Thank you.
Rada Laykova
First I want to remind you that Europe and the European nations do not come down to the EU, and if this EU model comes to an end, then Europe will not cease to exist. And we talk about sovereignty and we talk about sovereignty in digital infrastructure. And our solutions is more power to the nation state, as you know, because this is the only way that decisions can be made and implemented, the only way that the decisions that are being made in Brussels, in Frankfurt, that force our countries to enter the Eurozone, my country Bulgaria, are not going to be into place.
Younous Omarjee
Merci. Merci beaucoup. Nous avons bien compris votre réponse. Lukas Mandl.
Lukas Mandl
Vielen Dank, Herr Vorsitzender, liebe Frau Vizepräsidentin Henna Virkkunen, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Europas digitale Souveränität ist wichtig für die Zukunft, nicht weil Europa sich abschotten soll, sondern weil Europa Stärke nach außen entwickeln muss, um den kooperativen Ansatz Europas zu leben, auch gegen den konfrontativen Ansatz, den so viele Teile der Welt heute versuchen. Sie werden von Anthropic gehört haben, möglicherweise die stärkste Applikation der künstlichen Intelligenz, die es heute gibt. Und die USA haben erst in der vergangenen Woche entschieden, dass Anthropic nicht mehr außerhalb der USA zum Einsatz kommen darf. Das ist ein weiteres Warnsignal für unsere europäische Innovationskraft und damit für unsere zukünftige Wirtschaftskraft und für die Chancen der jungen Menschen in Europa und auch für die Zivilisation unserer Art mit sozialen Sicherungssystemen.
Alles das hängt davon ab, dass Unternehmen in Europa ihre Künstliche-Intelligenz-Applikationen entwickeln können, trainieren können. Es ist auch ein subsidiärer Vorgang, ein Vorgang der Subsidiarität, dass der einzelne Betrieb, die einzelne Organisation ihre eigenen KI-Applikationen trainiert. Wir müssen junge Menschen, besonders Mädchen und Frauen, für naturwissenschaftliche Fächer begeistern. Wir müssen Regulierung reduzieren, selbstverständlich den ethischen Rahmen für Europa halten, und wir müssen es schaffen, dass in Europa investiert wird, auch durch den Kapitalbinnenmarkt für Künstliche Intelligenz auf unserem Kontinent.
Tak, kommissær.
Christel Schaldemose
Digital suverænitet handler om vores økonomi, men det handler også om at beskytte vores demokrati. Vi har set, hvordan tech-giganternes algoritmer har betydning for valg i Europa. Og vi ved, at både amerikanske og kinesiske tech-giganter spiller en stadig større og ikke særlig god rolle i Europas økonomi.
EU skal derfor turde investere massivt i den digitale infrastruktur, så vi også i Europa kan blive en del af det teknologiske kapløb og dermed blive mere uafhængige. Europa må aldrig ende i en situation, hvor vores demokratiske debat og digitale infrastruktur kan slukkes af aktører i Kina, i Rusland eller i USA. I Danmark har vi taget et vigtigt skridt med vores AI-supercomputer Gefion. Den giver os adgang til avanceret regnekraft og et konkret eksempel på, hvordan Europa kan investere i sin egen digitale kapacitet frem for at være afhængig af andre. Det er sådan, vi sikrer vores suverænitet og dermed vores demokrati.
Tak.
Tobiasz Bocheński
Szanowni Państwo, cóż za debata, ile wielkich słów, jak z Szekspira: słowa, słowa, słowa. Napinacie mięśnie, grozicie całemu światu, a to wy jesteście odpowiedzialni za dzisiejszą sytuację. Na pięć największych firm zajmujących się AI nie ma żadnej europejskiej. Na dziesięć jest jedna. Ile jest wielkich firm zajmujących się produkcją komputerów kwantowych?
W pierwszej piątce światowej ani jednej europejskiej. W pierwszej dziesiątce jedna z Unii Europejskiej. Dlaczego tak jest? Dlatego, że innowacyjność, kreatywność, rozwój nie biorą się z regulacji.
Nie biorą się z podatków i nie biorą się z wysokich cen energii. A za wszystkie te elementy odpowiadacie wy szanowni państwo i ten pakiet i ta komisja nic nie zmienią. Nic nie wprowadzą nowego. To co trzeba zmienić to większość w tym parlamencie i Komisji Europejskiej, a gdy je wymienimy i dokonamy deregulacji to może Unia Europejska zacznie się rozwijać. Dziękuję bardzo.
The big AI innovation is happening outside the EU and after the cutoff of Europe from the latest Anthropic models, really everyone must see how vulnerable and dependent we are.
Svenja Hahn
And yet the voices that cry the loudest over the lack of powerful European AI, the voices that call for European tech sovereignty and mean protectionism, those are the same voices that push the hardest against cutting red tape for European companies. The rest of the world is way ahead of us, and I'm going to say it to everybody who really believes that innovation can thrive in the shadow of the wall of protectionism that you want to build.
Look at the history, look how it made people poorer and countries fall apart. Cutting red tape is not about giving in to China, to the US or to big tech. It's about giving room for innovation for our European companies. Tech sovereignty we will reach through deregulation, lower taxes, more and affordable energy and more capital, so that our smartest minds can just go and innovate.
Jüri Ratas
Merci beaucoup, Jüri Ratas.
Austatud president, head ametikaaslased, hea komisjoni asepresident.
Kõigepealt mul on väga hea meel tehnoloogilise suveräänsuse paketi ettepaneku üle. See on kindlasti kauaoodatud samm, mida Euroopa on oodanud ja Euroopa digitaalse autonoomia ja vastupidavuse tugevdamiseks me väga vajame. Euroopa digisuveräänsus toetab tegelikult meie ambitsiooni saada tehisintellekti mandriks ja aidata ehitada jätkusuutlikumat digitaalset tulevikku. Ma arvan, et tegelikult põhiküsimus on selles, et kas me usaldame, kas me oleme ühiskonnana, Euroopa Liiduna selleks valmis ja kas me suudame pakkuda piisavat turvalisust.
Viimased arengud tehisintellekti vallas, sealhulgas piirangud juurdepääsule kõige arenenumatele mudelitele, on näidanud, kui kiiresti võib Euroopa sattuda sõltuvusse tehnoloogiast, mida me ise ei kontrolli. Ka minu koduriigis Eestis, kus üle 99 protsendi avalikest teenustest on saadaval digitaalselt, teame me väga hästi, kui oluline on usaldusväärne ja turvaline digitaalne taristu. Ka meie ökosüsteem sõltub väikestest arvutusvõimsustest ja väliste platvormide otsustest. Ja minu tegelikult küsimus ongi komisjonile, et kuidas te tagate, et juurdepääs suurele arvutusvõimsusele ja Euroopa tehisintellekti arenduseks mõeldud ressursid ei koonduks üksnes suurte tegijate kätte?
Aitäh.
Dan Nica
Mulțumesc, domnule președinte. Doamna comisar, inteligența artificială trebuie să fie în sprijinul oamenilor, pentru oameni și nu împotriva lor. Și când spun împotriva lor, asta înseamnă că sub nicio formă nu trebuie să acceptăm ca să existe vreo posibilitate ca inteligența artificială să ducă la pierderea locurilor de muncă, pe de o parte, iar pe de altă parte, să constituie o amenințare la adresa vieții private.
Din acest motiv, acest pachet este binevenit pentru că vine să stabilească niște reguli foarte clare. 1, care este partea de suveranitate și care este partea de integrare în Uniunea Europeană, care este partea de control, care sunt persoanele și oamenii care lucrează în inteligență artificială și centrele de cloud, iar pentru toate statele membre, inclusiv pentru România trebuie să existe această obligație de a avea planul național pentru cloud, pentru inteligență artificială, centre de expertiză și de excelență și în același timp mesajul trebuie să fie unul foarte clar. Și la Galați, și la Iași, ca și la Bruxelles, suveranitatea tehnologică este extrem de importantă.
Sandro Gozi
Merci, Monsieur le Président. Digital sovereignty is not a technical debate. It is a question of power. The decision by the Trump administration to restrict access to advanced AI models must be a wake-up call for Europe. Artificial intelligence is no longer just innovation.
It is a strategic asset, a matter of security, competitiveness, and geopolitical influence. So let us stop opposing regulation and innovation.
Europe's real weakness is not its new rules. It is the old fragmentation of our markets, the lack of a true capital markets union, and the unfinished single market. If we want sovereignty, we must invest, scale, and act together in AI, cloud infrastructure, digital payments, cybersecurity, defense, and digital Europe. Time is running out. Europe must move from dependence to sovereignty and from sovereignty to power.
Thank you very much.
Angelika Niebler
Vielen Dank, Herr Präsident, Frau Vizepräsidentin der Kommission, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen.
Europa muss unabhängiger werden, daran besteht kein Zweifel. Wir sind abhängig von IT-Dienstleistungen und Bauteilen von außereuropäischen Anbietern. Man denke nur zurück, 2021 hatten wir eine große Chipskrise, Bänder standen still, es gab Kurzarbeit in der Automobil- und Zulieferindustrie. Oder die jüngsten Entscheidungen aus USA, Anthropic muss Zugang zu seinem besten KI-Modell für alle Ausländer blockieren. Wer abhängig ist, macht sich erpressbar und das, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, dürfen wir nicht hinnehmen.
Die Kommission hat ein Paket zur technologischen Souveränität Europas vorgelegt mit einer ganzen Reihe von unterschiedlichen Maßnahmen zur Stärkung unserer europäischen Kapazitäten in den Bereichen Halbleiter, KI, Cloud und Open Source. Frau Vizepräsidentin, ich begrüße dieses Paket ausdrücklich, über Einzelheiten müssen wir natürlich sprechen, aber es ist ein gutes Paket. Wir müssen unsere Kapazitäten aufbauen, insbesondere unsere kritische Infrastruktur, aber wir dürfen dabei nicht protektionistisch sein. Souveränität ist wie ein Immunsystem, ist es gesund, schützt es.
Überreagiert es allerdings, dann greift es den eigenen Körper an. Wir brauchen die richtige Balance, auch angesichts der hohen Abhängigkeiten, die wir heute haben. Und liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, wir schließen Freihandelsabkommen mit vielen Regionen in der Welt. Wir haben vertrauenswürdige Partner. Diese dürfen wir nicht ausgrenzen, sondern müssen sie auch entsprechend bei unserem Aufbau einbinden.
Herzlichen Dank.
Birgit Sippel
Vielen Dank. Was bedeutet digitale Souveränität? Heute kontrollieren einige wenige Konzerne, gedeckt von ihrer Regierung, was wir sehen, wie wir zahlen, wer Zugriff auf unsere Daten hat. Menschen, ihre Daten sind der bloße Rohstoff für die Profite großer Unternehmen. Überwachungskapitalismus ist kein akzeptables Geschäftsmodell.
Personalisierte Werbung, undurchsichtige Algorithmen, gezielte Verbreitung extremistischer Inhalte, das sind gewollte Manipulationen, die gezielt gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhalt zerstören. Europa muss jetzt unabhängiger werden. Von Chips über Plattform-Messenger-Software bis hin zu Zahlungs- und Cloudsystemen. Ein Verbot personalisierter Werbung ist längst überfällig, ebenso die Einführung einer echten Digitalsteuer. Und bei fortdauernder Verletzung unserer Gesetze und Werte muss auch ein zumindest vorübergehender Ausschluss vom europäischen Markt greifen, als Signal für ein starkes Europa, für Vielfalt und Demokratie.
Vielen Dank.
Morten Løkkegaard
Kommissær, kolleger. Europa taler ofte om teknologisk uafhængighed, men uafhængighed er det virkelig et mål i sig selv? Hvis uafhængighed er lig med isolation, ja så er intet jo vundet. Ingen moderne økonomi bliver stærk ved at lukke sig om sig selv. Det afgørende spørgsmål er derfor ikke, hvordan Europa gør sig uafhængig af resten af verden.
Det afgørende spørgsmål, det er, hvordan Europa gør sig uundværlig for resten af verden. Vi skal skabe virksomheder, teknologi og løsninger, som andre er afhængige af. Vi skal udvikle de chips, kunstig intelligens og digital infrastruktur, som verden efterspørger. For Europas udfordring er ikke, at vi er for afhængige. Udfordringen er, at for få er afhængige af os.
Derfor skal vores ambition ikke være digital isolation. Vores ambition skal være europæisk teknologisk lederskab. For et stærkt Europa er ikke et Europa, der står alene. Det er et Europa, som verden ikke kan undvære. Tak.
Seán Kelly
Merci beaucoup, Seán Kelly.
Go raibh maith agat, a Uachtaráin, a Choimisinéir.
Whether we like it or not, AI is here to stay. AI will define our competitiveness and cybersecurity for years to come, and it would be naive to simply be AI customers. President Trump's decision to ban Anthropic's powerful Mitus model underlines the geopolitical importance of this technology. We were punished in 2022 because of our dependency on Russian gas. If data is the new oil, we cannot allow ourselves to be punished again.
Some promote investing vast amounts of European public money in the race to build a dominant frontier AI model.
Yet this would be hugely expensive and likely futile. Instead, we should focus on adoption in key sectors, investing in European sovereign computing power, and providing a stable and welcoming regulatory and investment environment to attract and integrate the leading models on our terms. This will give us competitiveness, cybersecurity for our critical services, and resilience, limiting the danger of worst-case scenarios. We need to be players, not customers.
Marc Angel
Merci beaucoup. Marc Angel.
Merci, Président. Dear all, what do digital tools in our public services, algorithms shaping public debates, and chatbots we use every day to guide our decisions have in common?
All too often, they are controlled by non-European actors. And that leaves Europeans as consumers of technology rather than masters of their own digital futures. As S&D, we support strengthening Europe's digital sovereignty and resilience. But technology, technological prowess alone does not deliver sovereignty. True digital sovereignty means that people remain in control and that technology serves democracy and the public interest.
And that is why we must defend and fully implement our digital rulebook rather than push a deregulation agenda that weakens privacy and protection.
We need to invest in European innovation and skills and bring key digital infrastructure under European control. Digital sovereignty must go hand in hand with democratic accountability, sustainability, and quality jobs. It will be delivered by a skilled, fairly paid European workforce and not by precarious labor or imported and outsourced expertise. Thank you very much.
Speaker 68
Wstyd, prawico! Kiedy tylko Europejczycy zostaną odcięci od czegoś, co spowoduje Trump, wybijecie mu brawo. Tydzień temu we wtorek świat dostał potężną i dostępną publicznie sztuczną inteligencję. A w piątek Waszyngton ją wyłączył. Ale komu?
Tym wszystkim, którzy nie są Amerykanami.
A polski prezydent Polacy nic się nie stało. To nie patriotyzm. To zgoda na odbieranie nam suwerenności i bezpieczeństwa. Partnerom zza oceanu musimy odpowiadać twardo, ale równocześnie budować własną technologię, własną sztuczną inteligencję. Polska nie da się wyłączyć, Europa nie da się wyłączyć i do posła Sikorskiego.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Merci beaucoup. Merci beaucoup. Merci beaucoup, Aurore Lalucq.
Aurore Lalucq
Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, ce réveil est tardif.
Faisons en sorte qu'il soit massif. 1,5 point de PIB. C'est ce qu'il part chaque année depuis le privé et le public vers les services numériques américains. Plus de 250 milliards. Dans ce contexte, évidemment, les Américains ont un coup d'avance.
On dit souvent que les produits européens sont pas à la hauteur. C'est entièrement faux et c'est insultant pour nos acteurs du numérique. La plupart du temps, quand on passe commande à des acteurs du numérique, ils n'ont pas encore le produit. Mais notre commande va leur permettre de les développer. Donc c'est de notre rôle, de notre responsabilité, pour être à la hauteur vis-à-vis des Européens, mais vis-à-vis aussi de nos talents qu'on doit protéger, de faire en sorte que la commande publique aille vers nos acteurs du numérique.
Et puis pourquoi pas aussi pour les grandes entreprises proposer à un moment un seuil vers les acteurs du numérique européen car il devient très dangereux aujourd'hui de travailler avec certains acteurs numériques américains. Et puis pour financer tout ça, on peut penser aussi à quelque chose qui s'appelle la taxation des géants du numérique. Merci beaucoup.
Wouter Beke
Meneer de voorzitter, mevrouw de vicevoorzitter van de Europese Commissie, collega's. Europa is vandaag te afhankelijk van anderen voor microchips, cloud en artificial intelligence. Zo domineren de Amerikaanse Big Tech de clouddiensten waarop Europese bedrijven beroep doen.
We zien telkens hetzelfde patroon. Het onderzoek gebeurt hier, de innovatie gebeurt hier, maar de economische meerwaarde die verdwijnt elders. Microchips zijn geen gewone producten. Ze zijn even strategisch als energie en grondstoffen. Dat hebben we geleerd tijdens de corona en bij elke geopolitieke crisis opnieuw.
Chips zijn vandaag na olie en voertuigen het meest verhandelde product ter wereld. De markt zal in 2026 de grens overschrijden van 1 biljoen dollar. Maar laat ons eerlijk zijn: volledige onafhankelijkheid voor Europa is een illusie en is ook niet wenselijk.
De vraag is niet of we alles zelf moeten doen. De vraag is hoe we Europa onmisbaar kunnen maken in de waardeketen, competitief kunnen zijn, beschermen zonder af te schermen. En daarvoor moeten we vertrekken van onze grootste troef en dat is onderzoek en innovatie. Europa heeft wereldspelers zoals IMEC, ASML, dat is het fundament van een sterke chipindustrie. Daarom ook een waarschuwing.
Het is goed dat deze Chips Act de vraag naar chips stimuleert via datacenters. Maar als die vraag wordt ingevuld door producenten buiten Europa omdat we niet competitief zijn, dan versterken we onze chipsector niet. Een sterke Chips Act bouwt niet alleen de vraag op, maar versterkt ook de Europese innovatie en industrie. Die vraag moeten we invullen. Dank u wel.
Kristian Vigenin
Merci, Christian Wiggenin.
Commissioner, colleagues, Europe needs digital sovereignty. We cannot remain dependent on foreign-owned platforms, cloud services, and critical technologies while speaking about strategic autonomy. But sovereignty is not simply about building more data centers or chip factories. True sovereignty means democratic control over our digital infrastructure. It means protecting citizens' data, defending our public sphere from disinformation, and ensuring that public investment creates public value, jobs, and resilience for Europe.
At the same time, we must be honest about the costs. As Europe faces record heatwaves, droughts and water shortages, and citizens are asked to save water and farmers struggle to irrigate their fields, Europe's technological sovereignty cannot be built by weakening climate ambition, cannot be built by increasing pressure on our energy grids or competing with citizens for water, which is already happening in some Member States. It must be sustainable and fair, where digital infrastructure, clean energy, quality jobs and climate action reinforce each other.
Ana Catarina Mendes
Merci, Monsieur le Président. Caros colegas, parece, senhora comissária, parece evidente deste debate que a soberania digital já não é apenas uma necessidade europeia, é mesmo uma urgência estratégica para a Europa. Dependemos de plataformas que não controlamos, de infraestruturas que não possuímos e de tecnologias desenvolvidas fora da Europa. E quem depende dos outros para comunicar, para inovar ou para proteger os seus dados não é verdadeiramente soberano. Esta dependência, como já aqui foi dito esta manhã, custa-nos milhões de euros e coloca em risco a nossa segurança, a proteção dos nossos dados e a nossa autonomia democrática.
O grupo S&D apoia por isso uma estratégia europeia ambiciosa para reforçar a soberania tecnológica. Mas sejamos claros todos neste debate. Soberania não significa apenas criar novos mercados ou subsidiar grandes empresas. Significa investir na capacidade europeia, proteger as infraestruturas críticas e garantir o controlo democrático sobre tecnologias que moldam a vida de milhões de cidadãos. É por isso que para podermos avançar é importante encontrar também os recursos próprios.
E por isso continuamos a defender e continuo a defender uma taxa digital, um imposto sobre os serviços digitais que contas da Comissão Europeia de 2024 rondariam por ano os 5 mil milhões de euros. Mas é imperiosa uma taxação dos lucros das grandes tecnológicas para conseguirmos verdadeiramente construir esta nossa soberania digital.
Porque tratar da nossa soberania digital é tratar da nossa democracia. Muito obrigada.
Sergey Lagodinsky
Dear colleagues, dear Vice-President, it's serious and I think many don't understand it. It is serious. What we've seen just a couple of days ago is the first time that the kill switch was used. If needed, United States can switch off 90% of the world from its frontier models. And frontier models are no more business models.
They are war models and defense models. And this must be clear to everyone. So what should we do? Number one, strategy, strategy, strategy. Gigafactories, what's happening with them?
Do we have special gigafactories for defense purposes? How will we deal with the models that will be there at the end? Number two, compute, compute and equity, equity. I applaud the Commission's efforts. I know about the 800 billion which are planned, but where will we get them?
Most of this is private money. And this should be made sure that this money will materialize.
And number three, standards, standards, standards. We don't want the backlash as we see in the United States with computer centers. Yes, we need computer centers, yes, we need more compute, but it should be sustainable. Thank you very much.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Avant d'ouvrir la procédure catch-the-eye, je vais donner la parole à Madame la Vice-Présidente pour deux minutes.
Henna Virkkunen
Thank you very much, Chair. Thank you, honorable members, for this, I think, very encouraging and lively debate, because you have illustrated also very well that why tech sovereignty is so crucial at this time and age.
Many of you was very much underlining how important it is to build up our own capacity on AI, and I very much, of course, agree. We have also great strengths here, because we have, for example, 30 percent more AI engineers per capita than USA, so we have a great talent pool. And also we have 8,000 startups which are developing and training AI. But one big obstacle for these companies has been that they haven't had access to computing capacity. And that's why it's so important that now we are investing together with our member states to 19 AI factories, and we are able to open up this computing capacity for our startups to train AI models in Europe.
And also in in very short time, we will now open also the official call for those gigafactories, and then we will able to have even much more computing power.
But AI factories it's not only about computing power, it's also bringing together high quality datasets to train AI and also talented people. And here I also wanna encourage Parliament also to proceed with our digital omnibus because we have to also clarify the rules to access to data because this is needed to train and develop AI models. Also encouraging developments we have seen in the businesses because in last year our AI uptake among our businesses in Europe it was increasing already 50 percent in last year.
But still we have to work especially with our key industrial sectors and public sector to support them also to uptake and use AI. So I want to very much assure you that the technological sovereignty package we have proceed it's not only about statement of ambition it's really concrete action plan and the work is already ongoing. And then just a small also notice about these very capable AI models which are now coming to the markets.
We are also working with the with the concrete list of actions also that what is needed to address the new cybersecurity threats with these new capable models. Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup Madame la Vice-Présidente. J'ouvre la procédure Catch-the-eye. Je ne pourrai pas donner la parole à tout le monde, de préférence à ceux qui ne se sont pas exprimés dans le débat. Et pour commencer, Sunčana Glavak.
Sunčana Glavak
Hvala vam lijepa poštovana povjerenice, kolegice i kolege. Procjene kažu da će nam trebati između pet i deset godina da dosegnemo zapravo ovaj zaostatak koji imamo za razvijenim zemljama u području umjetne inteligencije.
Ja smatram da nam ne treba samo digitalna transformacija, već digitalni suverenitet koji će osigurati i da ključne tehnologije umjetne inteligencije razvijamo, međutim da oni budu korisni i našem društvu. Jednako tako u skladu s europskim vrijednostima, ali vodeći računa i o našim interesima, o interesima naših kompanija, jer ne možemo graditi digitalnu budućnost samo na pretpostavci da će ključne tehnologije uvijek biti dostupne pod jednakim uvjetima i bez političkog rizika. Digitalni suverenitet ne znači da Europa mora sve sama. Naprotiv, to znači da u ključnim područjima ne smijemo ostati bez vlastitih mogućnosti.
I jednako tako ne smijemo dopustiti više da Europa bude nečija digitalna kolonija jer to nije samo tehnološko pitanje, to je pitanje europske otpornosti, gospodarske snage i našeg suvereniteta.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Vicepresidenta Bikunen, la proclamada autonomía estratégica requiere autonomía tecnológica que es la que da cobertura a esa soberanía digital que espera la iniciativa sobre una ley de chips europea, una ley de acceso a la nube que cree un balance adecuado entre competitividad y seguridad con infraestructuras tecnológicas que sean un verdadero bien público europeo.
Pero la parte más importante de todo el paquete y de las iniciativas pendientes es esa movilización de inversión de hasta 150.000 millones de euros para cerrar la brecha digital que ha hecho que la Unión Europea sea enteramente dependiente de las infraestructuras tecnológicas y de inteligencia artificial, sea de Estados Unidos, sea de China. Si queremos realmente que la Unión Europea afirme la autonomía tecnológica y la soberanía digital como un bien público europeo, esos 150.000 millones de euros son absolutamente imprescindibles para darle credibilidad y tiene que tener su reflejo en el próximo marco financiero plurianual y en los presupuestos anuales de la Unión en los próximos siete años.
Gracias, presidente.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Arvoisa puhemies. Oli aika, jolloin Nokian 3310 hallitsi maailmaa. Sen kestävyys ja luotettavuus synnytti legendan, joka elää vieläkin. Sittemmin Nokian matkapuhelinliiketoiminnan kuihduttua Suomen talouden toistuvana teemana on ollut kysymys: mistä saamme uuden Nokian? Osittain tähän kysymykseen voi löytää vastauksen, kun katsoo, mitä kysymystä lännessä nyt kysytään.
Kysymys kuuluu, että mistä saamme turvalliset tietoliikenneverkot.
Toimittajaksi on tarjolla vakoilupelkoakin herättänyt kiinalaisjätti Huawei. Raaka-aineissa ja tuotannossa olemme antaneet avaimiamme Kiinan diktatuurille. Se on ollut suunnatonta typeryyttä. Jos sallimme diktatuurilähtöisen verkkoyhteydenkin soluttautua tänne, se on jo hengenvaarallista typeryyttä. Onneksi meillä on myös toinen vaihtoehto.
Se sama 3310-puhelimen kehittänyt, uuden aikakauden verkkoyhtiöksi kasvanut Nokia.
Stéphanie Yon-Courtin
Merci Monsieur le Président, Madame la Vice-Présidente exécutive européenne. Ça y est, la Washington nous a débranchés. Depuis vendredi, le modèle IA le plus puissant d'Anthropic a été désactivé pour tous les non-Américains au nom d'une conception floue et arbitraire de la sécurité nationale. Mais soyons honnêtes, la menace du kill switch qu'on redoutait tous est désormais réelle. Et face à l'ultrapuissance des géants de la tech, le contrôle de l'État pourrait se justifier.
Mais avouons que c'est assez comique venant d'un gouvernement américain anti-régulation de décider de contrôler. Et c'est inquiétant quand la mesure est prise de façon aussi arbitraire, sans consultation et sans préavis. Et l'Europe dans tout ça ? Eh bien elle regarde, elle subit, elle est en état de vassalisation numérique.
Alors la question est simple : jusqu'à quand ? Jusqu'à ce qu'on nous coupe toutes les infrastructures pour paralyser nos transports, nos hôpitaux, nos paiements ? Pourtant l'Europe a les talents, l'Europe a le marché, elle a l'argent. Ce qui nous manque, c'est la volonté politique de stopper la perfusion américaine et d'investir dans une IA européenne souveraine et éthique. Alors en 2022, j'appelais à un Buy European Tech Act.
Ça faisait sourire, aujourd'hui tout le monde parle de préférence européenne. Allons donc plus loin sur l'Union de l'épargne et de l'investissement pour booster nos pépites et nos champions avec de l'argent frais. Merci beaucoup. Dernier orateur, João Oliveira.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, Presidente, Senhora Comissária Virkkunen. A humanidade precisa de mais cooperação e partilha de conhecimento científico e tecnológico para resolver problemas comuns na base do multilateralismo.
Não precisa da competição, concorrência e disputa capitalista pela supremacia tecnológica. A ciência e a tecnologia precisam de um forte suporte e enquadramento públicos e têm de ser orientadas para resolver e superar os problemas que afligem os povos, para elevar as suas condições de vida, para garantir a paz. Em sentido contrário, a entrega do desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico às multinacionais afunila e condiciona o seu aproveitamento, deixa-o refém das lógicas dos mercados e subordinado ao objetivo de acumulação do lucro, à mercê da aplicação prioritária na indústria da guerra e da morte.
Todos os povos têm o direito soberano ao desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico. Essa é a razão para recusar que países europeus estejam reféns dos Estados Unidos da América ou que países como Portugal fiquem reféns dentro da União Europeia da Alemanha, da França ou de qualquer outro país mais desenvolvido.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Merci à tous pour votre participation nombreuse à ce débat vivant et animé avec beaucoup de blue cards, six au total.
Le débat est clos et l'ordre du jour appelle à présent la déclaration de la vice-présidente de la Commission, haute représentante de l'Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité, le rôle de l'Union européenne dans les efforts en faveur de la paix et de la stabilité dans l'ensemble du Proche-Orient après l'annonce de l'accord entre les États-Unis et l'Iran. Je tiens à rappeler aux intervenants que compte tenu des mesures de test actuellement en place que nous venons d'éprouver et de l'heure impérative de fin du débat, il sera nécessaire de respecter strictement le temps de parole. Je souhaite la bienvenue à Madame la haute représentante et vice-présidente Kaja Kallas et j'ai le plaisir de lui donner la parole. Merci.
Kaja Kallas
Dear President, honorable members. For the past two days, there have been grounds for cautious optimism regarding the situation in the Middle East. The announcement of the deal between United States and Iran to end the war and reopen the Strait of Hormuz could be a breakthrough. It has the potential to create space for deeper talks on other critical issues, including Iran's nuclear program and regional stability.
And once fully implemented, this agreement should also contribute to easing pressures on global energy markets. While the details regarding the scope and timeline of the MOU are still emerging, one thing is clear: for any settlement to be sustainable, it must be fully consistent with international law and implementation must be verifiable. The Strait of Hormuz has to become again open and toll-free. I commend the mediation efforts led by Pakistan and Qatar, as well as the constructive engagement of Oman, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Egypt.
Their diplomacy has been essential in preventing an all-out war and arriving at the deal. Honorable members, in recent days I've been speaking with many of my counterparts from these countries to explore how the EU can contribute to the next phase. From economic leverage and technical expertise on nuclear issues to broader diplomatic engagement, the EU stands ready to support a sustainable resolution that advances regional stability while protecting our interests and security.
It is evident, however, that the most difficult phase of this process still lies ahead. The EU rejects any measures that would impose additional costs to the maritime shipping in the Strait of Hormuz. Moreover, we coordinate with partners worldwide to maintain a cohesive front against any attempt to limit freedom of navigation and weaken international law. Just last week, the Council adopted new listings targeting those involved in Iran's actions threatening the freedom of navigation. In parallel, our defensive naval operation Aspides continues to protect shipping in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, another key area to assert the freedom of navigation.
Yemen's Houthis continue to pose a dangerous threat to shipping. And this is why we now have a record number of ships on patrol in the area and we will remain vigilant. Beyond Iran, the situation in Lebanon remains highly fragile and requires continued international attention as a comprehensive deal is implemented. The ceasefire between Lebanon and Israel must hold as it is an opportunity to end the conflict, give diplomacy a chance and create the conditions for sustainable de-escalation. We will continue to support the Lebanese authorities, in particular in their determination to disarm Hezbollah.
Civilian populations in Israel and Lebanon deserve peace and stability. We must also maintain our full attention on the situation in Gaza and in the West Bank. Israel's latest plan to rapidly expand West Bank settlements are not in line with the international law and further undermine the prospects of a two-state solution. Regarding the trade with illegal settlements, yesterday at the Foreign Affairs Council, a large number of member states called for concrete proposals from the Commission and several said that they would want to work on proposals which give clarity on different possible ways forward.
I will convey this request at the college meeting and ask the Commission to prepare ahead of the next Foreign Affairs Council a list of options for possible trade measures, including measures aimed at preventing imports of goods originating from illegal settlements. I will also seek the Commission assessment on the scope of issues related to the rules of origin and other points raised by the member states. The EU remains steadfast in its support for the two-state solution as the only viable path to sustainable end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to lasting peace and security in the Middle East.
Regional normalization is a powerful incentive and should be accompanied by progress between Israelis and Palestinians. We see no progress in implementation of the Gaza peace plan, but the humanitarian crisis in Gaza is growing. We cannot wait longer. That is why the EU calls for the immediate and unhindered flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza and will support early recovery as soon as conditions allow. Hamas needs to decommission its weapons and border crossings need to be reopened fully in line with the comprehensive plan.
Dear President, honorable members, from Gaza to Lebanon and from Red Sea to the Strait of Hormuz, the EU will continue working with all partners to advance peace, security and prosperity for the benefit of our citizens and the people of the Middle East alike.
I thank you for your support and look forward to the debate. Thank you.
Herzlichen Dank. Für die EVP-Fraktion erhält nun das Wort der Kollege López Istúriz White.
Antonio López-Istúriz White
Thank you very much, Madam President, Madam Vice-President. The markets are happy. Oil industry is happy. But supporters of the Iranian regime are the happiest. Let me tell you in business language that is now so fashion what is really happening.
We are confronted with a classical negative business model. I create the problem, I give you the solution. Well, I have news for you all, the problem is there and this case, this ceasefire is a patch, is not the solution. The theocratic regime in Iran is alive and kicking. In classical economical terms, this is unfinished business.
Not only they survive, but they have learned how to use the Strait of Hormuz as a hostage. And now, as internet and communications are open between Tehran and its proxies, a campaign of terrorist attacks is to be expected in Israel, Gulf countries, and ladies and gentlemen, here in Europe. For the mullah regime, timing was essential. They don't have midterm elections, they don't care about markets, and they don't care about human loss.
Yes, they have sustained heavy losses, but remember, the real Iranian army is not in Iran, it's with their proxies. Believe me, because I have experience in the fight against terrorism, democratic fight against terrorism in my country, Spain. In the fight against terrorism, or you finish the job, or the job will try to finish you and your democracy. There is no middle ground. This is a wake-up call for us Europeans, like the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
To avoid what is coming to us, we must immediately coordinate our defense, intelligence, and security efforts in this new Middle East scenario. Help our allies in the region, those who understand much better than us that we are facing an existential threat: the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon, Israel, etc. Maintain our sanctions against the terrorist elements of the Iranian regime. This is essential in this fight. And also reduce dramatically our dependence on fossil oil from the Middle East from now immediately.
Thank you very much.
Vielen Dank. Für die S&D-Fraktion spricht nun der Kollege Sánchez Amor.
Nacho Sánchez Amor
Yes, Spanish, High Representative. Mire, en política decir las cosas como son tiene un valor y llamar a las cosas por su nombre es una virtud. Por eso hay que reconocer el acierto de la señora Kallas al denominar como apartheid lo que Israel hace con los palestinos. Es una obviedad, claro, por más que algunos ministerios se muestren falsamente escandalizados. A muchos nos hubiera gustado que esa frase se pronunciara en público, aquí, por ejemplo, en este Parlamento.
Porque este tipo de simple constatación de la realidad acerca la Unión a sus ciudadanos y comienza a reparar los daños de los dobles estándares a nuestra credibilidad.
Quienes desde el anonimato han criticado a Kallas por escapar de la trampa moral de la unanimidad defienden que la alta representante solo puede expresarse tras los acuerdos unánimes de los gobiernos, como una mera tomadora de notas o portavoz de acuerdos ya tomados. Para eso no hace falta una alta representante, un ChatGPT hubiera valido. Proponer acuerdos y expresar opiniones son parte de sus capacidades y lo hace frecuentemente sobre Rusia sin ningún tipo de queja. Los altos representantes mudos se acabaron con Borrell. Gracias.
Katarina Barley
Dankeschön. Für die PfE-Fraktion spricht der Kollege Tănăsoiu Correa.
António Tânger Corrêa
Madam President, High Representative, Madam Kaja Kallas. Dear colleagues, the announced deal between United States and Iran is being presented as a possible opening for peace and stability in the Middle East. But Europe must not confuse an agreement with peace, and it must not confuse diplomacy with weakness. If the European Union wants to play a serious role after this deal, it must begin by naming the real obstacles to peace with political clarity. On 5th of August 1980, Yasser Arafat, leader of the PLO, made the following statement: "Peace for us means the destruction of Israel.
We are preparing for total war, a war that will last for generations. We will not rest until the day we return to our home and until we destroy Israel. End of quote. This, ladies and gentlemen, is the root of the problem in the Middle East. It is called terrorism.
It is called hatred and it's called Hamas. It is called Hezbollah. It is called Muslim Brotherhood. Peace requires Hamas to be disarmed, Hezbollah to be declared terrorist in its entirety and disarmed, and the Muslim Brotherhood to be considered as a terrorist movement.
And the financing of structures that live off the destruction of Israel must be cut off. Without that, no peace deal can work in the region. So yes, Europe should support serious efforts to reduce tensions, but support cannot mean naivety. It means conditionality, transparency, and enforcement. Peace will not be born from submission to terror.
Peace will not be born from lies. Peace will begin when Europe says not one more euro, not one more excuse, not one more inch of legitimacy for those who live off the destruction of some countries. That is a first step towards peace, and that is Europe's duty. Thank you.
Dear colleagues, reports of MOU between the US and Iran are encouraging sign.
Rihards Kols
Even a rough framework is better than nothing and we should welcome any step that reduces the risk of wider war. The devil, however, is in the details. An arrangement with Iran alone will not automatically deliver regional stability.
Israel's security cannot be treated as an afterthought in any final deal, and that works both ways. And yes, those who sabotage fragile diplomacy through reckless unilateral action must be held accountable. We must equally consider the Gulf states. They are not bystanders. Their cooperation will be essential to any durable order, and the European Union should invest more seriously in those partnerships to protect our shared interest in open sea lanes and regional stability.
We are not watching this crisis from a distance, or at least we have been financially bleeding from this conflict. So yes, we need de-escalation.
A de-escalation that protects our allies, keeps vital trade routes open, and ensures that Hezbollah, Hamas, and other proxies do not use diplomacy as a cover to quietly rebuild. Thank you.
Danke schön. Für die Renew-Fraktion spricht nun die Kollegin Waltmans.
Hilde Vautmans
Dear colleagues, dear High Representative. Two weeks ago in the West Bank, Sam, a seven-year-old Palestinian baby, was shot in the face by an Israeli soldier. He's dead. And almost no one is speaking his name. Sam is dead because impunity in Israel and the occupied territories has made the lives of Palestinian children expendable.
Where soldiers and settlers kill without consequences, another Sam is only a matter of time. I wish I could stand here and tell you I'm proud, but I'm not. I'm ashamed as a Member of Parliament that we failed to prevent and to punish these crimes. I'm ashamed as a politician that there is no justice and barely a complaint raised about it. I'm ashamed as a mother that a seven-month-old baby can be shot in his mother's arms.
And I'm ashamed as a human being that we ignore the cries for help. So let's be courageous. Let's stop looking away. We must ban trade with Israel settlements and we must expand humanitarian aid for the more than three million Palestinians who are dependent on it in Gaza and the West Bank. We owe it to Sam.
Thank you very much.
Hannah Neumann
Sometimes honesty is the only way out, dear colleagues, so let's be honest. With Iran, there is a deal that they will start negotiating a deal. The Strait of Hormuz, which was open before the war, might reopen. In return, the Iranian regime gets sanctions relief and access to frozen assets while they continue to kill their own people. In Gaza, we have a ceasefire that is no ceasefire.
In the West Bank, violent settlers are burning down what remains of the possibility of a two-state solution. Beirut is being bombed. This is the madness you get when no one cares about international law anymore. And civilians pay the price in Gaza, Israel, Lebanon, and beyond. And Europe remains painfully divided.
Defending international law as we always have, that was Germany's bid during its campaign for the Security Council.
No surprise it failed. But why not prove it now at least in the European Council, Chancellor Merz, by applying international law consistently? Sanction Ben-Gvir and Smotrich. Stop violent settlers from profiting from privileged access to the European market and keep the sanctions on Iran for as long as this brutal regime remains in power. International law was not written for times of harmony.
It was written precisely for moments like this.
Katarina Barley
Dankeschön. Für die Linksfraktion spricht nun die Kollegin Boylan.
Lynn Boylan
Go raibh maith agat, a Uachtaráin. Yesterday, the EU Observer reported that as far back as 2017, the then Commission top lawyer was very clear: EU was legally entitled to suspend cooperation with Israel, such as Horizon Europe and Erasmus exchange, due to Israel's violations of international law. Almost 10 years and the EU has refused to act. We have witnessed a genocide in Gaza, the annexation of the West Bank, entrenchment of apartheid policies, racialised capital punishment, 1,000 Palestinians killed since the ceasefire, and in the first half of 2026, 88 attacks against Christians and Christian holy sites, and not to mention the 1 million displaced civilians in Lebanon. Yesterday, again, the Foreign Affairs Council took no action because of some member states.
So with all due respect to the German government, we are tired of hearing about your sensitivities. A heinous genocide against Jewish people perpetrated by an earlier generation cannot be used to justify an Israeli genocide against Palestinians. Your obstruction is making us all complicit.
And finally, I want to raise the issue of a ban on settlement goods and services. Because where is Maroš Šefčovič? Where is the proposal from the Commission based on Article 207 of the treaties? This is the bare minimum that we should be doing. The ICJ confirmed trade with the settlements is illegal.
Now we need the Trade Commissioner to turn up, do his job, and ban this illegal trade.
Alexander Sell
Wir diskutieren heute wieder mal über die Rolle der Europäischen Union im Mittleren Osten. Diese Debatte können wir uns sparen. Europa spielt keine Rolle. Weder in Washington noch in Teheran interessieren die Ratschläge von Frau von der Leyen oder von Frau Kallas. Besser wäre es, wenn Sie sich, Frau Kallas, endlich den Aufgaben widmen würden, die tatsächlich in Ihrem Einflussbereich liegen.
Warum haben Sie es denn in zwei Jahren Amtszeit nicht geschafft, mal einen europäischen Friedensplan für die Ukraine vorzulegen? Warum sind 5.000 Diplomaten in Ihrem Haus nicht in der Lage, eine diplomatische Lösung für den Krieg zu finden? Weil Sie eben keinen Plan haben und niemand Sie ernst nimmt.
Sie sind eine Frühstücksdirektorin, dazu noch eine sehr teure. Über eine Milliarde Euro kostet uns der Europäische Auswärtige Dienst im Jahr ohne jeglichen Nutzen. Wir teilen deshalb die Meinung der französischen Regierung, wonach Ihre Behörde verzichtbar ist.
Europa braucht keine Außenministerin und kein Außenministerium. Die Bürger in Deutschland und Europa werden gerade überall zum Sparen aufgefordert. Wir sollten mit gutem Beispiel vorangehen und da anfangen, wo es nicht wehtut und wo es auch niemand merkt: bei der Kommission.
Das war der letzte Beitrag in der Reihe der Fraktionssprecherinnen und -sprecher. Das Wort erhält nun für eine erste Erwiderung noch einmal die Kommission, wenn sie das möchte. Bitteschön, Frau Vizepräsidentin Hin-Kallas.
Kaja Kallas
Honourable members, thank you for your interventions. First, on sanctions against Iran, they will remain. This is our economic leverage that we have to very carefully also take into account whatever is agreed otherwise. I mean, we have to make our own decisions. Then, to the MEP Sanchez-Amor, I have always represented European position.
And it is true that in the case of Russia, we have a unified position. In case of Middle East, we also have a unified position on many issues, like, you know, support for the two-state solution, support for the humanitarian aid, that the humanitarian aid should not be politicized. All these things, also our asks to the Israeli government.
But when it comes to the trade issues, we don't still have a common position and that is what I'm also representing. To also UN and MEP Kohls, I absolutely agree, the fundamental issue of the Middle East is Israeli-Palestine issue. So it is true that all these other wars are related to this. If we don't have a agreement on this or normalization of this process, then we will have these wars over and over again.
And there I also agree what MEP Wortmanns was saying about, you know, accountability. I think, you know, these peace agreements do not address two fundamental issues. One is accountability. If you don't see anybody held accountable for the injustice that has been done to your family, then, you know, you will seek revenge and retaliation. And this vicious circle will just continue.
And the other issue is the issue of refugees. All those people who have been driven off, you know, West Bank and they have nowhere to go.
So really, I mean, this needs to be addressed as well. To MEP Boylan, EU is 27 member states, so it is also clear that we need to talk about our decision-making procedures because the current world is showing us that we are not up to our task because we are not able to make decisions. And to MEP Sell, we have a European peace plan for Ukraine. I mean, it was discussed in with the foreign ministers in Cyprus.
It is very clear what is our plan. We are continuing also to support Ukraine and pressure Russia and the peace plan we have in order to have a long and sustainable peace so that Russia would not attack countries, but it's not the topic of this debate really. Thank you.
Danke schön. Das Wort erhält nun die Kollegin Nerudová.
Danuše Nerudová
Dear colleagues, President Trump is selling us his new victory. Let's summarize it. Iran before the war: an Ayatollah dictator in power, brutal repression of human rights, the Strait of Hormuz opened, sanctions in force. Iran after the war: another Ayatollah dictator still in power, human rights abuses still ongoing, the Strait of Hormuz reopened, sanctions weakened, and high energy prices for our citizens.
Do you consider this as a victory? Me not. I consider this as a loss for Iranian people and for all of us.
Dankeschön. Die als Nächste hat das Wort die Kollegin Annunziata.
Lucia Annunziata
Dear colleague and dear Commissioner. Is the war in Iran really about to be concluded? I'd like to share this question with you because we don't have to fall into this trap. The agreement on the table is just a memorandum, two pages long, that agree on 60 days suspension. Just right time for Trump, two months, to enter a voting campaign for midterm without having to deal with an unpopular war.
The same 60 days will be helpful to Iran, as they already have said, to continue to pin down their process in Israel.
Is this the way to continue to defend Hezbollah and to continue to maintain this level of... At the moment, the only use of this agreement...
Cristian Terheş
Bien. Muy bien. El acuerdo es un acuerdo cuyos términos... De hecho, no superará el juicio de la historia si el régimen de los ayatolás y los 90 millones de iraníes no se libran del terror.
Si subsiste este régimen, aun diezmado en lo militar y económico, reforzaría su reputación antioccidental y terrorista. Occidente habría renunciado a acabar con el mayor foco de terror islamista en el mundo. Hamás lo celebra ya como un éxito suyo.
E Israel sigue en guerra. Defenderse de sus enemigos. Y sus enemigos siguen allí. Esperar nada si somos declarados enemigos. De estas intolerables que se han.
Cómo vamos a moderar.
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