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PLENARY European Parliament
Follow its sittings
Massimiliano Salini
E quindi è assolutamente la benvenuta la proposta di revisione della Commissione Europea sul regolamento per le emissioni di CO2 in atmosfera per veicoli leggeri. L'industria europea nel settore automobilistico ha investito miliardi di euro per accettare tutte le nuove sfide, in primis la sfida dell'elettrificazione. Oggi le nostre case automobilistiche possono produrre motori elettrici e motori endotermici. Il mercato però segnala che il ritmo previsto dall'ambizioso regolamento non viene rispettato. Abbiamo un 20% di penetrazione dell'elettrico a maggio 2026, ma le previsioni sono per un 38 al 2030 e un 64 al 2035.
Quindi è necessario un intervento. Cosa servono? Servono condizioni abilitanti. Quindi innanzitutto ci vuole una, diciamo, una accessibilità economica per i consumatori, ci vuole una diffusione dei sistemi di ricarica capillare e un sistema energetico europeo adeguato. Questo consentirà di avere investimenti europei completi che tengano conto delle dinamiche di mercato e che tengano conto delle esigenze dei cittadini.
L'alternativa sarebbe quella di ridurre la produzione europea e acquistare crediti magari da case automobilistiche non europee, una prospettiva che non possiamo accettare. Abbiamo la modifica del regolamento sulle emissioni di CO2 che è lo strumento più veloce per ottenere i risultati attesi e per adeguarci al mercato attraverso due grandi asset tecnici, giuridici ed industriali: la flessibilità e la neutralità tecnologica e lavoreremo in questa direzione. Grazie.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Mohammed Chahim on behalf of S&D.
Mohammed Chahim
Dank u wel voorzitter. Ik ben bang dat we elke half jaar, ik hoop het niet, een debat gaan hebben over de toekomst van de automotive. Dat er weer waarschijnlijk een fabriek gaat sluiten en de producent van die autotechniek waarschijnlijk ergens in het buitenland buiten Europa een fabriek gaat opzetten. We hebben te lang lacherig gedaan over elektrisch rijden. Ik kan me nog goed in Brabant had we een autodealer die in trots een heel groot bord voor zijn showroom had staan dat elektrisch rijden iets is voor de kermis.
Maar ik denk dat er heel veel automobilisten de afgelopen maanden van een koude kermis thuis zijn gekomen. In de rij hebben gestaan bij Turnhout, Brecht en Poppel om goedkoop te tanken in Brussel of in België. Voorzitter, wij hebben echt last van cognitieve dissonantie. We houden vast aan een technologie waarvan we zien dat wereldwijd de vraag daalt, naar de verbrandingsmotor. En juist de elektrische auto die is terrein aan het winnen.
De vraag naar nieuwe elektrische auto's en tweedehands elektrische auto's stijgt. Achter die ontwikkeling schuilt een veel grotere trend. En terwijl partijen hier koste wat kost willen vasthouden in die technologie, kijkt de rest van de wereld weg en focust op elektrisch. Ethiopië heeft de import van auto's met een verbrandingsmotor verboden. Laos gaat hetzelfde doen.
Landen in Azië en Zuid-Amerika schakelen in hoog tempo over op elektrisch vervoer. En naar verwachting is in 2035 de helft van alle wereldwijd verkochte auto's elektrisch. De vraag is dus niet vandaag wanneer die omslag gaat komen. De vraag is waar we die auto's gaan bouwen en waar de banen zijn, in Europa of in China.
Klara Dostalova
Děkuji za slovo. Vážení kolegové, je moc fajn, že Evropská komise ve svém akćním plánu konećně přiznává to, na co automobilový průmysl upozorňuje už několik let. Vysoké ceny energií, rostoucí náklady na výrobu, narušené dodavatelské řetězce i sílící konkurence ze třetích zemí ohrožují jedno z nejdůležitě jších evropských průmyslových odvětví. Bohužel správná diagnóza ještě neznamená správnou léčbu. Komise mluví o konkurenceschopnosti, ale zároveň zachovává regulaćní rámec, který naší konkurenceschopnost systematicky oslabuje.
Mluví o zjednodušení, ale přidává další administrativní náklady. Mluví o inovacích, ale stále více předepisuje, jaké technologie mají být používány, místo toho, aby nechala inovace vznikat přirozenou soutěží. Evropské automobilky nepotřebují další strategické dokumenty. Potřebují levnější energie, předvídatelná pravidla, méně byrokracie a skutečně technologicky neutrální prostředí. Jestliže budou evropské podniky vyrábět za výrazně vyšší náklady než jejich konkurenti v Číně nebo ve Spojených státech, nebude rozhodující kvalita našich inženýrů ani zkušenosti našich pracovníků.
Rozhodující budou náklady. Milá Komise, neztrácejte čas dalšími plány, začněte odstraňovat překážky, které jste evropskému průmyslu sami vytvořili. A já za všechny děkuji.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Elena Donazzan on behalf of ECR.
Elena Donazzan
Grazie Presidente, buongiorno Commissario e grazie per la sua chiarezza, la sua durezza e l'analisi. È sulla ricetta che abbiamo delle differenze. Perché, come ricordava lei, ma io ricordo addirittura due anni fa, luglio 2024, qui si faceva un dibattito sull'automotive. Cos'è cambiato?
Niente rispetto all'indirizzo della Commissione, poco direi, mentre il mercato è decisamente peggiorato. La Cina ha invaso il nostro mercato delle auto. Assistiamo alla perdita di posti di lavoro. Lei stesso in Commissione ha ricordato che abbiamo già perso 200.000 posti di lavoro. Una delle più grandi aziende europee, Volkswagen, dichiara la riduzione di ulteriori 100.000 posti di lavoro, di solito uomini con famiglie.
Qui è un impoverimento dell'Europa e, dall'altro lato, chiusura di fabbriche, l'impoverimento dell'intera filiera, come lei ha ben ricordato, della supply chain, una filiera che è una filiera ricca, che ha investito, che ha investito anche in contenimento dei danni ambientali che si suppongono da un'industria. Ma è sulla ricetta che non ci siamo. Noi chiediamo fortemente neutralità tecnologica. Il mercato non sta chiedendo auto elettriche. Il mercato vuole essere libero.
I consumatori sono liberi. Siamo in un'Europa libera. Abbiamo necessità di fare in modo che tutta la neutralità tecnologica riguardi anche i carburanti e abbiamo la necessità di non penalizzare un settore come quello dei camion, del trasporto pesante, che noi ci illudiamo possa andare con una batteria elettrica fatta in Cina.
Sigrid Friis
Morning. Let's start with some good news. June was an all-time high for electric car sales in the EU.
We are setting records as we speak. Across Europe, more and more people are choosing electric cars. They're getting better, cheaper, and more accessible. At the same time, let's be honest, high fossil fuel prices make the shift even more attractive. If we don't prioritize producing the electric vehicles for the European citizens, China seems more than ready to.
Our European competitiveness, industrial strength, and jobs depend on accelerating that European transition, not hitting the brakes to slow it down. Yet, some in this house want to reopen old debates or weaken the regulatory framework, the certainty that Europe and our European industry needs. They claim it will protect the European car industry, but in reality, it will do the opposite. It will mean less innovation, fewer investments, and an industry that falls even further behind China. We cannot secure the jobs of tomorrow with an industrial policy of the past.
Europe will not help its workers by pretending the global market is standing still. We need to support you.
We need to be brave, give our companies a clear, stable and ambitious framework.
Sara Matthieu
Collega's, kunnen jullie de mensen van Volkswagen vandaag recht in de ogen kijken en beweren dat de toekomst van hun job bestaat uit diesel- en benzinemotoren. Wat er vandaag gebeurt bij Volkswagen is verschrikkelijk. Honderdduizend arbeiders vrezen voor hun job. Dat zijn mensen die vaak al heel hun leven voor het bedrijf werken. Hun familie, het zijn vrienden geworden.
En het doet me denken aan de ontslagronde die we gezien hebben in Brussel bij Audi. Ook daar hebben de mensen heel hard geleden onder die ontslagronde. Mensen, een koppel dat er al 33 jaar werkte, getuigde hoe koud ze afscheid moesten nemen. Een brief, een securityagent die meeging om hun spullen te gaan ophalen, niet eens de mogelijkheid om afscheid te nemen. Wel, hadden de CEO's van Volkswagen meer tijd gestoken in concurrentie op de elektrische voertuigen met China in plaats van het installeren van sjoemelsoftware, dan hadden die mensen vandaag nog een job.
Laat ons diezelfde fout niet opnieuw maken. Dank u wel.
Martin Schirdewan
Vielen Dank Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar. Die Beschäftigten von Mercedes-Benz wehren sich dagegen, ohne Lohnausgleich länger zu schuften, während überhohe Dividenden an die Großaktionäre ausgeschüttet werden. Das Management von Volkswagen hat einen drastischen Stellenabbau angekündigt. Vier Standorte sollen allein in Deutschland geschlossen werden. Und Konzernchef Blume ist so unverschämt, jedes Jahr über 10 Millionen Euro einzusacken, die von diesen Beschäftigten erwirtschaftet worden sind.
Die Automobilindustrie steht vor großen Herausforderungen: internationale Konkurrenz, die Umstellung auf E-Autos, die Digitalisierung. Aber das anhaltende Versagen des Managements verschärft diese Krise nur. Werke sollen jetzt sogar zur Aufrüstung genutzt werden: Raketenabwehrsysteme statt Volkswagen und Panzer mit Mercedes-Stern, wenn es nach Herrn Blume und Mercedes-Boss Källenius geht. Nicht mit uns. Schluss mit dem Kürzungskurs auf dem Rücken der Beschäftigten.
Wir fordern Zukunftsinvestitionen, um Standorte langfristig zu sichern, mit Beschäftigungsgarantien. Schluss mit den Angriffen auf Arbeitszeit und Tarifverträge. Vielen Dank.
Milan Uhrík
Kolegovia, je mi jasné, že zelení fanatici v Bruseli, ako je pán Hojsík, by najradšej všetky normálne autá zakázali a v podstate nenávidia šoférov.
Ale realita je taká, že v dnešnom svete bežná rodina bez auta proste nemá šancu a kvôli vašim opatreniam sú tie autá čoraz drahšie a nedostupnejšie. Teraz Volkswagen oznámil, že plánuje prepustiť 100 000 ľudí a plánuje sa preorientovať na výrobu zbraní, pretože Green Deal pre zbrane jednoducho neplatí. Tak prosím vás, vy tu neobviňujte teraz nejakých Číňanov, že nás v automobiloch predbehli. Obviňujte v prvom rade samých seba, že ste to dopustili, pretože to je realita a to je výsledok vašej práce. Pozrite sa za posledné roky, čo sa tu udialo.
Najprv ste prišli so zákazom spaľovacích motorov, ktorý doteraz nebol zrušený. Potom ste presadzovali normu Euro 7, ktorú aj inžinieri označovali za technicky nerealizovateľnú. Teraz najnovšie pretláčate povinné tachografy už aj pre malé dodávky. Pre ľudí, pre obyčajných ľudí chcete zdražiť palivá, benzín, naftu cez emisné povolenky ETS 2. Firmy nútite do nakupovania povinného podielu elektromobilov, ktoré stoja na európskych skladoch a dokonca do vedenia firiem cez genderové kvóty tlačíte polovicu žien, pričom ja absolútne nerozumiem, čo má nejaké pohlavie spojené s nejakými riadiacimi schopnosťami.
Prosím vás, kedy ste naposledy niečo zjednodušili alebo uvoľnili?
Všetko len komplikujete a zdražujete a to je to, čo chceme zastaviť a to je to, čo chceme napraviť.
Sabine Verheyen
And now I pass the floor again to the Commission and the floor has Stéphane Séjourné, Vice-President of the Commission.
Stéphane Séjourné
Merci Madame la Présidente. D'abord revenir peut-être sur les facteurs de compétitivité que chacun vous avez exprimés dans vos interventions. Retard technologique, je l'évoquais en introduction, ce sont à la fois des choix industriels et il y a eu, en toute honnêteté, des mauvais choix industriels de la part de nos constructeurs sur des stratégies industrielles. Il y a eu également des choix dans notre capacité à pouvoir aller conquérir un certain nombre de marchés et nous sommes exposés à la concurrence internationale avec des choix des autres pays de se concentrer sur leur marché domestique.
Je pense notamment à la Chine où un certain nombre aujourd'hui de constructeurs chinois viennent remplacer les constructeurs européens. Choix politique également de nos concurrents à l'international sur des marchés d'où l'ouverture d'autres marchés à l'étranger, la constitution et l'organisation de nouveaux accords commerciaux pour pouvoir trouver des débouchés. Et puis de notre côté, un travail sur notre compétitivité interne au niveau européen qu'il faut poursuivre. Chaîne de valeur et d'approvisionnement fragilisée liée à la géopolitique, bilan financier plombé par les droits de douane avec des constructeurs qui avaient un concept de production globale pour le local avec des chaînes de valeur morcelées à travers le monde qui aujourd'hui se retrouvent dans une difficulté où le retour du protectionnisme, le retour des droits de douane viennent fragiliser les modèles économiques de nos constructeurs. Perte également de compétitivité domestique au niveau européen.
Prix de l'énergie fera l'objet probablement de nombreux débats ici pendant cette session. Règles européennes complexes et un travail sur la simplification d'un certain nombre de dispositifs pour pouvoir faciliter la commercialisation de nouveaux types de véhicules. Bref, la Commission s'est attaquée à l'ensemble des facteurs de la compétitivité. Un dernier mot sur quelques chiffres que vous évoquez.
En Europe, nous avons atteint 25 % de parts de marché pour le véhicule électrique et plus de 35 si on ajoute les hybrides rechargeables. Dans le monde, nous dépassons aujourd'hui les 13 millions de véhicules électriques produits et aujourd'hui nous atteignons à peu près 20 % des véhicules vendus dans le monde qui sont électriques. Cette tendance est en augmentation très forte et au dernier trimestre, c'est plus de 40 % des ventes supplémentaires de véhicules électriques en Europe. Pourquoi ? Tout simplement parce que le marché permet la vente de ce genre de véhicule.
Tout simplement parce que pour rouler en électrique, c'est aujourd'hui 80 euros d'économisés pour un mois de carburant pour un certain nombre de travailleurs. C'est 1000 euros d'économisés pour un mois de travail pour un taxi dans une capitale européenne. Le fait d'avoir aujourd'hui un véhicule électrique et donc nous avons la capacité de pouvoir convaincre aussi avec des véhicules qui vont arriver sur le marché, plus de 200 nouveaux véhicules et nouvelles séries qui vont arriver sur le marché cette année, qui seront beaucoup moins chers et qui bénéficieront également des réformes européennes sur la simplification, sur la capacité à pouvoir justement proposer aux classes moyennes et aux classes populaires un véhicule à moins de 20 000 euros.
C'était l'objectif que nous nous sommes fixés avec le petit véhicule électrique européen. Voilà pour vous dire que la Commission, à travers ces trois textes que nous vous avons présentés, touche l'ensemble des points de compétitivité que nous voulons aujourd'hui débattre. Le message est clair : aller rapidement sur l'adoption de ces textes pour adopter ces textes pour qu'ils puissent rentrer en vigueur et pour qu'ils puissent avoir aussi un impact sur notre industrie et sur nos emplois.
Jens Gieseke
Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Wenn Europas größter Automobilhersteller 100 000 Stellen abbauen will, dann ist das mehr als eine Unternehmensentscheidung. Dann ist das ein verzweifelter Hilfeschrei. Die Automobilindustrie ist eine der Schlüsselindustrien Europas. Wenn sie an Wettbewerbsfähigkeit verliert, verliert Europa.
Und genau das erleben wir seit Jahren. Während China und die USA ihre Industrie massiv unterstützen, hat Europa seine Industrie mit Verboten und Bürokratie überfordert. Das zeigt, es braucht einen echten Kurswechsel.
Nur eine wirtschaftlich starke Industrie kann die Transformation meistern und Jobs in unseren Regionen erhalten. Deshalb müssen wir Bürokratie abbauen, Verfahren beschleunigen und Lade- und Wasserstoffinfrastruktur ausbauen. Und wir brauchen CO2-Flottengrenzwerte, die praxistauglich sind und die Technologieoffenheit gewährleisten. Wer Innovationen fördern will, darf Unternehmen nicht mit immer neuen Belastungen die Luft zum Atmen nehmen. Die Beschäftigten in der Industrie erwarten zu Recht, dass wir nicht nur über Arbeitsplätze reden, sondern diese sichern.
Dafür braucht es eine Industriepolitik, die Vertrauen schafft, Investitionen ermöglicht und Europa als Produktionsstandort stärkt. Unser Ziel ist klar: klimaneutrale Mobilität, aber mit europäischen Fahrzeugen, europäischen Innovationen und europäischen Arbeitsplätzen. Deshalb möchte ich heute einen Appell an alle demokratischen und verantwortungsbewussten Kräfte dieses Hauses bringen. Lassen Sie uns gemeinsam Europas Automobilindustrie zurück an die Weltspitze führen, für Beschäftigte, Unternehmen und unseren Wohlstand. Vielen Dank.
Sabine Verheyen
Da ist eine Blue Card von Piotr Müller. Akzeptieren Sie das, Herr Gieseke? Ja.
Szanowny panie pośle. A poczekam jeszcze na tłumaczenie.
Szanowny panie pośle, cieszę się, że pan zauważa, że przemysł motoryzacyjny w Europie jest w trudnej sytuacji. Chciałbym jednak dobrze zrozumieć pana wypowiedź, bo z jednej strony pan mówi o tym, że przemysł należy wspierać, a z drugiej strony... Rozumiem, że nie ma tłumaczenia dla pana.
Italian is not mine as well. It's okay now. Now it's German perhaps. It's much easier.
Piotr Müller
Szanowny panie pośle, pan mówi tutaj o tym, że przemysł motoryzacyjny jest w trudnej sytuacji. Ja się zgadzam z panem absolutnie. Natomiast jednocześnie pan mówił tutaj o przyspieszeniu celów klimatycznych. Ja chciałbym zrozumieć pana wypowiedź, czy pan uważa, że przyspieszenie celów klimatycznych w Europie ma pomóc przemysłowi motoryzacyjnemu? Czy ja dobrze pana rozumiem, czy jednak właśnie my powinniśmy podejść do tego w sposób bardziej pragmatyczny i cele, które państwo wyznaczyliście jeszcze niedawno na tej sali są de facto powodem, dla którego przemysł motoryzacyjny ma takie kłopoty w Europie i między innymi również ten zakaz rejestracji samochodów spalinowych od 2035 roku.
Ich glaube offensichtlich haben Sie mich da missverstanden, weil ich habe nicht gesagt, dass wir die Klimaziele beschleunigen müssen, sondern ich habe gesagt, dass wir technologieoffen sein müssen und praxisgerechte Möglichkeiten finden müssen, die Transformation zu gewährleisten. Das heißt keine Beschleunigung, sondern an den Zielen festhalten, aber einen Mix an Möglichkeiten und einen Wettbewerb der Technologien zulassen. Insofern ist glaube ich das ein Ansatz, den wir gemeinsam vertreten können. Vielen Dank.
Keine Nachfrage, doch Nachfrage? Oder nie? Gut. Dann als nächste Rednerin Gabriele Bischoff.
Gabriele Bischoff
Danke Frau Vorsitzende. Es ist doch auf jeden Fall klar, dass die Beschäftigten diese Krise nicht verursacht haben. Kommissar Schmit hat es gesagt, wir haben es hier mit massiven Managementfehlern auch zu tun, die wir hier nicht verschweigen können und gleichzeitig auch mit Mangel an Innovationsfähigkeit. Und wenn wir daran wollen, dann müssen wir mit dem Industriebeschleuniger beschleunigen. Wir brauchen ein Made in Europe und das brauchen wir relativ schnell.
Und nochmal, wenn man jetzt aufgrund der Fehler, die im Management begangen wurden, die Arbeitnehmer und Arbeitnehmerinnen die Zeche zahlen lässt, dann ist das doch schändlich. Wir haben bislang auch als EU nicht geliefert mit dem Versprechen der fairen Übergänge. Hier muss nachgerüstet werden, alle Maßnahmen zur Unterstützung der Beschäftigten.
Wir haben SURE, wir haben die Erfahrung, dass es funktioniert. Sind wir ready hier, um das einzusetzen? Und auch wenn wir öffentliche Gelder geben, dann nicht ohne Konditionen, gute Arbeit, tarifvertragliche Lösungen finden für diese Krise, das ist das Gebot der Stunde.
The next speaker is Paolo Borchia.
Paolo Borchia
Ma sono allibito dal fatto che in quest'aula nessuno si ponga la domanda se l'elettrico a tutti i costi possa essere compatibile con quelli che sono i limiti in termini di generazione elettrica. Però, se noi analizziamo il contesto, abbiamo un mercato americano chiuso alla Cina, domanda interna cinese in stagnazione e dall'altra parte l'Europa è diventata valvola di sfogo, terreno di conquista per la sovracapacità industriale di Pechino. Per cui il titolo di questo dibattito mi sembra, suona un po' come se fosse una beffa. Si parla di posti di lavoro di qualità, ma qua è già tanto se di posti di lavoro ne rimarrà qualcuno.
Ricordo che tra qualche giorno Volkswagen valuterà un piano industriale che prevede la riduzione, il taglio di centomila posti di lavoro e la chiusura di quattro stabilimenti. Allora a questo punto io mi chiedo se qui ci sia nessuno che pensa che un prezzo vada pagato, ma soprattutto vi sentite tutti sereni? C'è nessuno che si sente responsabile?
Piotr Müller
Szanowni Państwo, sektor motoryzacyjny jest niezwykle ważny dla całej Europy. Wiemy doskonale, jak wyglądają łańcuchy dostaw, jak wiele państw członkowskich jest zaangażowane w ten przemysł, jeżeli chodzi o możliwości zarobkowania właśnie na nim. Natomiast ja dziwię się dzisiaj na tej sali, gdy słucham tej dyskusji, ponieważ mam wrażenie, że właściwie nic nie da się zrobić. To znaczy wy uważacie, że na przykład cele klimatyczne do 2040 roku, 90%, to one mają pomóc przemysłowi motoryzacyjnemu? Że zakaz rejestracji samochodów spalinowych od 2035 roku to ma pomóc naszemu przemysłowi?
To, że ceny energii w Europie mamy dwa, trzy razy większe niż w Stanach Zjednoczonych czy Chinach, to ma pomóc temu sektorowi?
No dzisiaj na tej sali mam wrażenie, że wiele osób uważa, że wszystko jest w porządku i będziecie mówić o pomocy publicznej dla zakładów, a ja wolałbym, żebyście dzisiaj powiedzieli o rezygnacji z celów klimatycznych tych wysokich, które w tej chwili są, o likwidacji ETS-u, o likwidacji zakazu rejestracji samochodów spalinowych w 2035 roku. To trzeba zrobić, bo inaczej europejski przemysł samochodowy po prostu upadnie.
Jan-Christoph Oetjen
Frau Präsidentin, Monsieur le Commissaire, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Hunderttausende Jobs bei Autobauern und Zulieferern sind in Gefahr, weil wir derzeit in Europa nicht wettbewerbsfähig sind. Und liebe Freundinnen und Freunde, die bisherigen Regeln, die wir haben, nämlich das Verbrenner-Aus in 2035, verschärfen die Krise bei den Autobauern. Die Zukunft ist elektrisch. Ja, aber sie kommt nicht so schnell, wie sich das hier einige gedacht haben, und sie wird auch nicht zu 100% elektrisch sein.
Unsere Regeln, die wir uns gegeben haben, sind nicht flexibel genug. Sie strangulieren heute unsere Automobilindustrie, und deshalb brauchen wir mehr Flexibilität. Nicht alle Vorschläge, die die Kommission vorgelegt hat, sind diesem Ziel gewidmet, liebe Freundinnen und Freunde, aber ich glaube, dass wir im Rahmen des parlamentarischen Verfahrens daran arbeiten können, diese Flexibilität, die vorgeschlagen wurde von der Kommission, noch zu erweitern.
Und wir brauchen Technologieoffenheit, damit wir alternative Kraftstoffe zur CO2-Reduktion in Europa nutzen können. Vielen Dank.
Michael Bloss
Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, der Verbrennungsmotor, das war große und gute Ingenieurskunst. Und darauf können die Beschäftigten in der Automobilindustrie stolz sein. Aber ganz ehrlich, der Verbrennungsmotor, das war einmal. Dass Volkswagen und Bosch und viele Arbeitsplätze streichen, das liegt daran, dass wir bei der Umstellung auf die E-Mobilität nicht schnell genug sind, dass die anderen uns die Butter vom Brot nehmen. Seit 2017 sinken die Absatzzahlen von Verbrennungsmotoren, seit 2017 um 30 Prozent.
Und selbst in Deutschland werden heute mehr Elektroautos verkauft als Benziner. Also Ihr nostalgisches Festhalten am Verbrennungsmotor, das zerstört letztlich Arbeitsplätze. Denn die Autos der Zukunft, die sind elektrisch, die sind digital, die sind bezahlbar. Und entweder wir bauen die oder die werden in China gebaut und bei uns schließen die Fabriken. Wir können Weltklasseautos bauen, das haben wir hundert Jahre lang gezeigt.
Aber für Weltklasse muss man zehn Jahre in die Zukunft schauen und nicht fünfzig Jahre in den Rückspiegel. Herzlichen Dank.
Und das ist eine Blue Card von Idoia Mendía. Nehmen Sie die an? Ja. Mrs. Mendía.
Idoia Mendia
Thank you. Quería compartir con usted si considera que lo que necesitamos, teniendo en cuenta la normativa que tenemos en tramitación, realmente un acompañamiento mayor a nuestras empresas, una definición clara del Made in Europe única y armonizada, fácil de aplicar y sobre todo fácil de auditar, y sobre todo también que cualquier definición de origen debe ser clara, estable y fácilmente verificable. Asimismo, creo que necesitamos unas condiciones marco que favorezcan la inversión industrial en Europa, promoviendo así empleos de calidad, y también si considera usted que debemos reforzar el desarrollo de cadenas de valor estratégicas europeas, especialmente en el ámbito de las baterías, como manera de conseguir blindar el coche eléctrico. Gracias.
Michael Bloss
Yeah, thank you very much. What I think is that we see an amazing rise of the sales of electric cars in Europe, much better than expected, 40% growth rates.
And in this very moment to cut down on our legislation, it just doesn't make sense. I mean, the market is much further than the right part of this house. So that's the first mistake. We are acting against the market. The second is we want to be naive and stay in the old world.
China is doing a lot of industrial policy to strengthen its electromobility and its battery sector. Europe should do the same. If we don't do it, we will lose our industry.
Marina Mesure
50 000, c'est le nombre d'emplois détruits dans l'automobile en France depuis 2017. Si nous ne faisons rien, ce sont des milliers d'autres qui vont être sacrifiés demain. Voilà la réalité du séisme qui frappe notre industrie et plus nous tardons à réagir, plus la facture sera lourde à payer pour toute notre société. Et je parle ici de toute notre société car n'en déplaise à la droite et à l'extrême droite de cet hémicycle, face au dérèglement climatique, aux canicules qui s'enchaînent, la transition électrique n'est plus négociable. C'est une urgence vitale alors que 30 % de nos émissions dépendent directement du secteur du transport.
Donc oui, il faut investir massivement. Mais pour alimenter, mais évidemment pas pour alimenter la spéculation. Comme nous avons pu le voir, l'argent public doit être, doit servir vraiment à protéger les salariés, à transformer notre industrie et pas à enrichir des actionnaires. Pour réussir, il faut évidemment un bouclier, un véritable Made in Europe dans l'automobile afin de maîtriser nos batteries et nos technologies. En ce sens, les plans actuels ne vont pas assez loin sur la préférence locale et sur l'aide à l'acquisition de véhicules abordables électriques pour tous les citoyens.
Donc il faut sortir de ces logiques mortifères du libre-échange et vraiment protéger notre marché et notre industrie.
And now I pass the floor, Mr. Schnurbusch, one second, the Commissioner asked for the floor and he has the right to intervene, please.
Stéphane Séjourné
Merci Madame la Présidente. Peut-être un mot pour vous dire que l'objectif est bien de stopper l'hémorragie et de repositionner notre industrie sur un secteur du futur, de l'innovation, avec des conditions de compétitivité, y compris à l'international, qui sont améliorées.
Quelques messages sur les propositions de la Commission. Nous avons proposé d'avoir une définition d'une voiture européenne pour pouvoir discriminer positivement quand il y a engagement de l'argent public européen dans le cadre des marchés publics, dans le cadre des subventions à l'achat, qu'il y ait une préférence d'achat européenne à partir du moment où le consommateur souhaite bénéficier de cette fiscalité particulière. Et je trouve normal aujourd'hui, au vu du constat que vous faites toutes et tous ici dans cet hémicycle, que l'argent public qui est prélevé par l'impôt puisse bénéficier avant tout à la création de la demande en Europe sur des segments particuliers, notamment sur les segments des véhicules électriques. C'est la proposition que nous avons faite avec 70 % de composants européens dans une voiture électrique hors batterie, avec 50 % de composants européens pour la chaîne de propulsion électrique et 50 % de composants européens pour l'électronique. Voilà la proposition qui est sur la table, sur laquelle vous devez débattre, mais qui est une partie de la solution que nous vous proposons, pas toute la solution, mais une partie de la solution que l'on vous propose dans le cadre de ce texte.
Encore un dernier message : il faut absolument que ce texte puisse arriver à destination le plus rapidement possible.
Et l'urgence de la situation démontre que le vote de l'accélérateur industriel est aussi une question d'urgence pour le secteur de l'automobile.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much, Commissioner. Now I pass the floor to Volker Schnurbusch, bitteschön Herr Schnurbusch.
Volker Schnurrbusch
Danke Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, meine Damen und Herren. Die Kommission sorgt sich um die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit unserer Autoindustrie, um die Sicherung von Arbeitsplätzen. Im Ernst? Wer hat denn diese großartige Industrie an die Wand gefahren? Warum stecken unsere Betriebe in der tiefsten Krise ihrer Geschichte?
Warum werden zigtausende von Arbeitnehmern entlassen? Doch das ist doch das Ergebnis auch Ihrer Politik. Sie haben sich angemaßt, in einen Markt einzugreifen, der funktioniert hat. Es gab Autos für jeden Geldbeutel, für jeden Zweck, für jeden Geschmack. Aber jetzt stellt sich Frau von der Leyen hin und verlangt, dass kleine Batterieautos gebaut werden.
Politiker haben unseren Unternehmern nicht vorzuschreiben, welche Autos sie bauen sollen. Politiker haben einen Rahmen für den Markt zu schaffen, mehr aber auch nicht. Jetzt werden in Deutschland Werke geschlossen, Arbeitsplätze abgebaut, die Produktion nach China und in die USA verlagert. Sieht so das Erfolgsmodell Europa aus? Nein, diese Kommission setzt auf Weltrettung statt auf Marktwirtschaft.
Sie setzt auf Verbote statt auf Technologieoffenheit.
Sie setzt auf faule Kompromisse statt auf faire Rahmenbedingungen und treibt die Energiepreise in Höhen, die jeden Wettbewerb abwürgen. Noch ist es nicht zu spät. Noch können alleine in Deutschland 50.000 Arbeitsplätze gerettet werden, wenn Sie sich vom Verbrenner-Aus verabschieden. Verabschieden Sie sich von grünen Träumereien, denn mit dem Kampf gegen unsere Industrie ändern Sie nicht das Weltklima, Sie verschlechtern nur das Investitionsklima. Europa ist zur No-Go-Area für Innovationen geworden und das ist leider auch Ihre Schuld.
Herr Schnurbusch, da ist eine Blue Card von Herrn Verhofstadt.
Speaker 31
Cher monsieur. Vous nous parlez d'économie de marché, mais n'avez-vous pas l'impression que l'économie de marché, justement, elle donne la victoire au véhicule électrique aujourd'hui ? Vous parlez d'économie de marché, mais en fait vous niez la réalité même du marché. Vous parlez par ailleurs d'énergie, d'énergie de plus en plus chère, et vous défendez le fait qu'on continue à acheter cette énergie chère plutôt que de passer à une énergie qui nous permet d'avoir notre souveraineté et un prix moins cher, qui est l'électricité. Il y a là deux paradoxes qui me semblent simplement impossibles de justifier.
Volker Schnurrbusch
Ja, vielen Dank für die Frage.
Sie gestatten mir, dass ich wieder auf Deutsch antworte. Natürlich gibt der Markt auch einen Markt für Elektroautos her. Das ist überhaupt gar keine Frage. Wir haben auch nie abgelehnt, dass es Elektroautos geben soll, aber wir haben immer gesagt, dass es beide Antriebs- oder mehrere Antriebsformen geben muss. Denn Elektroautos eignen sich für viele Zwecke.
Der Kommissar hat es ja auch gesagt, für Taxen zum Beispiel, für Kurierdienste, für die Post sehr, sehr gut. Aber sie eignen sich eben nicht für alle. Und der Erfolg, der angebliche Erfolg liegt ja auch an den Subventionen, an hohen Subventionen, mit denen der Staat mit in den Markt eingegriffen hat. Und das ist keine Marktwirtschaft, das ist Planwirtschaft, und die lehnen wir ab.
Erik Kaliňák
Už hodinu tu rečníme o urgentných opatreniach na záchranu pracovných miest v automobilovom priemysle, ktorý vždy patril k pilierom európskej ekonomiky. No za posledné roky musel Stellantis pozastaviť linky v Poissy, Eisenachu či ďalších miestach. Audi kompletne zatvorilo závod v Bruseli. Mercedes prerušuje výrobu svojho elektronického GLC v Brémach a Volkswagen po prvýkrát v histórii zvažuje zatvorenie až štyroch nemeckých výrobní, čo by znamenalo prepustenie stotisíc ľudí. Toto nie sú náhodné problémy ani dočasné ťažkosti prechodu na elektromobilitu.
Je to dôsledok toho, že európska výroba už nie je konkurencieschopná a kľúčovou príčinou, o ktorej tu dnes takmer vôbec nepočuť, je drahá elektrická energia.
Dvakrát drahšia ako v Spojených štátoch a o viac ako polovicu drahšia oproti Číne. Prečo je taká drahá? Pretože politika Európskej komisie, ideologický tlak na zelenú transformáciu bez ohľadu na cenu a spoľahlivosť, nás pripravila o lacnú a stabilnú energiu. A namiesto toho, aby sme tu dnes riešili túto prapríčinu, tak si tu tlieskame, ako míňame miliardy, ktoré nemáme, na rekvalifikáciu prepustených, observatóriá či dotácie na batérie. Prosím vás, prestaňme už donekonečna riešiť symptómy a začnime riešiť príčiny.
Ďakujem.
Raúl de la Hoz Quintano
Gracias, presidente. ¿Hasta cuándo vamos a asistir resignados al declive del emblema de la industria europea? La situación que vive hoy el sector de la automoción en Europa es la consecuencia de años de muchos errores. También años de errores políticos, años de obligaciones imposibles, objetivos inalcanzables, costes energéticos inasumibles, trabas administrativas también inaceptables. Y frente a eso, una consecuencia, un resultado: la incertidumbre que vive hoy el sector y los cierres y despidos que estamos conociendo.
Sin embargo, la Comisión ha presentado y está en tramitación parlamentaria dos iniciativas que nos pueden ayudar a revertir esta situación. La primera de ellas es el paquete de la automoción, una iniciativa que va en la buena dirección, pero que para ser realmente útil y eficaz debe de colocar los principios de flexibilidad y neutralidad tecnológica como eje fundamental en su planificación y desarrollo, sin subordinación, por cierto, a otros principios climáticos. Y la segunda de ellas es el acelerador industrial, una herramienta que nos va a servir, sí, para acelerar inversiones estratégicas, para reducir trabas administrativas, pero sobre todo para hacer posible que invertir, que producir en Europa sea una ventaja competitiva, sea un valor añadido y nunca un lastre para nuestras empresas. Europa necesita hoy más que nunca una industria fuerte, innovadora, capaz de crecer, de crear empleo, respaldada por las instituciones públicas. Si no, es imposible que podamos hablar ni de autonomía estratégica, ni de estado de bienestar, ni tampoco de generación de empleo.
Nada más y muchas gracias.
Mulțumesc, doamnă președintă. Domnule Sefcovic, sunteți vicepreședintele Comisiei Europene și astăzi sunteți prezent la o dezbatere extrem de importantă despre industria producătoare de automobile din Uniunea Europeană.
Dan Nica
Astăzi, când vorbim în România, Dacia a anunțat primele concedieri colective din ultimii 22 de ani. Este un simptom care arată cât de gravă este situația industriei producătoare de automobile și părți pentru industria de automobile în România și Uniunea Europeană. Aceeași situație. Și de ce este asta? Și ce așteaptă de la noi cei care se uită cu mare îngrijorare, pentru că dacă această coloană vertebrală este bolnavă, industria producătoare de automobile, economia Uniunii Europene este într-o situație foarte proastă.
Certificatele de dioxid de carbon. În România plătim 80 de euro tona de certificate de dioxid de carbon, în China de șapte ori mai puțin. Păi nu este evident o lipsă de competitivitate? Și eu cred că primele măsuri care trebuie să fie luate: luați în vedere, nu știu, alocări de certificate gratuite de dioxid de carbon pentru a aduce la același nivel competitivitatea. Poate ca toți cei care nu plătesc niciun fel de taxe la importul de mașini în Uniunea Europeană să fie supuși reglementărilor de reglementare CBAM.
Și eu cred că toate aceste lucruri trebuie făcute acum, când nu este prea târziu. Mulțumesc.
Jorge Buxadé Villalba
Gracias, presidente.
Llevo siete años hablando con dureza pero con respeto de las políticas ruinosas de Europa en materia de automóvil. Estamos hartos, hartos de la Comisión, hartos hasta las narices de ese discursito de descarbonización, transición, resiliencia y objetivos climáticos. Cada mes en Estrasburgo un debate sobre el sector del automóvil y cada mes los datos de producción caen en toda Europa. Europa hizo la revolución industrial, cambió el mundo, cambiamos la producción y la vida de millones de personas. La historia de nuestra industria es una historia de innovación, de adaptación y crecimiento.
Y ustedes, la pasada legislatura, lo destruyeron todo. Nuestros coches, los mejores del planeta, dominaban los mercados mundiales. Era empleo, riqueza, clases medias, democratización del movimiento. Ahora China produce más del 90% de las baterías eléctricas y traslada su producción a Marruecos y Turquía para utilizar las operaciones triangulares y entrar en nuestro mercado con mejores condiciones. Esta es la realidad.
Y ustedes son culpables del cierre de empresas, son culpables de 104.000 despidos en los dos últimos años. Yo sueño con el día en que todos ustedes algún día sean responsables y así se declare. Gracias.
Marion Maréchal
Chers collègues, nous pouvons dire bravo et merci au groupe politique de Monsieur le commissaire Stéphane Séjourné ainsi qu'aux différents gouvernements d'Édouard Philippe puisque du prix de l'énergie au coût du travail, à l'interdiction des moteurs thermiques en 2035, à la concurrence déloyale chinoise, ces responsables politiques de gauche et du centre ont tout fait méthodiquement pour mettre cette industrie européenne automobile à genoux avec comme dernière victime en date l'emblématique site de Stellantis à Poissy qui ne produira plus de voitures neuves à compter de 2028. Parce que votre pacte vert a abouti à un véritable Buy China Act. Alors que la Chine avait 20 ans d'avance dans le domaine des véhicules électriques, vous n'avez rien trouvé de mieux que de lui dérouler le tapis rouge en imposant dogmatiquement la fin des moteurs thermiques et pire, vous persévérez dans l'erreur en refusant de remettre vraiment à plat les objectifs dogmatiques de ce pacte vert. Vous aggravez par là d'ailleurs une dépendance étrangère aux hydrocarbures à une dépendance encore plus concentrée, encore plus critique avec celle des batteries et des terres rares. Nous avions en 2019 un excédent commercial automobile de 23 milliards d'euros avec la Chine, il est aujourd'hui d'un déficit de 6 milliards d'euros et il y a encore des gens dans cet hémicycle pour se féliciter de cette situation.
Thomas Pellerin-Carlin
Madame Maréchal, vous nous parlez de souveraineté, est-ce que vous pouvez juste me dire quelle est la part du pétrole qu'on produit en France et quelle est la part de l'électricité qu'on produit en France ?
Ça me semble un sujet important quand on veut passer ou quand on veut comme vous rester dépendant du pétrole et refuser l'électrification.
Marion Maréchal
C'est un sujet tout à fait central, vous avez raison puisque en effet des responsables politiques tels que vous ont milité pendant des années pour la loi Hulot qui interdit toute nouvelle exploration et exploitation des hydrocarbures potentiellement présents sur le sol français, nous privant ainsi d'ailleurs d'une nouvelle part de souveraineté puisque nous savons que notamment au large de la Guyane, il y aurait potentiellement des gisements d'hydrocarbures extrêmement importants. Et de ce fait, nous voilà en effet largement dépendants des hydrocarbures étrangers. Mais comme je viens de le préciser, le drame avec le tout électrique tel que vous l'avez construit, c'est que nous remplaçons une dépendance par une autre, une dépendance encore plus critique, encore plus concentrée, qui est celle des batteries, qui est celle des terres rares, d'où le fait évidemment que je parle de dogmatisme et je parle d'idéologie que paient au premier chef bien sûr les employés du secteur automobile.
There is an additional question from Mr. Pellerin. It was an additional question, yes.
Thomas Pellerin-Carlin
Visiblement Madame Marion Maréchal ne connaît pas les chiffres donc je vais lui expliquer. La part du pétrole qu'on produit en France c'est 1 %. C'est pas pour des questions de loi Hulot et cetera, c'est simplement pour un truc qui s'appelle la géologie. On n'a pas de pétrole en France et les Français le savent contrairement à vous. Par contre en France on a l'électricité.
On produit plus de 100 % de l'électricité grâce au renouvelable et grâce au nucléaire. Refuser l'électrification des voitures, c'est refuser de bâtir un système énergétique français. Et je suis très, très surpris que vous disiez oui au nucléaire dans vos mots, mais que quand il s'agit de voter ici, vous allez contre l'électrification qui est essentielle pour l'avenir de notre filière nucléaire.
Marion Maréchal
Monsieur, je connais parfaitement les chiffres. La seule chose, c'est que j'étais en train de vous expliquer que nous pourrions avoir, contrairement à ce que vous dites, une production d'hydrocarbures française plus importante, mais que nous nous sommes interdit, pour des raisons idéologiques, par les Verts, avec le soutien d'ailleurs des centristes et de la Macronie, de pouvoir en bénéficier, puisque nous nous sommes même interdit d'explorer la potentialité de ces gisements dont nous savons d'ailleurs, sur le plan géologique, qu'ils pourraient exister, pas seulement d'ailleurs pour les hydrocarbures, mais également pour le gaz, par exemple au large de Mayotte. Donc oui, je regrette cela. Vous avez raison de dire que heureusement qu'il y a eu des gens tels que nous pendant des années pour défendre le nucléaire, hein, parce que s'il avait fallu compter sur le centre ou sur la gauche, nous aurions mis fin aujourd'hui à l'énergie nucléaire française. Je ne suis pas contre le tout et je ne suis pas contre l'industrie automobile électrique.
Je considère qu'en revanche, quand on a une avance technologique telle que la nôtre avec l'industrie à moteur thermique, c'est évidemment dramatique de la sacrifier.
Stéphane Séjourné
Merci, je n'entrerai pas dans le débat, je crois qu'il me reste que très peu de temps de parole. D'abord peut-être quelques éléments pour étayer l'impact notamment de la Chine sur le marché de l'automobile. Les conséquences pour notre industrie automobile sont catastrophiques, représentées un peu partout en Europe et ce n'est pas qu'un débat allemand. C'est un débat pour l'ensemble des Européens sur l'ensemble des chaînes de valeurs. Et vous avez une industrie allemande très forte mais vous avez aussi une industrie des équipementiers, des sous-traitants très présents partout en Europe qui alimentent l'industrie automobile.
En Europe, que ce soit en Italie par exemple où plus de la moitié du marché hybride rechargeable est dominé par des modèles chinois ou en Allemagne aussi où le premier bénéficiaire des aides publiques nationales est aujourd'hui BYD. Et donc nous avons construit un modèle qui finance des constructeurs chinois.
Ce que nous vous proposons avec la loi d'accélération de l'industrie, c'est de revenir là-dessus et de privilégier justement la préférence européenne, le Made in Europe quand il s'agit d'argent public européen.
Thank you very much. And now I pass the floor to Andreas Glück.
Andreas Glück
Werte Kolleginnen und Kollegen, wer immer und immer und immer wieder die falsche Ausfahrt nimmt, kommt nicht ans Ziel. Über 100.000 Arbeitsplätze sind bereits in der Automobilindustrie verloren gegangen und das war erst der Anfang. Übrigens, das ist nicht nur in Deutschland, sondern in ganz Europa eine riesige Herausforderung. Und das ist eine direkte Folge des Verbrennerverbots, das hier von einer Mehrheit beschlossen wurde. Nun besteht die Chance, diesen Fehler zu überarbeiten.
Wir brauchen die besten Lösungen, nicht politische Besserwisserei, keine Verbote. Unsere Aufgabe ist es, Klimaziele vorzugeben, nicht Antriebsstränge. Arbeitgeber und Gewerkschaften fordern gemeinsam genau diesen Kurs. Und trotzdem legen es Grüne und Sozialdemokraten immer nur darauf an, Recht behalten zu wollen. Wer sich nun die Realität, wenn sich nun die Realität ändert, muss Politik bereit sein, ihre Entscheidungen zu überprüfen.
Wer einen Fehler begeht und ihn nicht berichtigt, begeht einen zweiten. Deshalb geben wir endlich unseren Ingenieurinnen und Ingenieuren wieder die Chance, die besten Technologien entwickeln zu können. Vielen Dank.
Benedetta Scuderi
La Fiat FCA ha perso quasi 50.000 lavoratori tra il 2000 e il 2020, ben prima del Green Deal.
Quindi l'assenza di politiche industriali europee era già un problema. E cosa abbiamo fatto? Niente. I nostri competitor investivano in nuove tecnologie e noi davamo i dividendi agli azionisti invece di reinvestirli. Gli stipendi perdevano potere d'acquisto e si producevano sempre più auto di lusso perché fanno più profitti.
Aumentava la cassa d'integrazione, si delocalizzavano le produzioni per pagare meno. Quindi colleghi, fatemi capire, noi siamo qui perché non abbiamo investito, non abbiamo pianificato, non abbiamo capito qual era la direzione del futuro e la vostra soluzione è tornare indietro e fare tutti gli errori del passato? Dobbiamo investire nelle tecnologie del futuro, diventare esperti nella produzione di batterie, motori elettrici. Dobbiamo supportare la domanda e creare più infrastrutture per la mobilità elettrica, creare un mercato per il Made in Europe, però quello vero, quello che riguarda l'Europa, Commissario. Dobbiamo investire sulle competenze, formando lavoratrici e lavoratori per la transizione.
Parlate tanto di competitività nell'automotive ma non volete metterci un euro. Se volete aiutare lavoratrici e lavoratori, investite su di loro. Grazie.
Dario Tamburrano
Colleghi, non voglio ripetere qui cose già dette dai colleghi. Le sfide che abbiamo davanti sono enormi e serviranno anni, decenni per recuperare il tempo sprecato, aumentare il potere di acquisto delle persone, rafforzare la competitività dell'auto europea e proteggere i lavoratori. Possiamo tuttavia adottare da subito piccole misure con grandi effetti. Una norma tecnicamente semplice e a costo marginale, prossimo allo zero. Lo State of Health, lo stato di salute della batteria, è l'indicatore dello stato delle prestazioni che conserva la batteria rispetto a quando era nuova.
Per un veicolo elettrico usato è uno dei principali indicatori del suo valore reale, perché il valore residuo della batteria è più importante dei chilometri percorsi, incide direttamente sul valore dell'auto usata ed è decisivo per le flotte aziendali che dopo pochi anni alimentano il mercato dell'usato. Rendiamo lo State of Health armonizzato, gratuitamente visibile sul display di bordo dell'auto, obbligatorio negli annunci dell'usato. Più trasparenza significa più fiducia, più domanda e quindi più lavoro e industria in Europa.
Dariusz Joński
Szanowna pani przewodnicząca, panie komisarzu. Albo uratujemy europejski przemysł motoryzacyjny, albo 14 milionów Europejczyków będzie bezrobotnymi, a nasz kontynent stanie się gospodarczą marginalizacją. I wszyscy na tej sali wiemy, doskonale wiemy, że to Europa stworzyła marki samochodów, które od dziesięcioleci, dokładnie od dziesięcioleci wyznaczają światowe standardy. I dziś nie możemy sobie w żaden sposób pozwolić, aby ten nasz kontynent, nasza Europa stała się jedynie miejscem zbytu dla pojazdów z Chin i Stanów Zjednoczonych. Oczywiście musimy inwestować, inwestować w nowoczesne technologie, innowacje, ale też musimy pamiętać o zwykłych obywatelach.
To, że kupują chińskie samochody, to tylko dlatego, że są dużo tańsze. Po prostu europejskie samochody dla Europejczyków są zbyt drogie i musimy sobie to też powiedzieć. A jak jesteśmy przy konkurencyjności, to musimy postawić na niezależność. Nie zamieniajmy dawnego uzależnienia od rosyjskiej ropy na uzależnienie od chińskich baterii i surowców. I w tym całym zalewie tych niepokojących informacji mam też dobrą wiadomość.
Otóż w Polsce podjęliśmy decyzję, w tym chyba dość trudnym momencie dla całej motoryzacji europejskiej, podjęliśmy decyzję budowy pierwszej fabryki elektrycznych pojazdów. W tym roku wbijamy szpadel, rozpoczynamy budowę fabryki, a pierwsze pojazdy zjadą w 2029 roku. Pierwsze 400 tysięcy sztuk. Dlaczego?
Dlatego, że nie możemy rezygnować z własnych ambicji. Dlatego to też robimy, ale też chodzi o miejsca pracy, o naszą gospodarkę europejską i polską. I udowodnijmy całemu światu, że najlepsza przyszłość motoryzacji wciąż nosi dumną markę Made in Europe. Dziękuję.
Jacek Ozdoba
Szanowna pani przewodnicząca, szanowny panie pośle, bo to jest ten moment, ja nawet bym się zgodził z pańskim wystąpieniem, gdyby nie fakt, co prawda nie pańskiego, ale głosowania zeszłej kadencji nad sprawami unijnymi, które właśnie blokują i niszczą europejski przemysł. Więc teraz proste pytanie, czy rekomendowałby pan Europejskiej Partii Ludowej to samo głosowanie w taki sam sposób w sprawie ETS 2? Czy dzisiaj by pan powiedział, że ETS 2 należy wyrzucić do kosza? Dziękuję.
Dariusz Joński
Bardzo dziękuję. Rozmawiamy o przemyśle samochodowym. Wydaje mi się, że wszyscy tutaj, jeśli chodzi o polską delegację, byliśmy jednomyślni w tej sprawie. Natomiast panie pośle Ozdoba, państwo rządziliście osiem lat. Szkoda, że nic nie zrobiliście, chociaż obiecywaliście, że zbudujecie tą fabrykę samochodów i nawet nie wbiliście tego przysłowiowego szpadla.
Więc dzisiaj, akurat w tym momencie, to mógłby pan nie zabierać głosu na tej sali. Dziękuję bardzo.
Thomas Pellerin-Carlin
À 53 ans, mon père, handicapé, s'est retrouvé au chômage. L'usine de composants automobiles où il travaillait avait fermé. L'adolescent que j'étais a connu l'angoisse, les discussions sur l'hypothèque de la maison, la peur de l'avenir. C'est de là que je viens, de cette terre industrielle où nous avons vécu dans notre chair ce que les licenciements font à nos familles. NPI Lisieux a disparu, mais l'usine Renault Cléon fait encore aujourd'hui travailler plus de 2 500 Normands.
Et ces emplois, nous pouvons les préserver. Ce qui les sauvera, ce n'est pas la nostalgie de l'extrême droite pour le moteur thermique, car à Cléon, ce sont les moteurs électriques de la R5 et d'autres modèles électriques de Renault que nos ouvriers fabriquent. Il est vrai que la Chine les menace.
C'est pour ça qu'il faut adopter la préférence européenne pour que les voitures achetées en Europe soient fabriquées en Europe, construites par des travailleurs européens. L'usine où travaillait mon père a fermé. Celle de Cléon, nous pouvons la sauver.
Anne-Sophie Frigout
Madame la Présidente, la Commission, en bon pompier pyromane, a allumé l'incendie avec l'interdiction des moteurs thermiques en 2035 au profit de la Chine, et la voilà qui prétend l'éteindre avec une petite cuillère. Alors, pour vous donner bonne conscience, vous organisez ici même un énième débat sur la manière de sauver la compétitivité de notre industrie automobile. Mais quel cynisme ! Car derrière vos objectifs climatiques, il y a des emplois en jeu. Il y a les salariés de l'usine Stellantis de Poissy et tant d'autres, les sous-traitants, les concessionnaires, les garagistes, les familles qui vivent de cette industrie et qui voient leur avenir partir en fumée à cause de votre obstination.
Et ils sont en plus obligés d'entendre vos mensonges sur les créations d'emplois liées à l'électrification du parc automobile, mais au prix de combien d'emplois supprimés ailleurs ?
Alors si vous voulez réellement sauver la filière automobile, soyez plus ambitieux dans vos propositions sur la préférence européenne et pour la reconquête de la souveraineté de notre industrie, car tous ceux qui connaissent bien mieux que vous le secteur l'affirment : il est minuit moins une avant la mort de cette industrie.
The next speaker is Ondřej Knotek.
Ondřej Krutílek
Vážená paní předsedající, vážený pane komisaři, k otázce automotive se na tomto fóru vracíme opakovaně. Rád bych připomněl, že to byla právě ECR, kdo jako první tlačil na přijetí rezoluce v době, kdy hrozily evropským automobilkám nesmyslné pokuty. Tlačili jsme i na urychlení změny legislativy směrem ke zrušení zákazu spalovacích motorů po roce 2035 a k nastavení skutečné technologické neutrality. Ne kvůli spalovákům samotným, ale hlavně kvůli tomu, abychom s automobilkami mohli sladit evropská pravidla a hlavně aby automobilky mohly dodat zákazníkům to, co od nich chtějí. To znamená kvalitní auta s různými pohony za férové ceny.
Teď se snažíme opravit poslední návrhy Komise a problematická je i automotive část průmyslového akcelerátoru. A o to přesně jde. Buď chceme zachovat vlastní tradiční výrobu a tradiční partnerství se spolehlivými partnery, a nebo pod vlajkou klimatické politiky plně otevřeme brány invazi čínských elektromobilů. Já si přeju to první.
Elisabetta Gualmini
Thank you. I wrote my PhD dissertation in Wolfsburg in the mid-90s on the introduction of flexibility and the four-day work week at the Volkswagen. It was a cyclical crisis that eventually seemed to be overcome. Today we are talking of a genuine collapse and the alarm is broader in scope because we are talking of the breakdown of the German social and economic model, the one based on co-determination, high wages, cooperation between capital and labor, and collaborative innovation. People's cars are no longer selling for a variety of reasons: an obsessive push toward electrification without having the necessary infrastructure.
How can you fix a goal without the means to reach it? And a shift in lifestyles and so on and so forth. So we have the paradox that Germany invested in China hoping to compete with China, but now it will be China that will eventually save Germany buying German enterprises. So what now? The crisis cannot fall on the shoulders of the workers.
It is up to Europe to find a solution. Grazie. Thank you.
Virginijus Sinkevičius
Commissioner, dear colleagues, Europe's automotive sector means more than 13 million jobs. And of course, it's one of our industrial engines. But clearly that engine cannot run on nostalgia. The market is changing fast. And one in five cars that has been sold in the EU this year is already battery electric.
So our task is clear: to make sure that this transition happens first of all within European factories, with European workers, and of course with leading European technology. And that means first of all cheaper clean energy, charging infrastructure, European batteries, stronger software capacity, and a real support to European suppliers. Because automotive sector is not only Germany. Automotive sector is Europe as a whole. And weakening targets is not going to bring competitiveness.
It will only create more uncertainty and delay investment. So our answer should be industrial confidence and not industrial fear.
Rudi Kennes
Collega's, CEO's zijn in paniek omdat de Europese automobielindustrie aan het verdwijnen is. Maar waar was die paniek toen miljoenen werknemers werden ontslagen? Ik ben er één van. In 2010 raakten duizenden collega's en ikzelf mijn job kwijt omdat Opel Antwerpen sloot. Nadien is het enkel maar verslechterd: Audi Brussel, Van Hool in Lier en nu Volkswagen in Duitsland.
En steeds opnieuw China krijgt de schuld. Maar waar is de eigen verantwoordelijkheid? Winsten werden niet geherinvesteerd, productie werd verplaatst en subsidies verdwenen in de zakken van de aandeelhouders. Van neoliberaal extremisme gesproken. En nu ziet iedereen wat werknemers en vakbonden al lang zeggen: dit kon perfect voorkomen worden.
Fabrieken hadden een nieuwe bestemming kunnen krijgen, werknemers omgeschoold en jobs die hadden hier kunnen blijven. En we waren concurrerend geweest. Maar nu halen we de industrie terug. Geweldig. Maar wie gaat alle slachtoffers van herstructureringen, delocalisaties en sluitingen compenseren?
Dit mogen we nooit meer doen. Productie moet weer in publieke handen, een economisch langetermijnplan en investeren in de economie en onze werknemers. Zo houden we de automobiel terug.
Zala Černilec Tomašič
V samo dveh letih je evropska avtomobilska industrija izgubila službo več kot 100.000 ljudi. To je približno 140 ljudi na dan, 140 družin vsak dan, ki se je soočilo z izgubo službe. In v prihodnjih letih jih lahko pričakujemo samo še več. Zakaj? Ker smo se odločili vsiliti eno samo tehnologijo in ignorirati realnost.
13.800.000 Evropejcev je odvisnih od avtomobilske industrije. Lani so različne vrste hibridov prekosile čiste električne avtomobile v prodaji za več kot dva proti ena, ker ljudje si želijo izbire, ne želijo si ideologije. Medtem Kitajska nadzoruje že več kot 80 % svetovnih baterij za električna vozila. Tok pristop samo elektrika ne stane le delovnih mest, ampak nastane naši industrijski suverenosti in oddaja našo prihodnost drugim. Seveda ne bi smeli biti odvisni od fosilnih goriv, ampak ne smemo zamenjati ene odvisnosti z drugo.
In nujen ukrep, ki ga potrebujemo, je tehnološka nevtralnost. Široko moramo odpreti vrata vsem učinkovitim rešitvam in naj odločata konkurenca in inovacije. In ne vem, zakaj se nekateri tako bojite tega.
Ker samo tako bomo zaščitili kakovostna delovna mesta, ohranili svetovno priznano evropsko inženirstvo in dejansko dosegli hitrejšo dekarbonizacijo. Ker naši delavci poganjajo Evropo že generacije. In tehnološka svoboda v Evropski uniji ne sme biti fleksibilnost, mora biti standard. In zdaj imate priložnost, da spremenimo napake, ki so bile storjene in dejansko rešimo evropsko avtomobilsko industrijo. Hvala.
Christel Schaldemose
Europas bilindustri står ved en skillevej. Vi kan blive ved med at beskytte fortiden, eller vi kan investere i fremtiden. For mig er valget klart. Vi skal gøre reglerne enklere for den europæiske bilindustri, men uden at svække Europas grønne ambitioner. Hvis de europæiske bilproducenter bliver ved med at hænge fast i gårsdagens teknologi, så taber vi ikke bare endnu mere marked til Kina og USA, vi taber også de gode europæiske arbejdspladser.
Og derfor er der brug for, at vi får flere elbiler på de europæiske veje, og mange, mange flere af dem skal bygges i Europa. Og ja, det kan godt være, den europæiske elbil hverken er bedst eller billigst lige nu, men det bliver den aldrig, hvis ikke vi tør at investere ægte i den grønne omstilling.
Det handler om, at vi skal styrke vores konkurrenceevne, klimaet og de gode jobs. For at vi når derhen, så kræver det politisk mod, og det mod handler om ikke at give op på den grønne deal. Tak.
Antonín Staněk
Kolegyně, kolegové, pokaždé, když některý z evropských výrobců automobilů oznámí omezení výroby nebo propouštění, měli bychom si položit jednoduchou otázku. Jaký signál vysíláme jednomu z nejvýznamnějších evropských průmyslových odvětví? Všichni chceme čistší dopravu. Musíme ale vycházet z reality. Transformace postupuje pomaleji, než se očekávalo, zatímco tlak na výrobce stále roste.
Pokud bude naší odpovědností a odpovědí jen další regulace a další povinnosti, automobilový průmysl nezachráníme. Přesuneme výrobu i pracovní místa mimo Evropu.
Evropa potřebuje méně byrokracie, jednodušší pravidla a respekt k technologické neutralitě. Dejme našim výrobcům prostor pro konkurenceschopnost a inovace. Chceme-li zachovat kvalitní pracovní místa a výrobu automobilů v Evropě, potřebujeme politiku založenou na realitě a nikoliv ideologii.
Jacek Ozdoba
Szanowna pani przewodnicząca, wystarczy spojrzeć na dwa duże kraje na świecie oprócz Unii Europejskiej, gdybyśmy razem patrzyli na Unię Europejską, to są Chiny i Stany Zjednoczone, a za chwilę dojdą Indie i dojdzie Brazylia. I co się dzieje? No jeżeli chińskie samochody są tańsze, dlatego że koszty produkcji w Europie są większe. Jeżeli chińskie samochody mają nowoczesną technologię, dlatego że koszty produkcji pod względem kosztów energii są po prostu mniejsze. Jeżeli spojrzymy na Stany Zjednoczone, tam również koszty energii są dwa razy mniejsze, koszty benzyny są mniejsze.
No ale co robi ta sala? Ta sala w tej chwili debatuje nad tym, co żeście zrobili zeszłej kadencji. Proste pytanie o ETS 2. Przecież można się z tego wycofać, za chwilę koszty benzyny będą jeszcze wyższe, koszty energii ETS 1 są coraz wyższe. Nowoczesne technologie, sztuczna inteligencja potrzebuje więcej energii.
Więcej energii to większe koszty. Można by było zadać proste pytanie. No nie chciałbym tu być nieuprzejmy wobec pana komisarza, ale ci, którzy to wymyślili, może niektórzy z tych urzędników, powinni być zweryfikowani, czy nie pracują na przykład dla przemysłu amerykańskiego czy też chińskiego. Bo to niemożliwe, żeby tak zamordować europejski przemysł. Dziękuję.
Katri Kulmuni
Arvoisa rouva puhemies. Ymmärrän, että autoteollisuus on monessa Euroopan maassa keskeinen talouden ala ja työllistää noin 13 miljoonaa ihmistä tämän maanosan puitteissa. Ja on tietenkin selvää, että jos me puhumme strategisesta autonomiasta, niin teollisuus on siinä keskeinen asia niin autoalan kuin muunkin teollisuuden osalta. Ja samalla tietenkin ne suuret keskustelut, kun tehdään toimia ilmastonmuutoksen vastustamiseksi ja sen torjumiseksi ja samalla tietenkin koitamme edesauttaa teollisuutemme pärjäämistä, niin nämä eivät pitäisi olla mitenkään toisiaan poissulkevia. Me ei saada tehdä tietenkään hullunkurista sääntelyä, että meidän tärkeät toimialat ajautuvat Euroopan ulkopuolelle, koska siellä toki päästöt ovat varmasti suuremmat.
Ilmakehä on kuitenkin yksi yhteinen, joten on tärkeää pitää nämä toimialat Euroopassa, mutta samalla tehdä järkeviä teknologianeutraaleja toimia ja olla kunnianhimoinen niiden suhteen.
Myös Suomessa autola on kärsinyt, mutta toisaalta tämä sama suomalainen autotehdas on nyt sitten aloittanut panssariautojen ja diesel- ja sähkökäyttöisten linja-autojen valmistuksen, joten ei kannata taistella taantuman harjalla, vaan olla kehityksen kärjessä.
The next speaker is Angelika Niebler. Bitte schön.
Angelika Niebler
Vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen. Erstmals übersteigen Chinas Autoimporte in die Europäische Union die europäischen Exporte in die Volksrepublik. 250.000 Arbeitsplätze sind in der Automobilindustrie bereits verloren gegangen, weitere über 100.000 Arbeitsplätze stehen auf dem Spiel. Arbeitsplätze wandern ins Ausland ab und Investitionen in Forschung und Entwicklung gehen auch ins Ausland. Die Lage ist wirklich dramatisch.
Aber die Lage ist kein Naturereignis, sondern auch das Ergebnis politischer Entscheidungen, die wir jetzt dringend korrigieren müssen. Was ist zu tun? Erstens, wir müssen die CO2-Ziele korrigieren und echte Technologieoffenheit zulassen. Die CO2-Flottengrenzwerte müssen angepasst werden. Abzulehnen sind Quoten zur Elektrifizierung von Flotten.
Das ist nämlich nichts anderes als das Verbrennerverbot wieder über die Hintertür einzuführen. Zweitens, wir müssen den Plug-in-Hybrid in Europa halten, der Utility Factor muss eingefroren werden. Und drittens, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, wir brauchen bessere Standortbedingungen.
Und das heißt vor allen Dingen, dass wir die Energiepreise, die Stromkosten senken müssen. Die europäische Industrie zahlt heute rund doppelt so viel wie die amerikanische. Wir müssen Netzentgelte und Abgaben reduzieren, Einnahmen aus dem Emissionshandel zur Entlastung der Industriestrompreise nutzen, Genehmigungen beschleunigen und vor allen Dingen auch Bürokratie abbauen. Nur auf eine Technologie zu setzen ist falsch, ist falsch gewesen und wird immer falsch bleiben. Vielen Dank.
Giorgio Gori
Presidente, Commissario, questo dibattito arriva in un momento cruciale col pacchetto automotive in discussione nelle varie commissioni competenti. E non v'è dubbio che le scelte che verranno fatte nei prossimi mesi saranno decisive per il settore chiamato a decarbonizzarsi salvaguardando competitività e posti di lavoro. Penso anche alla componentistica, per una buona parte non riproducibile nella dimensione dell'elettrico. Promuovere l'innovazione e accompagnare la trasformazione.
Per rilanciare il principale settore della manifattura europea servono cospicui investimenti anche pubblici. L'abbiamo detto e lo ripetiamo. Anche perché visibilmente regole e sanzioni da soli sono insufficienti a produrre il cambiamento auspicato soprattutto in presenza di una concorrenza cinese ampiamente sussidiata dallo Stato. Ma in assenza di investimenti adeguati serve ragionevolezza. Spero quindi che i negoziati dei prossimi mesi mettano al centro la sostanza tenendo fermi gli obiettivi di decarbonizzazione da una parte e dall'altra trovando la giusta misura delle flessibilità necessarie a governare il processo di transizione.
Grazie.
Thank you. And the next speaker is François-Xavier Calfon.
François Kalfon
Chers collègues, Monsieur le Vice-Président, l'industrie européenne est en panne. Il y a urgence. La production a chuté de 20 % en 5 ans et 100 000 emplois ont été détruits en 2024. Pourtant, ici, la droite préfère garder le véhicule thermique alors que l'Europe brûle. Pendant ce temps, la Chine accélère.
Cette année, sa part de marché a doublé en Europe. Elle vend plus de véhicules en Allemagne que les Allemands n'en vendent en Chine.
Pour sauver nos emplois, il nous faut de toute urgence des droits de douane de 35 %, y compris sur l'hybride, des critères de contenu local stricts, lancer la petite voiture made in Europe accessible pour booster la demande. Chers collègues, le choix est simple : investir dans l'électrique made in Europe pour assurer un futur serein aux trois millions et demi de travailleurs du secteur, ou bien regarder dans le rétroviseur, et en 2035, nous aurons un million d'emplois en moins et toujours plus de pollution. Je vous remercie.
Anne-Sophie Frigout
Chers collègues, pas plus tard que ce matin, une étude d'un cabinet d'experts est sortie et elle affirme qu'une usine automobile sur trois en Europe est, et je cite, inutile à cause de nos surcapacités de production. Nous savons tous ici comment cela va finir si vous ne vous réveillez pas : des suppressions d'emplois massives et des fermetures d'usines, notamment en France, et cela a déjà commencé. Alors, chers collègues, j'ai une question à vous poser. Est-ce que vous assumez d'avoir bradé notre industrie automobile au profit de la Chine en soutenant des normes irréalistes, hors-sol, et l'interdiction du thermique en 2035 ?
Et surtout, est-ce qu'un jour vous allez enfin présenter, avec vos collègues, vos excuses à tous les salariés et nos constructeurs et équipementiers qui se sont retrouvés au chômage, dans la précarité, par votre faute ?
Thank you. Please stick to the question time.
François Kalfon
Collègue, je vous invite à ouvrir les journaux et voir que le nombre de véhicules vendus en France électriques a doublé en un an. Vous êtes en retard par rapport au marché, vous êtes en retard par rapport aux citoyens européens. Et ce que nous faisons avec l'électrification, c'est qu'au contraire, nous rattrapons notre retard par rapport à la Chine. Vous, vous regardez dans le rétroviseur et bientôt, avec votre action, eh bien c'est l'ensemble de l'industrie automobile européenne qui connaîtra un crash.
Sabine Verheyen
Merci. And now we come to the catch-the-eye. The first speaker in catch-the-eye is Alice Teodorescu Måwe.
Alice Teodorescu Måwe
Hallå. Så. Tack talman. Storslagna mål som inte tar hänsyn till förutsättningarna att förverkliga dem indikerar inte ledarskap. Europa har inte råd att ägna sig åt önsketänkande eller fler politiska luftslott.
Ändå valde EU att göra just det under förra mandatperioden. Förbränningsmotorförbudet är det tydligaste exemplet. I ivern att driva den gröna omställningen ignorerades basala frågor. Var finns den stabila elproduktionen och laddinfrastrukturen? Blir klimatet bättre av åtgärderna?
Svaret är nej. Förbudet minskar inte vårt beroende. Det flyttar det. Från rysk olja till kinesiska kritiska råmaterial. Det är inte en grön omställning.
Det är geopolitisk naivitet. Och medan Europa kväver den egna industrin, jobben och investeringsviljan så fortsätter världens stora klimatbovar att öka sina utsläpp. Politik måste utgå från verkligheten och Europa behöver teknikneutralitet, innovation och konkurrenskraft, inte fler symboliska förbud. Tack.
Maria Grapini
Mulțumesc, doamnă președintă. Domnule comisar, ați început intervenția dumneavoastră spunând că anul trecut ați spus că industria auto este în pericol de moarte. Și așa este. Problema este să întrebăm de ce. Comisia Europeană cred că a plecat la un program neluând în seamă situația concretă.
Un manager privat să știți că ține cont de situația globală. Și iată de ce acum suntem în situația în care global noi nu putem să producem ca și China. Avem costuri inputuri mai mari și la energie, evident, și infrastructura ne lipsește, sistemul de încărcare în toată spațiul Uniunii Europene. Și să ne mai gândim și la clasa de mijloc, domnule comisar.
Credeți că poate mașina nu este un lux, doar cele care merg la curse. Mașinile sunt acum o necesitate pentru mobilitate și atunci noi trebuie să ne gândim să construim un sistem auto care să nu mai disponibilizeze, ci să aducă în Europa. Și foarte bine că ați venit cu această propunere. Da, aș vrea să se țină cont de Made in Europe în tot lanțul valoric al construcțiilor de mașini și să ne gândim să adaptăm din mers programul pentru sistemul mașinilor electrice. Vă mulțumesc.
Lefteris Nikolaou-Alavanos
Ομολογήσατε ότι θα γίνουν 600.000 απολύσεις, 100.000 μόνο στον όμιλο Volkswagen. Καημός της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης είναι να στηρίξει τους ομίλους στον οξυμένο ανταγωνισμό με Κίνα και ΗΠΑ σε μια σειρά τομείς: μπαταρία, ηλεκτροκίνηση, πάνω από όλα όμως με στροφή στην πολεμική οικονομία ως διέξοδο κερδοφορίας μέσα από την παραγωγή οχημάτων, αρμάτων και ειδών διπλής χρήσης. Χαλαρώνετε περαιτέρω τις πράσινες προδιαγραφές για τις επιχειρήσεις για να ενισχυθεί η κερδοφορία τους και στον αντίποδα τα λαϊκά νοικοκυριά φορτώνονται νέα βάρη για παλιά σπίτια, οχήματα, καυστήρες πετρελαίου. Με το Ταμείο Ανάκαμψης πριμοδοτήθηκε το ξεχαρβάλωμα συλλογικών συμβάσεων, κλιμακώθηκε η ενεργειακή φτώχεια, η ακρίβεια, ο πληθωρισμός.
Ο καπιταλιστικός τρόπος παραγωγής που διαφημίζουν η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, οι κυβερνήσεις και τα κόμματά της, στην ανάπτυξη και στην κρίση εκτοξεύει την εκμετάλλευση των εργαζομένων για τα κέρδη του κεφαλαίου. Στηρίζουμε τις μεγαλειώδεις εργατικές κινητοποιήσεις στη Γερμανία για να μη χαθεί καμιά θέση εργασίας, να στηριχθεί το εργατικό εισόδημα με συλλογικές συμβάσεις και ουσιαστικές αυξήσεις στους μισθούς. Συμπέρασμα και ανάγκη: η παραγωγή να οργανωθεί με κριτήριο τις σύγχρονες ανάγκες και όχι τα κέρδη και τον πόλεμο.
The next speaker is András László.
András László
Mercedes is decreasing wages by 20%. Volkswagen is shutting down factories and firing tens of thousands of workers. Stellantis has achieved a net loss of 20 billion last year. And the European Commission estimates that 600,000 jobs in the auto industry are at risk. And the Commissioner is also saying that the automotive sector is in mortal danger.
But only 10 years ago, we had in Europe the best auto industry in the world. The Commission now points the finger at China and wants new regulations. But the crisis facing the European car industry is purely of our own making. It is the result of foolish, ideologically driven policy-making at European level. Restrictive measures have stifled innovation and competition to instead impose a single technology chosen not by the consumer but by politicians.
We should have never given in to the Dieselgate blackmail either. We need to reindustrialize Europe. Only a coalition of patriots, ECR, ECN, and EPP can do that. Keeping the cordon sanitaire is industrial suicide.
Ana Miranda Paz
Señor comisario, señor Jürner. El sector de la automoción es vital para Galicia, para mi país, donde hay miles de trabajos directos e indirectos como sabe usted en el sector. Y además donde estamos reclamando un plan industrial que no pueda ser un cheque en blanco para darle subvenciones a la industria automovilística mientras se destruye y se precariza el empleo. Se paga por deslocalizar como hemos visto en estos años para perder empleos. No puede ser, señor comisario, que se le dé el mismo tratamiento a los vehículos fabricados en Europa que a los vehículos fabricados fuera.
No puede ser que la crisis la sigan pagando los trabajadores. Si hay competencia desleal, Europa tiene que actuar. Fabricar en Europa, crear puestos de trabajo con salarios dignos. Porque se le han dado muchas ayudas al sector, pero la transición, a pesar de que tenga que ser justa, tiene que ser también para las personas, para las economías locales.
Por eso le pregunto: ¿más ayudas para quién? ¿Para las multinacionales del sector del automóvil o para crear empleo digno y de calidad? Gracias.
The next speaker is Özlem Demirel.
Özlem Demirel
Dankeschön, Frau Präsidentin. Seien wir ehrlich: Die aktuelle Krise ist keine Krise der Profite, sondern eine Krise der Arbeitsplätze. Hunderttausende Arbeitsplätze wurden in den letzten Jahren abgebaut und Hunderttausende stehen weiterhin auf der Streichliste. Die Kolleginnen und Kollegen bei VW, bei Mercedes, bei Bosch, in der Industrie in Deutschland und europaweit streiken derzeit, kämpfen um ihre Arbeitsplätze und bessere Löhne. Und ihnen gehört unsere Solidarität.
Die Wahrheit ist: Diese Krise ist kein plötzlicher Schock. Es ist eine Krise mit Ansage. Die Transformation wurde verschleppt und das Letzte, der letzte Tropfen für den Profit ausgequetscht. Die einzige Industriepolitik der Kommission bestand darin, die Rüstungsindustrie auszubauen, was aber volkswirtschaftlich Bullshit ist. Ihr Einstieg in den Ausstieg, Ihr Ausstieg aus dem Ausstieg hat wirklich keinen geholfen.
Das Hin und Her hilft niemanden.
Milliardenhilfen sind geflossen, aber keine Kondition für Arbeitsplatzerhalt wurden diktiert. Und genau das ist der Fehler. Die Frage aktuell ist, die Frage aktuell ist, auf welcher Seite stehen Sie eigentlich?
Kateřina Konečná
The next speaker is Kateřina Konečná. Děkuji, paní předsedající. Kolegyně a kolegové, víte, kdy přestal být automobilový průmysl konkurenceschopný? Ve chvíli, kdy nastoupila Ursula von der Leyen a její poskoci do čela Komise. Přesně v ten moment.
My jsme tady slyšeli pana komisaře, jak nám řekl: zabráníme smrtícímu cyklu, dlužíme to našemu průmyslu. A potom nám oznámí, že chystá další legislativu, další regulaci, že budeme definovat evropský vůz. Prosím vás, než si vydefinujeme, co je evropský vůz, tak tady nebude žádná fabrika na automobilový průmysl. To jediné, co bychom v tuhle chvíli měli udělat, pane komisaři, je škrtat, rušit, okamžitě přestat s tou obrovskou byrokracií a podpořit jakýmkoliv způsobem automobilky například v tom, co slibujete dva roky, co sedíte v Komisi, že snížíte ceny energií. S ničím takovým jste nepřišel.
Takže jediné, co pomůže automobilovému průmyslu je, že vy skončíte navždy.
Nikolina Brnjac
Hvala predsjednice, poštovani povjereniče. Danas smo ovdje jer su postavljeni ciljevi za europsku automobilsku industriju bili preambiciozni, previše rigidni i nedovoljno usklađeni sa stvarnim mogućnostima naših proizvođača. Europska industrija koja zapošljava gotovo 14 milijuna ljudi suočila se s visokim troškovima, gubicima radnih mjesta i premalo tehnološke fleksibilnosti, sve radi inzistiranja radikalne ljevice i zelenih. Istodobno su kineski proizvođači jačali zahvaljujući državnim subvencijama, niskim troškovima te kontroli nad baterijama i ključnim sirovinama, a u prvih šest mjeseci ove godine dosegli su rekordni tržišni udio u Europi od 7,3%. Zato pozdravljam automobilski paket i ambiciozni nacrt izvješća kolege Salinija.
Oni zadržavaju smjer prema klimatskoj neutralnosti, ali našoj industriji daju više vremena, fleksibilnosti i tehnoloških mogućnosti. Europa ne smije donositi političke odluke koje dobro zvuče na papiru, a u praksi slabe našu industriju, ulaganja i radna mjesta. Hvala.
Malika Sorel
Chers collègues, Monsieur le Commissaire, trois priorités pour préserver les emplois de qualité dans l'automobile européenne. Premièrement, investir massivement dans les compétences. Deuxièmement, relocaliser les segments à forte valeur ajoutée : batteries, logiciels, électronique de puissance, semi-conducteurs, recyclage. Troisièmement, renforcer l'attractivité des métiers industriels : conditions de travail, perspectives d'évolution, partenariats entre entreprises, universités et centres de recherche. L'Union européenne s'est donnée des objectifs climatiques ambitieux, mais une question s'impose : a-t-on évalué avec la même rigueur les conséquences de ces décisions sur notre capacité à produire, investir, créer des emplois durables de qualité ?
La réponse est malheureusement non. La transition écologique et numérique crée de nouvelles opportunités mais exige des investissements importants dans les compétences, l'innovation et l'accompagnement des employés. Je propose qu'à l'avenir, toute initiative législative majeure soit soumise à deux évaluations complémentaires : son impact sur notre compétitivité industrielle et son impact sur l'emploi de qualité dans l'Union européenne. Je vous remercie.
Merci.
Matej Tonin
The next speaker is Matej Tonin.
Spoštovane kolegice in kolegi, morda je prihodnost avtomobilske industrije res električna. Nisem pa povsem prepričan, da smo danes pripravljeni na električno prihodnost. Ali so na to pripravljena omrežja? Ali je na to pripravljena proizvodnja električne energije? Ali imamo rudnine potrebne za električne baterije?
Odgovor je ne. In zato seveda potrebujemo neko razumno prehodno obdobje, kjer bomo zagotavljali tehnološko nevtralnost. Evropa je svetovni prvak pri proizvodnji najčistejših motorjev z notranjim izgorevanjem in morali bi biti resnično nori, da bi se temu odpovedali in se popolnoma podredili novi odvisnosti, to je odvisnosti od kitajskih vozil, električnih vozil. Zato je edina prava pot tehnološka nevtralnost, da damo priložnost tako klasičnim vozilom kot električnim vozilom.
Ondřej Dostál
Vážený pane komisaři, z debaty o autech se nám vytrácí to nejdůležitější: zájem zákazníků, běžných motoristů, kteří potřebují levné a dobré auto, ne nesmysly, kvůli kterým jsou auta drahá, špatná a plná kazítek. Kdyby unijní regulace nebylo, tak moderní jednoduché auto by mohlo stát 6 000 euro a kvalitní rodinné auto třeba 10 nebo 12 000. Ve světě to jde, ale naši lidé platí třikrát tolik, nebo jezdí v průměru 16 let starými ojetinami, protože na nový nemají. Pojďme proto seškrtat regulace, protože na papíry to nejezdí, jak se říká mezi motoristy. Nechme lidi kupovat taková auta, která opravdu chtějí, ne jaká jim předepisujete.
A firmy, ty ať nevyrábí podle regulací, ale podle přání zákazníka jako před lety, když byl náš automobilový průmysl ještě mladý a úspěšný. A kdo neumí vyrobit dobré a levné auto, tak ať zkrachuje a uvolní místo lepším. Děkuji.
Seán Kelly
Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh. I think there's nothing more depressing than to see a traditional industry like the automotive industry basically go down the tubes, especially because of unfair competition from China. So that's up to us to ensure that competition is stopped and that we give a fair advantage to our own industries. But also I think we can move forward and be a little more creative. I agree with EVs, they suit certain people, they don't suit other people, they're growing in sales, but they have to be European, made in Europe has to be the key.
But also hybrid cars. I have a hybrid car, plug-in hybrid, it says it will do 100 kilometers, I've never done more than 50 or 55 driving even as slow as possible. So if the hybrid cars could cover a longer distance under the electric part of it, then I think that would be a win-win for Europe. And we have to look at these creative measures to ensure that the automotive industry stays in Europe, is made in Europe and bought in Europe. Go raibh maith agat, a rún.
Thank you very much. Die Sitzung ist nun, die Aussprache ist hiermit geschlossen und die Sitzung wird kurz unterbrochen. Sie wird in wenigen Minuten mit der Erläuterung des Tätigkeitsprogramms der irischen Ratspräsidentschaft wieder aufgenommen. Vielen Dank.
Roberta Metsola
Dear colleagues, it is truly a pleasure to welcome the Taoiseach of Ireland, Micheál Martin, to present the Irish presidency's program of activities. Dear Micheál, welcome again to the European Parliament. For over 50 years, Ireland's spirit of community, cooperation, and compromise has driven Europe forward and shaped how we ourselves as Europeans.
And as you embark on this, your eighth presidency so far, I know that you are more than ready to steer Europe to ever greater heights. We're entering a critical six months for our continent, and as the world around us becomes more uncertain, people are increasingly calling loudly for a safer, stronger, and more confident Union, one that stands tall on the world stage while acting at home to improve people's lives in real and tangible ways. That is what we in this house are working for every single day, and I'm pleased to see that with your leadership and with your presidency's focus on competitiveness, security, and values, we are both pulling in the same direction. The coming months are an opportunity for us to act together on some transformative files and deliver the progress that people demand of us, bringing our Union closer together, helping businesses to grow, and supporting our allies while ramping up our own security. Meanwhile, negotiations on the next multi-annual budget will determine how prepared we are for the next seven years.
In all these challenges, Ireland can continue to rely on the goodwill and the backing of this Parliament, and as always, the Irish put it best: Ní neart go cur le chéile, strength with unity.
That is our European way, and it must continue to guide us all in the months to come. So, dear Taoiseach, I know we're all looking forward to hearing you speak. So, without further ado, the floor is yours.
Micheál Martin
Uachtarán Metsola, a fheisirí Pharlaimint na hEorpa, a chairde. Táim fíor-shásta a bheith ar ais in Strasbourg, i gcroílár na hEorpa, agus labhairt leis an bParlaimint seo a thugann guth do 450 milliún duine dár gcomhshaoránaigh Eorpacha. Táimid ag súil le bheith ag obair go dlúth le feisirí na Parlaiminte seo i gcaitheamh na sé mhí amach romhainn. Agus tá súil againn gur iarracht thar a bheith comhoibríoch a bheidh in uachtaránacht na hÉireann ag obair le chéile. Is é mana an Aontais Eorpaigh ná aontaithe san éagsúlacht.
Léiríonn sé an gréasán saibhir de chultúir, teangacha agus stair as a bhfuil ár n-aontas fáiscthe.
Agus mar a bhraithimid ar a chéile go dtagann ár neart nuair a oibrímid le chéile. Táimse anseo in mo ionadaí don ochtú babhta d'Uachtaránacht na hÉireann ar an gComhairle, lenár ról a léiriú go bhfuil meas againn ar bhur ról agus ar an léargas ar leith atá agaibh. Agus tá Uachtaránacht na hÉireann maite ar a bheith ag obair leis an bParlaimint seo le deimhin ar bhonn comhpháirteach agus leis an gcóras is mó is féidir chun oibreacha na n-ionadaithe a chur i gcrích. Táim anseo le cúnamh a iarraidh oraibh. Is féidir linn é a dhéanamh le chéile.
Agus beidh Uachtaránacht faoi feitheamh ar an gcéad Uachtaránacht de chuid na hÉireann ó tháinig an Ghaeilge chun a bheith ina teanga oibre lán-oibríochtúil den Aontas Eorpach i mí Eanáir 2022 amach. President Metsola, it's an honor to present the policy program of the Irish Presidency of the Council to the Parliament today. And we have a saying in the Irish language, tús maith leath na hoibre, a good start is half the work. We've prepared extensively for taking on our responsibilities. Irish ministers and officials have had countless discussions with counterparts across capitals, in Brussels, and with this Parliament here in Strasbourg.
We have sought to listen and to understand. We are ready to get things done. Our starting position is rooted in the excellent work of the Cyprus Presidency, who have guided the agenda of the Council very effectively through the first half of this year.
And I'm determined that we will pass the torch forward in similarly good shape to our friends in Lithuania at the start of 2027. With Greece, we're both part of a proud trio of presidencies that stretches from our rugged Atlantic shores to the Baltic Sea and on to the Mediterranean. Nations each located at the edges of Europe, yet determined to be at its heart. On each occasion Ireland has held the presidency, we've worked tirelessly to make a positive difference to this unique union. While the rotating presidency was established soon after the Treaty of Rome, the broader and more permanent Council structure was actually established during Ireland's first presidency in 1975.
Time and again we have seen that when we work together, Europe can achieve incredible things. And when Ireland joined the then European Economic Community, the debate was centered on whether we were just too poor to participate, with opponents claiming that our economy and culture would rapidly collapse and disappear. The Irish people decided to put their faith in a shared European history. They embraced the idea that in the modern world, we can only secure our sovereignty as states by working with others in strong, rules-bound and permanent cooperation.
And we rejected the negative and destructive visions of a Europe of permanent national jealousies and competition, of permanent insecurities and falling international influence. And since then, we've experienced an economic transformation and growing cultural confidence. And our membership has been an irreplaceable foundation for securing our success and sovereignty. We've also achieved historic progress in overcoming a history of sectarian conflict, an achievement directly enabled by decades of working together in Europe and seeing the values which we share. In particular, Madam President, I would like once again to thank you and the Parliament for the solidarity shown to Ireland when the UK decided to leave the European Union.
And thankfully, we avoided many of the worst impacts seen by the UK itself, which the British people themselves increasingly recognize. And in passing, I wish to pay tribute to the patience, perseverance and no little skill of Commissioner Šefčovič, who represented the EU most ably in those negotiations. And moves over recent years to rebuild a constructive relationship with the UK have made great progress and are a tribute to all involved. Madam President, working together, we've overcome many challenges, including in recent years. We have stood resolutely in the face of Russia's illegal invasion and unrelenting assault on Ukraine.
Our Union has acted decisively in the face of the largest global pandemic in a century, saving countless lives. And I commend you, President Metsola, and your colleagues here in the Parliament, for your unwavering support for its people, for your consistent, resolute, and vital voice in saying that Ukraine is defending basic democratic values and we have a moral and political duty to support its cause. And for our presidency, we turn to the old Irish proverb, Ní neart go cur le chéile, strength with unity. And yes, the EU faces challenges, but we are strong in meeting them together. Our priorities have very clearly been laid out.
We have highlighted three areas in particular: the competitiveness of Europe's economy, the need to protect the fundamental values on which our European Union is based at home and abroad, and the security of our citizens. Economic prosperity is what enables us to achieve our policy ambitions. With a strong economy, we will not have security. And without upholding our values, we will not have a Union in which our people can flourish and which we are proud to call home. We share the assessment that Europe urgently needs to improve its competitiveness and productivity.
All assessments, including the landmark reports of Mario Draghi and Enrico Letta, show that Europe risks falling behind if we don't act now.
We need to be economically competitive in order to sustain the European way of life. If we are competitive, we can have the prosperity we need to protect the vulnerable in our society. It allows us to provide a robust social safety net. It allows us to live in dignity with decent housing, with meaningful and productive jobs. It helps us educate our children and give skills to our workers.
It provides excellence in healthcare, allowing Europeans to live longer, healthier lives. Most fundamentally, it allows us to make the investments to keep our people safe in an increasingly dangerous world, and it supports us in making sustainable choices that can ensure a livable planet for those who come after us. The unprecedented heat of recent weeks has shown us how urgent that task is, and the wildfires across Europe in the last week bring it frighteningly home to all of us. In April, the three EU institutions agreed on the One Europe One Market roadmap, and that sets the course of our work. The single market is the very foundation of Europe's economy and prosperity, and we will work to further eliminate barriers, tackle unnecessary regulatory burdens, and boost internal market trade.
We will drive the digital and climate transition and ensure a level playing field for businesses and communities across the EU. We'll make it easier for businesses to start up and scale seamlessly across the Union, including through progressing the EU Inc proposal. I'm convinced it is time to take a decisive step forward on the savings and investment union. Progress has been far too slow. The savings and investment union can unleash the potential for Europe's high savings to be used for the benefit of businesses, communities, and families in every part of Europe.
Trade is also fundamental to our shared future and prosperity for our citizens. The challenges facing international trade today are formidable and possibly greater than at any time in the last half century. And this requires us to be more driven and adaptive than ever before. Our presidency will pursue a trade policy agenda with ambition, one that strengthens our trade relationships with reliable global partners. We will seek to build an EU-US trade and investment relationship that benefits both.
We will work for a close and constructive partnership with the United Kingdom, a trusted ally and friend with a strong voice on the international stage. We will work to strengthen our trade relationships and diversify our markets further afield, deepening trade with important partners such as India, Australia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and the United Arab Emirates.
High energy prices and global volatility are being felt by families and businesses in every part of our Union and throughout the world. We will prioritize work to enhance Europe's security of supply and the development of sustainable, affordable, and secure energy systems. And to this end, we will work constructively with the Parliament to conclude a European grids package. We will support discussions on the benefit and challenges of AI so that we have a model that is based on European values. And to further this, we are convening governments and global stakeholders at an international AI summit to focus on how we can best harness AI in support of Europe's competitiveness.
Our shared values, as detailed in the treaties we all agreed and based on the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, are the foundation of our Union. They are essential to what makes Europe among the best places on earth to be. Europe believes in respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law, and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities. We must defend and vindicate those values, both within Europe and globally, and this Parliament has a vital role to play.
During Ireland's presidency in 2004, we had the honor of hosting the Day of Welcomes, celebrating the largest ever accession in the Union's history. And as long as there are Europeans who seek a secure, democratic and prosperous future, as long as there are millions who see our flag of blue and gold as a hope for freedom, we must continue to welcome new members. Enlargement is a win-win. It brings more Europeans under our umbrella of prosperity and security, and it makes us stronger and richer for the contribution and energy of new members. And during our presidency, we will work to bring all those looking to join the Union closer to that goal.
We will aim to complete accession negotiations with Montenegro, to make substantial historic progress with Moldova and Ukraine. We will advance the countries of the Western Balkans as far as they are ready to go, consistent with our balanced merit-based approach. At a time when our democratic values are being systematically questioned, we will promote the rule of law across member states and candidate countries alike. We will continue to support European Union efforts towards stability in Lebanon, Syria and the wider Gulf region, and to urgently work towards ending a devastating and horrific war in Sudan. Our presidency will also promote active diplomatic engagement to support lasting peace and security in the Middle East, reaffirming the European Union's long-standing commitment to a two-state solution.
The humanitarian situation in Gaza remains dire. The situation in the West Bank is deteriorating.
The behavior of the Netanyahu government is increasingly extreme. There are no democratic or humanitarian values which are flexible enough to justify the scale of death, destruction and displacement we have seen. It is a cause of deep and justified sadness and anger to many that Europe has not done enough to put pressure on Israel in the light of its egregious actions. I fully respect and understand that this is a difficult topic for many countries and is challenging many long-established connections and policies. But we must simply do more.
The need for measures to enhance European security and to build our resilience has never been more evident. We will continue to offer unwavering support to Ukraine, whose people have shown such courage and determination in defending their country. They deserve a just and lasting peace. Political, financial, military and humanitarian support for Ukraine must be coupled with ever-increasing pressure on Russia so that its cruel and morally indefensible war can no longer be sustained. We will work to agree tighter and stronger sanctions.
And Europe must also invest in all dimensions of its own security and rapidly develop its defense capabilities.
We will actively take forward work on the proposed new European security strategy to ensure the Union can respond dynamically to today's geostrategic challenges. And to achieve all of these goals, of course, we need a budget that can match our ambitions. One of our Union's greatest weakness is that we place such high demands on it, but are unwilling to fund it appropriately. We have too often allowed ourselves to fall into a zero-sum approach, which seeks to take funding from successful programs in order to provide for urgent ones. In looking forward to the next budget, there are constraints which are unlikely to disappear, but we certainly have the obligation to show both ambition and urgency.
We believe that agreement in the Council can be achieved by the end of this year. There are very different views around the table about how we raise our money and how we spend it. But we will work as an honest broker to try to narrow gaps and to bring people together. And building on the excellent work of the Cyprus presidency, we will set out our thinking in a new negotiating box in the autumn. President Metsola, to support our policy agenda, we will host an extensive program of presidency meetings, more than 270 events in locations across Ireland.
We do so conscious of how important it is to engage our citizens in our conversations around the European Union.
Telling the story of the European Union and why it remains so vitally important to peace, prosperity, and security across our continent is something we attach great importance to. We look forward to welcoming colleagues from EU institutions and from across Europe to counties across Ireland. And this includes the meeting of the European Political Community and the informal meeting of the European Council in November in Dublin. At a moment where so many are promoting division and a return to a failed model of competition between nations, we will clearly and without any reservation speak for the vital necessity of the democratic and humanitarian ideals of Europe. For me, a visit to this chamber always brings to mind one of the most distinguished former MEPs and unquestionably one of the greatest figures in modern Irish history, John Hume.
He remains the only MEP to have been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize while serving in this Parliament. While he represented Northern Ireland, he spoke for the vast majority on our island who wanted a future free of the sectarian violence inflicted on our society by an unaccountable few. He was not just our visionary of peace, he was a passionate advocate for peace and prosperity through a shared European future.
And just as the great generation which secured our independence brought us to membership of the European Union, John Hume directed us to its values and the opportunities for reconciliation and breaking the historic cycle of distrust and conflict. So for 25 years he both led the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland, he came here as an MEP to work with others to define and build a new future for his community, our island and the people of Europe. Just outside this hemicycle, there is a bust of John as a fitting memorial to how important the Parliament's work can be. In his Nobel lecture, John spoke about how inspired he was by this place and the European Union. He spoke of his first visit to Strasbourg and standing with a sense of wonder in the middle of the bridge from Strasbourg to Kehl.
He was moved by the almost inconceivable success of leaving behind a tradition of savage conflict between nations and replacing it with a new era of cooperation. To honor his legacy, later this year we will be establishing and funding a new annual prize in his name. And this will be awarded to a European who's contributed to the values which John advocated for and to the further development of our Union. John had the vision to see the narrative of Ireland's path to peace and prosperity in the wider narrative of Europe. As he sought, the road to lasting progress is built in shedding our sweat together rather than our blood.
It is a vision that is as relevant today as when he graced this parliamentary chamber. Thank you again, President Metsola, for your welcome here today and for your tolerance. On behalf of the Irish presidency, I look forward to working with you and the Parliament across the next six months. And we will approach this with a spirit of cooperation and ambition to ensure that our shared Union delivers for the people that we all serve. Go raibh míle maith agaibh go léir.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you very much. Thank you to the Taoiseach. Now for the Commission, Commissioner Šefčovič.
Maroš Šefčovič
Dear Madam President, dear Taoiseach, dear Minister, honorable members, my dear colleague Commissioner McGrath. At first, I would like to start by welcoming the Irish presidency and wishing you best of luck in these very demanding six months because you just ran through the program, which is very extensive, and we really rely on always competent and delivering Irish presidency to make success on all the points you mentioned. I also would like to highlight that how happy we are in the European Commission that Ireland's priorities for the presidency are very much in line with the Commission's agenda.
And this starts with the closely interlinked and mutually reinforcing core elements of competitiveness, values and security. To consider them in turn. Europe must act urgently to enhance its competitiveness and productivity in order to deliver a secure economic future which meets the needs and expectation of its people. To this end, the Irish presidency will play a central role in delivering on the One Europe, One Market roadmap which the three institutions signed in April. We are also on our way to fulfill our commitment to complete the single market by the end of the next year, but it's clear we must move faster.
During the Irish presidency we expect to come forward with important initiatives including the Public Procurement Act and the Circular Economy Act. But we also need to close existing files including the Savings and Investments Union, the Industrial Accelerator Act and EU Inc regulation. When it comes to simplification, we need to close the four remaining omnibus proposals, namely digital, environmental, automotive and food and feed. In addition, last month we presented two more omnibuses on energy and taxation with another on citizens to follow still this year.
We now count on the co-legislators to take the work on open files forward swiftly. Another key element on competitiveness is energy prices, where Europeans and European businesses alike expect action. We need to maintain our momentum EVR to meet the target of reaching political agreement on the European Grids Package put forward by Commission last December by the third quarter of this year. Looking ahead next week, we will present the energy package with a proposal on grid charges and an electrification plan, as well as an ETS review and a proposal on benchmarks. I also welcome that our ambitious trade policy agenda will continue to gather pace under the Irish presidency, and thank you very much, dear Taoiseach, for highlighting this priority.
We look forward to furthering our joint work with the presidency and with you, honorable members, on issues including the implementation of the EU-US trade and investment agenda, but also on the ongoing trade negotiations with Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, and the United Arab Emirates. I'm also counting on the Council to approve the signing of agreements with India and Indonesia and for the Parliament to proceed with its swift consent so that they can enter into force, allowing for the full benefits to be enjoyed as quickly as possible. Dear Taoiseach, honorable members, as I informed you last week in Cork at our coordination session, we work in a constructive way with our UK partners to further strengthen our relationship and as I assured you there, I would reassure you here, we will always keep Ireland and Northern Ireland on our minds. Turning to the second overarching priority: values. Our values remain the cornerstone of European project and we very much welcome that the Irish presidency has placed them at the heart of its program.
Over the next six months, there will be a great deal of work to deliver on European democracy shield, defend the rule of law, and advance citizens' rights, including online, especially when it comes to children.
My dear colleague, Commissioner Michael McGrath, who is here with me, is doing an outstanding job on all these files, and I'm sure that together with Irish presidency, they will be clear progress achieved very, very soon. As we all agree, our values are also part of what makes joining the European Union so attractive. The prospect of enlargement is once again very much on the table. I will never forget the day in May 2004 when the EU took the historic step of admitting 10 new member states, including my own Slovakia among them. Nor I will never forget that it was in Phoenix Park in Dublin, with Ireland holding the presidency of the Council, where these 10 members were officially welcomed into the Union.
It was very memorable and it was very emotional for all of us. So we count on the experience, expertise and know-how of the current Irish presidency to advance negotiations with today's candidate countries. And further afield, to contribute to our efforts on the global stage, including in our work to help secure a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Third, security and defense.
The Irish presidency will lead our continued support for Ukraine. This is also an investment in our own security and we must maintain our support to Ukraine across all fronts: militarily, economically, and politically. At the same time, we continue to put pressure on Russia and I welcome the work of the presidency on the 21st sanction package, including the commitment to reach an agreement by next week. On security and defense more widely, we count on the Irish presidency to steer work on key files in this area, including our defense industry, military mobility, and drones. On migration, this is a European challenge which must be met with a European response.
We should now focus our efforts on the prompt implementation of the pact on migration and asylum as the priority. So, honorable members, dear Taoiseach, Madam President, lastly, I want to briefly mention the future multiannual financial framework. Our aim is to find an agreement by the end of the year. And while this is a complex and challenging topic, I'm glad that the Irish presidency has received a strong mandate from the European Council to continue the work on this. So, once again, best of luck to the Irish presidency.
Thank you very much, dear Taoiseach, for coming to share your priorities with us. And I would like to thank Madam President and you, honorable members, for your attention and I believe that we are all looking forward to the debate. Thank you very much.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you very much, Commissioner Šefčovič. Now we will have the round of political group speakers, starting with the chair of the EPP group, Manfred Weber. Three minutes.
Manfred Weber
Madam President, dear commissioners, a very warm welcome to the Irish presidency. Taoiseach Martin, welcome, together with your coalition partner, Simon Harris, that you are here and also presenting the ideas for the future of Europe from an Irish point of view, having this huge responsibility now on your shoulder. And I want to underline that you're setting the right priorities: competitiveness, security, values. I can assure you the full support of the biggest group here in this house, EPP family. And your message of "let things get done" in a way is exactly what Europe needs in this moment of time: delivering, delivering, delivering.
I want to focus in my contribution on one very specific, probably symbolic issue, because you correctly underlined security and a Europe that protects. And Ireland already in a way showed this Europe that protects in one specific issue, and that is when it is about protection of children, especially children online.
Let me start with an Irish woman, Jackie Fox. Jackie lost her daughter, Nicole, Coco, bullied online and offline for three years, and Nicole took her own life at 21. Jackie brought the evidence to the police, and they told her there was no crime for this, nothing. Jackie talked to every political leader in Ireland. She built up a movement, and today, because of her, cyberbullying is a crime in Ireland, and it protects thousands of children.
Colleagues, what happened to Nicole is not an isolated tragedy. It is a daily reality for children across Europe. One in three kids has been bullied online. One in three of these children will never report it out of fear or of shame. That is the reality.
And that's why, dear colleagues, to broaden the perspective, next to cyberbullying, sexual abuse online material is today on our agenda, and we are facing a legal gap on this. That's why we have to be clear that this protection of children is a priority for this house. The facts are shocking. Sexual abuse online is a kind of an epidemic in our social media world. In 2010, it was 1 million reports.
Today, we have 20 million reports, and the number of artificial intelligence-based new material increased in only one single year by 1,000%.
It's a shocking number. And by the way, with 60% online material, Europe is the hotspot of this material on global stage, on our servers, on our continent, in our neighborhood. Today we have a vote on this. And that's why I thank the European Council for putting this legislation, this important legislation on CSAM on the agenda. 26 countries supported this, I think.
The Commission for the initiative again to show the will from all parties based in the Commission side for supporting this legislation. And now it's up to us as a European Parliament. The EPP will today support the fast-track procedure and also support the content. The Irish presidency in a way gives us with Coco's Law already one concrete initiative in this. And we want to fight for having Coco's Law on European level as well, that we are protecting our children online.
Today it's an important day to deliver on children protection. We have to close the legal gap. Thank you.
Thank you very much, Mr. Weber. Now for the S&D group, it's chair Iratxe García Pérez, three minutes.
Iratxe García Pérez
Thank you, President. Taoiseach Micheál Martin, welcome to the European Parliament. Just two weeks ago, I walked through the streets in Dublin.
Today, I stand here with those streets still in my mind. Ireland begins its presidency at a defining moment for Europe. Your priorities are competitiveness, security, and our values. But after what I saw in Dublin, I want to ask you one simple question: what kind of Europe are we really building? At Ozanam House, Geraldine, Bishop Amos, and other local community workers told me about families who have done everything right but still cannot afford a home.
On Gardiner Street, where 10% of Ireland's homeless people are living in emergency accommodation, parents are raising children in a single room. I heard about families whose children do their homework sitting on the fire escape because there is nowhere else to study. And a full-time Dublin bus driver whose salary is still not enough to pay the rent for him and his family.
This week, Katrina is here with us in Strasbourg. She received three eviction notices in five years, all while fighting cancer. Taoiseach, these are not only Irish stories, they are European stories, and this is not a Europe that we can accept. That is why your presidency must help deliver a strong Affordable Housing Act, regulate short-term rentals, and give local authorities the tools they need to build social and affordable homes. Because without decent housing, there is no dignity, no opportunity, and no real competitiveness.
At Liberty Hall, I also met trade unions who remind us that Europe's strength has always been its social model. The Quality Jobs Package must strengthen workers' rights, and the 28th regime must never become a shortcut to weaken labor law, collective bargaining, or workers' participation. Europe's competitiveness will never come from lowering standards, it will come from investing in people.
And please, don't allow the fight against poverty to disappear from Europe's agenda. The same values must also guide Europe's action beyond our borders. Ireland has often shown moral leadership on international law. Today, Europe needs that leadership again. We must suspend the association agreement with Israel in full because of Netanyahu's genocide in Gaza.
Taoiseach, Europe's future depends on delivering social progress together with economic prosperity. During your presidency, you can count on the S&D Group to turn that vision into reality. If we carry with us the families of Sanaa House, the workers of Liberty Hall, and people like Katrina, then we can build a Europe that offers security, opportunity, and dignity for everyone. Go raibh maith agat agus ádh mór. Thank you.
Thank you. Now, the co-chair of the PfE Group, Kinga Gál, two minutes.
Tisztelt Taoiseach, Elnök Asszony, Biztos Urak!
Kinga Gál
Az ír elnökségtől mi patrióták azt várjuk, hogy az európai polgárok valós érdekeit tartsa szem előtt, biztonságukat és jólétüket. A biztonságuk garantálása érdekében az illegális migrációt megállítani kell, nem pedig menedzselni. Európának vissza kell szereznie az ellenőrzést a külső határai felett. A visszaküldési irányelv hatékony alkalmazása kulcskérdés lesz. Az európai jóléthez a versenyképességünk visszaszerzése elengedhetetlen.
Ehhez alacsonyabb energiaárakra és kevesebb bürokráciára van szükség. A következő uniós költségvetésben ellenezzük a mezőgazdasági és a kohéziós források csökkentését. Elutasítjuk a további központosítást, a bürokratikus kiadások növelését és az ideológiai alapú feltételességi mechanizmust. Mert már bebizonyosodott, hogy a jogállamisági feltételeket ideológiai alapon alkalmazzák. Jól mutatja a Bizottság által alkalmazott kettős mércét az a mélységes hallgatás, amelyet az új magyar kormány demokráciát leromboló alkotmánymódosításai kapcsán látunk.
A köztársasági elnök és az Alkotmánybíróság tagjainak elmozdítása, a parlamenti képviselők választhatóságának korlátozása Európában példa nélküli lépések, amik minden létező demokratikus és jogállami alapelvvel szembemennek. Az előző patrióta, szuverenista kormány évekig tartó alaptalan vegzálása után úgy tűnik, ennek a Háznak és a Bizottságnak csak szelektíven fontos a demokrácia és a jogállam. Nincs helye kettős mércének és ideológiának a bővítés kérdésében sem. Nem lehet figyelmen kívül hagyni, hogy Ukrajna háborúban áll, csatlakozása pedig súlyos következményekkel jár majd az európai mezőgazdaságra, a munkaerőpiacokra, a kohéziós politikára és a biztonságunkra nézve. Mi patrióták az ír elnökségtől több józan észt és kevesebb ideológiát várunk.
Köszönöm.
Thank you. Now I give the floor for the ECR Group to Beata Szydło. One and a half minutes.
Beata Szydło
Dziękuję bardzo, pani przewodnicząca. Szanowny panie premierze, szanowni panowie komisarze, szanowni państwo. Przede wszystkim chcę bardzo serdecznie podziękować panu premierowi za przedstawienie wizji prezydencji irlandzkiej.
Rzeczywiście bardzo dużo ważnych wyzwań i trzymamy kciuki, żeby te cele zostały spełnione. Bezpieczeństwo niewątpliwie jest kwestią dzisiaj dla Unii Europejskiej, dla nas wszystkich najistotniejszą. Natomiast ja chciałam skoncentrować się w swojej wypowiedzi na kwestiach dotyczących wydaje się najtrudniejszego zadania, przed którym stoi prezydencja irlandzka i również my wszyscy, czyli budżet Unii Europejskiej na lata następne, wieloletnie ramy finansowe na kolejną perspektywę finansową. To jest ogromne wyzwanie, ale też wiele znaków zapytania. Przede wszystkim myślę, że wszyscy stoimy na stanowisku, przynajmniej w mojej grupie politycznej, że absolutnie nie może być mowy o tym, ażeby nakładać nowe obciążenia podatkowe na przedsiębiorców i na Europejczyków.
Mówicie państwo o tym, że trzeba zwiększać budżet, my również nie chcemy, żeby wydatki były cięte w tych najistotniejszych, najważniejszych dla Unii Europejskiej projektach, ale nie może się to odbywać kosztem Europejczyków, nie może się to odbywać kosztem konkurencyjności przemysłu europejskiego. I to kolejne zadanie, na które chciałam zwrócić uwagę.
Wszyscy czekamy z niecierpliwością na propozycję rewizji systemu ETS. Od tego będzie zależało, to jest kluczowe, czy gospodarka europejska wreszcie będzie mogła rozwinąć skrzydła i stać się konkurencyjna, a nie tak jak do tej pory po prostu być gnieciona rozwiązaniami, które niestety sama Unia Europejska przygotowała. Trzymam kciuki, panie premierze, za państwa prezydencję i mam nadzieję, że będzie ona tak jak wszyscy oczekujemy niezwykle ważna, istotna i konstruktywna dla nas wszystkich. Dziękuję bardzo.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you. Now for the Renew Europe group, its president Valérie Hayer, two and a half minutes.
Valérie Hayer
Merci, Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, cher Taoiseach, cher Michal. D'abord un grand merci de cette présentation et de vos priorités qui sont résolument ambitieuses pour l'Europe. Alors ce n'est un secret pour personne, on a l'habitude de travailler ensemble, vous êtes un membre éminent de la famille Renew et vous ne serez pas surprise donc de m'entendre dire que les priorités de votre présidence, compétitivité, valeurs, sécurité, eh bien c'est aussi la feuille de route de notre groupe politique Renew Europe. Alors cher Taoiseach, oui vous avez raison, avançons sur notre compétitivité, achevons enfin notre marché unique, investissons davantage dans l'innovation, simplifions nos règles, donnons à nos entreprises les moyens de grandir en Europe plutôt que d'aller réussir ailleurs. Avançons sur le prochain budget européen.
Le cadre financier pluriannuel sera un test de vérité. Si nous voulons une Europe puissante, nous devons lui donner les moyens de ses ambitions. Avançons enfin sur notre influence géopolitique en poursuivant notre soutien à l'Ukraine, en préparant l'élargissement de notre Union et en défendant sans jamais transiger l'État de droit et les valeurs qui fondent notre projet européen. Je voudrais dire un mot sur un dossier plus précis parce que votre présidence, elle sera l'occasion de démontrer que l'Europe sait protéger sans renoncer à ses principes. C'est exactement le sens du règlement sur la protection des enfants en ligne dont vous faites une priorité absolue et je voudrais vous en remercier.
Cela fait quatre ans. Quatre ans que nous attendons ce texte. Il n'y a plus de temps à perdre et nous comptons sur votre présidence pour conclure au plus vite les négociations sur la réglementation à long terme. Et vous pourrez compter sur le soutien absolu de mon groupe politique sur cette question qui est fondamentale. Ces réformes, cher Tichok, elles ne sont plus une option.
Elles sont une exigence pour les citoyens européens parce que votre présidence, elle débute dans une époque troublée. Le monde est redevenu brutal. La force veut remplacer le droit. Les puissances s'affrontent, les démocraties sont défiées. Et dans ce monde, l'Europe ne peut plus subir.
Face à cette brutalité, notre réponse doit être l'affirmation de la puissance européenne. Mais d'une puissance qui nous ressemble. Une puissance démocratique, une puissance fondée sur nos valeurs, sur nos libertés et sur l'état de droit. Et ces valeurs, elles ne sont en aucun cas un frein à la puissance européenne, et je sais que nous partageons cela. Elles en sont au contraire la condition.
Parce que l'Europe, elle ne veut pas être brutale, ce n'est pas ça notre modèle. Mais elle ne veut pas évidemment non plus disparaître. Et pour ça, il faut assumer délibérément le rapport de force en ne reniant rien de ce que nous sommes. Alors cher Micheál, vous le savez, vous pouvez compter sur Renew pour la réussite de votre présidence. Et puisque l'Irlande est aujourd'hui à l'honneur, permettez-moi de citer l'un de vos plus grands écrivains, Oscar Wilde.
Le progrès est la réalisation des utopies. Alors faisons en sorte que pendant ces six mois, nos utopies européennes deviennent des progrès bien réels. Je vous remercie.
Roberta Metsola
Merci. Valérie, now for the Greens group, its co-chair Terry Reintke, two minutes.
Terry Reintke
Tafailte roimh a hÉirinn. You are very welcome in this house, Taoiseach. And I said this to you in Dublin and I really mean it, so I think I have to repeat it now also in this house, Europe loves Ireland. I think you are not going to find one colleague in this house that doesn't have a soft spot for Ireland.
So we are all looking forward to the Irish presidency, but what we need from you is action, action, action. Heatwaves are torturing Europe. Forest fires, temperature records. The Green Deal is more important than ever. Strong commitment to green targets, especially when we speak about money.
The budget and continuing the Green Deal will be your responsibility in the next six months, Taoiseach. And we trust on your commitment here. Yet, and I have to say it, what we have seen also in Ireland in the recent months has cast some doubt over whether you will be ambitious enough on climate action in Europe. Dismantling parts of the Climate Act in Ireland, delaying climate action plans. Taoiseach, how will you make sure that in Europe we will not experience the Irish presidency as climate laggards or even worse, climate quitters?
Because with unprecedented heatwaves, but also with our still immense dependency on fossil autocrats around the world, the pressure is on. We have to see action on this. And, and you said this, our values are under attack. We can clearly see it with Russian disinformation campaigns.
Ireland can play a crucial role here. A lot of the US tech giants are actually sitting in Ireland. So you have a key role in regulating their business models. Rest assured, this Parliament across the board stands behind you if you are going to take action on enforcing, for example, the Digital Services Act. And we all know that if Ireland wants to, you can, because Ireland has consistently shown over the past decades how the EU is a powerful stage also for smaller and medium-sized countries.
Instead of having never-ending pointless debates about how the EU is a barrier to national sovereignty, Ireland has simply consistently punched above its weight in Europe and gained more sovereignty through European cooperation. And this is what we want to see in the next six months from you. All the best for your presidency.
Lynn Boylan
A Uachtaráin, a Thaoisigh, is deas í uachtaránacht na hÉireann ar an gComhairle a bheith ina guth ar son na síochána, guth ar son cearta daonna agus an dlí idirnáisiúnta am chomh armmhuilteach a chur chun cinn.
Unfortunately, though, the Irish government's approach continues to be: we will be principled, but only when it costs us nothing. Ireland is a country with a proud record on peacebuilding, disarmament, and international law. That legacy is entirely missing from the government's program. Instead, Taoiseach, we see you embracing the militarization agenda against the wishes of the Irish people and launching a full-scale attack on our neutrality. Ireland should use its presidency to deliver EU action to end Israel's illegal occupation of Israel and its apartheid regime.
In your speech, you spoke of Netanyahu's government as if it is a rogue government, when the reality is that Israel has expanded its settlement under every single Israeli government. It is a rogue state. And as heatwaves burn, your program talks of leading the EU at international environmental negotiations, but you embrace the deregulation agenda, giving billionaires more freedom to destroy our planet. I also have concerns that the state that hosts so much of Big Tech can truly lead on data protection. Enforcement remains slow, weak, and shaped by the companies that it is meant to regulate.
And while discussion on enlargement is welcome, where is the ambition to end partition of our island?
Taoiseach, you talk of a shared island, but Irish citizens in the North don't share the benefits of the EU. Concrete measures like observer MEPs and participation in civil society platforms would help to address the democratic deficit. Across our island, the conversation for unity is gaining momentum, yet the Taoiseach is a spectator. But on one thing we can agree, Taoiseach: without values, nothing matters. That's why we cannot allow Ursula von der Leyen to run roughshod over our values and act beyond her mandate.
Now is the time for moral leadership, not equivocation.
Thank you, now I give the floor for the S&D Group to Stanislav Stoyanov, one and a half minutes.
Stanislav Stoyanov
Уважаема госпожо председател, господин министър-председател, Европейският съюз бавно, но сигурно губи позициите си в световната икономика. Възстановяването на конкурентоспособността вече не е въпрос на избор, а на оцеляване. Нужна е по-благоприятна среда за инвестиции, предприемачество и индустриално развитие. Предприятията се нуждаят от опростени правила и достъпна енергия, а не от нови регулации.
Шансът на Европа е в изобилието от талант на нашия континент, в смелостта на предприемачите, които продължават напред въпреки недомислиците на Зелената сделка и заслужават подкрепа. Деиндустриализацията не просто отслабва икономическата сила на европейските държави. Тя накърнява достойнството на професионалиста, останал без работа, ограничава възможностите за по-младите поколения, а оцеляването на цели региони е изложено на риск. Укрепването на отбранителните способности е необходимо, но трайната сигурност изисква и активна дипломация, защото устойчивите решения и мирът се постигат чрез диалог. Не бива да забравяме, че овладяването на миграционните потоци също е в основата на сигурността.
Затова приветствам ангажимента на ирландското председателство за намаляване на административната тежест, за развитие на единния пазар и изграждане на по-сигурна и достъпна енергийна система. Самата Ирландия показва как благоприятната среда за инвестиции, предприемачество и иновации се превръща в устойчив икономически успех. Именно по този път Европа може да възстанови своята конкурентоспособност и мястото си в световната икономика. Благодаря.
I give the floor now to Seán Kelly, one and a half minutes.
Thank you.
Seán Kelly
A Mharghaid Uí Thrón, a Thaoisigh, a Choimisinéir, a chomhghleacaithe, a Thaoisigh, go raibh maith agat as ucht an óráid bhríomhar dúinn mar atá tú smaointe go maith agus ar aghaidh leis an dea-obair. The competitiveness, values and security theme of the Irish presidency, I think most people can see that's good and it captures the essentials for this mandate. I think Mario Draghi outlined in 2024 the need for competitiveness. This is the fifth presidency in this mandate and I think we have outlined and identified key reports which need to be either finalised or progressed. Maroš Šefčovič referred to the grids package, I think we can finalise that hopefully, but also make rapid progress in the electrification action plan, Industrial Accelerator Act, EU Competitiveness Fund.
Also in relation to the omnibuses, these are integral to addressing competitiveness. Six are completed, I think we can hopefully complete another four, that would be massive. You spoke at length to us last night, a Thaoisigh, of your work to try and complete the savings and investment union. That's going to be absolutely vital if we are to research, innovate, scale up and manufacture in Europe.
Your point about enlargement, particularly Montenegro being out in front, but also for the others, but it must be merit-based, is huge. And finally, a bugbear of my own is to try and end daylight savings. Changing the clock twice a year is nonsensical. 85% of citizens don't want it, so let's get rid of it. EPP will be fully behind your work because we're partners with you in government.
Go raibh maith agat, a hUachtaráin.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you. I give the floor now to Aodhán Ó Ríordáin. Two and a half minutes.
Aodhán Ó Ríordáin
Taoiseach, I want to start by wishing you luck. Maith éirí leat sa oiread inár bhfad mar Éireannaigh agus mar saoránaigh Eorpacha. This is a presidency which has to deliver on key issues facing Ireland and Europe. None among them are bigger than housing. During this presidency, the Commission will bring forward an affordable housing act because we in the S&D group demand it.
You failed to mention housing at all in your address in Dublin Castle last week and made only a passing reference today. The Irish presidency must lead in making housing an urgent European priority. Two weeks ago, I brought my group president to Gardiner Street in Dublin where 10% of the entire homeless population of Ireland live. Service providers said school children are doing their homework on fire escapes. Taoiseach, our failure must stop here and the MFF must deliver on housing.
Likewise, on workers' rights and climate action, our record is nothing to be proud of. I want to be clear, we will not support any competitiveness agenda that comes on the backs of workers or our environment. Taoiseach, we are the country of Céad Míle Fáilte. We are not a country that chants "send them back". It angered me to see your government colleagues voting with that poison in this chamber last month.
Ireland, the country of coffin ships, undocumented in America, and memories of "no blacks, no dogs, no Irish" must strive for better. On Gaza, I want to acknowledge that our government has shown some leadership, and again today, in the face of abject failure from many in the EU. We have to use this presidency to end the EU-Israel Association Agreement once and for all. We must stand with Ukraine unequivocally. Taoiseach, the government's position on Aughinish Alumina is indefensible.
This week I will vote to progress sanctions so this facility cannot fuel Putin's war. Taoiseach, as you have said, John Hume once said that the EU was the greatest peace process in history. In honor of his legacy, we should be persuaders for the UK to rejoin the EU and for greater unity on our island. John Hume also said that we cannot eat a flag.
Our Union has achieved so much. We can meet the challenges of today. We can house our children, stop our planet from burning, reject hate and racism, back our workers, unite the people of our island and uphold international law. Míle buíochas arís, a Thaoisigh, as teacht anseo inniu. Beidh muid ag obair as lámha a chéile.
Harald Vilimsky
Danke sehr, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren. Das Motto der irischen Ratspräsidentschaft "Strength with Unity", Stärke durch Einheit, lässt mich als Oppositioneller lädt mich gerade dazu ein, den Vorwurf zu machen, dass diese Einheit im Festhalten an einer verfehlten Politik ist. Und gerade das sonst so sehr EU-freundliche Irland leidet jetzt unter dieser verfehlten Politik. Zwei Beispiele: erstens einmal etwa die Migrationspolitik, die auch in Irland durch das Opt-in beim Migrations- und Asylpakt immer mehr zu einem Problem wird.
Und auf der anderen Seite etwa der Green Deal und die Auswirkungen auf Irland, die auf Irland sehr, sehr unangenehme Auswirkungen haben und dort die Landwirtschaft sehr auch in Stress bringen. Aber ungeachtet aller politischen Diskussionen möchte ich Irland ausrichten: Sie haben ein wundervolles Land, Sie haben wundervolle Menschen, Sie haben eine wundervolle Kultur und Sie haben alles Recht dazu, stolz auf Ihr Land zu sein. Danke sehr.
Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Vilimsky. Mario Mantovani, one minute. Prego.
Mario Mantovani
Grazie, Presidente. Buongiorno e benvenuta all'Irlanda. La presidenza irlandese sulla competitività afferma certamente valori condivisibili, però è un po' carente, secondo me. Non cita mai le microimprese, eppure sono 25 milioni le microimprese europee e generano il 20% del prodotto interno europeo e hanno problemi enormi. L'accesso al credito anzitutto: dal 2011 i prestiti bancari alle imprese più piccole sono crollati del 37%, schiacciati da algoritmi di rating e da una regolamentazione sbagliata per l'asimmetria regolatoria fra le stesse imprese.
Infine la concorrenza sleale della Cina, sussidiata dallo Stato, che rovina i nostri distretti. Inoltre sul ventottesimo regime, di cui sono relatore ombra, la sinistra in Parlamento ha avanzato modifiche ideologiche di impronta ipersindacale, peraltro prive di base giuridica e di maggior rigidità per gli investitori, che vanno in senso contrario allo spirito della proposta. La Presidenza come intende salvaguardare questo aspetto? Buon lavoro.
Roberta Metsola
Grazie. Grazie onorevole Mantovani. Now Billy Kelleher, one and a half minutes.
Billy Kelleher
Gabh mo leithscéal, a Uachtaráin, agus ar son mo pháirtí féin agus ar mo shon féin, ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur roimh an Taoiseach. Mar is eol don chách, is cara pearsanta é an Taoiseach. Táimid ag obair le chéile le beagnach daichead bliain. Guím gach rath ort, a Thaoisigh, agus tú ag tús do thionacht. Tá dúshláin mhóra romhat féin agus roimh an tír seo.
Ach táim cinnte go bhfuil an taithí agus na scileanna agat iad a shárú agus go n-éireoidh an bóthar leat, a Thaoisigh. Taoiseach, your presidency comes at a pivotal moment for the European Union. All of us must decide if we want to take our Union to the next level of development. To do so will require all of us, including our country, Ireland, to make some of our red lines a little less red. The EU is an imperfect compromise, but nothing to date has come close to it being as successful in improving the lives of our citizens.
We must get real when it comes to the budget, and that means being honest about the level of funding needed to sustain a dynamic, progressive, and ambitious Union. We must get real about the threats facing us and invest in our defenses. And finally, we must get real about our values, and never again can we let a tin-pot autocrat hold our Union to ransom. Taoiseach, I know you care passionately about the European Union, and I firmly believe that you will be the right person at the right time to meet these challenges head-on. You have my full support and that support of the Renew Europe family in the European Parliament.
Ní neart go cur le chéile. Go raibh maith agat.
Sara Matthieu
Colleagues, last week I read about a woman in Paris. She was 80 years old. She lived on the top floor of an apartment. There was no cooling, there was just some fans, and it was 47 degrees out there in her apartment, and she died there alone. And many others did this June.
In France, deaths at home rose by 91%.
Belgium, we lost 1,222 people in only 12 days during the heatwave. And in the same week, the cooling systems in the data centers, they never stopped running for a second because the industry standard says that they can never get warmer than 27 degrees. How can we have cooling rules for machines and not for people? I urge the Irish presidency to put this high on the top of the agenda. We must regulate data centers, take concrete action against the heatwaves, and we must protect people, because computers don't pay taxes, they don't die alone in an attic, people do.
So let's protect the people first. Thank you.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you very much. Now I give the floor to Luke Ming Flanagan, two minutes.
Luke Ming Flanagan
Fáilte romhat, Micheál, fáilte romhat, Thomas. When I got elected to the European Parliament, I got elected as a skeptic. I got elected because I was told by the Irish government continuously when they weren't happy with the EU enforcing rules that they were made to do it. I have discovered otherwise. And since I've got elected here, I have to say I believe the Common Agricultural Policy is the most important policy of the European Union.
In my county alone, a county of 80,000 people, 1 billion euros in CAP payments has come to Roscommon since I was elected in 2014. Over the same period in the future, if we stick with current budgetary proposals on the MFF, we would see a reduction in payments of 200 million euros just to Roscommon, excluding inflation. All the more reason then that we get this right when deciding who gets this money. In the Commission proposal, the text refers to those most in need. To me, the most in need are those that farm marginal lands on small holdings and those on designated lands.
We also need to respect those pluriactive farmers who, while not making a full-time living out of farming, are nonetheless contributing in a significant way to food sovereignty and the provision of public goods, the latter which has never been properly remunerated for. The proposals on fisheries are even worse, from 6 billion to 2 billion. And as with agri-funding, this means it has now been never more important that small-scale, low-impact fishers are given this money. The money must be provided in a way that fishers can actually access it. As things stand, that is not the case.
Finally, in relation to defective concrete, when are you going to get your act together? Infringement proceedings remain open. They do so in spite of the fact that thousands of people's lives have been blighted by crumbling houses. The danger of this issue repeating itself remains very real.
The European Parliament has backed this. You now need to do something about it. People deserve dignity. They don't have it living in a...
Thank you. Now I give the floor to Peter Bistron, one and a half minutes.
Petr Bystron
Liebe Frau Präsidentin, Mr. Martin, Pan Šefčovič, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Drei Punkte hat der Kollege hier hervorgehoben: wirtschaftliche Prosperität, Werte und Sicherheit. Wirtschaftliche Prosperität hat die EU selbst zerstört durch die unsinnigen Embargos gegen Russland. Unsere Unternehmen haben jetzt die teuersten Energiepreise, sind nicht mehr konkurrenzfähig auf den Weltmärkten, verlassen die Europäische Union oder gehen pleite. Gleichzeitig zahlt die Europäische Union an die Ukraine 300 Milliarden Euro, waren das in dem ganzen Zeitraum seit Anfang des Krieges.
Und wie viel gehen in die Forschung zur Förderung der Wirtschaft und der Prosperität? Der Forschungsinnovationsfonds bekommt 90 Milliarden, lediglich 90 Milliarden in dem gleichen Zeitraum, und mickrige 10 Milliarden davon sind für Start-ups.
Wir müssen die Embargos beenden und die Wirtschaft und Innovation stärken. Werte, über welche Werte reden Sie? Gleich wird hier abgestimmt über das Verbot der EU-Partei der stärksten Partei in Deutschland auf Antrag der Kommunisten, Sozialisten und der Grünen. Das sind die wahren Feinde der Demokratie. Hier werden demokratische Werte, europäische Werte mit Füßen getreten.
Und Sicherheit, Sicherheit in der EU? Ich bin gespannt, erklären Sie das der zwei den zwei kleinen Mädchen und der Ehefrau von dem schwedischen Polizisten Christian Cedig, der neulich umgebracht wurde. Sie haben in der EU die Sicherheit der EU-Bürger durch die Massenmigration zerstört und nur wir, nur wir durch die Remigration, wir liefern bereits aus der Opposition und wir beschützen die Bürger Europas.
Fernand Kartheiser
Thank you very much, Taoiseach. Ireland's presidency must not be a presidency like all the others.
Many Europeans hope Ireland will build on its own proud history and independent character, rather than obediently fulfill the Commission's agenda. Ireland is a neutral country and should oppose the EU's transformation into a European NATO. Instead of supporting the escalation and prolongation of conflicts, it should use its presidency to guide Europe towards diplomacy and a negotiated settlement with our Russian neighbor. Ireland is a proudly Catholic country. It should oppose generalized same-sex parental recognition and surrogacy in the EU.
Ireland should stand firm in defending our children's rights against those who merchandise them, as well as their biological mothers. The Irish are freedom-loving people. Please fight now to abolish EU censorship, the democracy shield, and regulated access to social media. I wish the Irish presidency courage and success for its eighth Council presidency.
Roberta Metsola
I give the floor now to Siegfried Mureșan, one and a half minutes.
Siegfried Mureşan
Thank you very much, Madam President, Prime Minister, Taoiseach, colleagues, welcome to the European Parliament. Look, a very vast majority of the members of the European Parliament agrees that the priorities of the Union for the upcoming months are firstly defending European values, protecting our democracy, our freedom. Secondly, investing more in our security, in our defense, protecting citizens and thirdly, strengthening the economy, making it more competitive, ready for the digital age and for artificial intelligence. Prime Minister, the program of the Irish presidency that you are putting forward today identifies these priorities also as the priorities of the Irish presidency. This is correct, we thank you for this.
In addition to this, we also very much welcome your focus on enlargement. Supporting, strengthening our neighboring countries which are also EU candidate countries is good for the candidate countries, but it is good for the Union as well. The stronger, the more stable the candidate countries are, the better also for the security of the 27 member states. So full support also for your ambitious merit-based enlargement agenda. If we want Europe to do more, to protect its citizens, to become more competitive, we have to equip it with the right tools.
One of the tools is the budget of the European Union. We as a Parliament, at the end of April, have adopted our common position on the EU budget for the next seven years, identifying security and competitiveness as the new priorities of the budget, but not neglecting what has proven its viability in time: protecting fishers, protecting farmers, protecting our regions. We want a future-oriented modern cohesion policy. It's clear that when it comes to the budget, we can't do more with less. This is why we stand for an ambitious budget.
Please make sure that as we have a Parliament's position, there will be a Council position by the end of the year, based also on the transparent introduction of own sources of revenue of the European Union. Thank you very much.
Thank you.
Now one minute for Carla Tavares.
Carla Tavares
Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, começo naturalmente por saudar a presidência holandesa e estou certa que a cooperação com este Parlamento será estreita e profícua. Sabemos também que uma das prioridades é o orçamento de longo prazo da União e que sabemos bem também de um compromisso de um trabalho intenso e ambicioso com todos os líderes da União Europeia para que seja possível ter uma, um acordo até ao final de 2026. Como o Senhor Presidente sabe, o Parlamento Europeu para nós é totalmente claro que é preciso que esse acordo exista até ao final do ano, mas não é possível trabalhar no MFF sem olhar só para o lado da despesa. É importante olharmos também para a ambição orçamental. E é preciso olhar para a receita e falo obviamente dos novos recursos próprios que tornem o orçamento europeu mais justo, mais robusto e menos dependente das contribuições nacionais.
Não se pode fazer mais com menos e este Parlamento apoia a abordagem da Comissão de um cabaz para obter um acordo sobre novos recursos próprios. Precisamos de uma União Europeia mais segura, competitiva e coesa e um orçamento à altura dessa, dessa ambição. Novas prioridades requerem maior investimento, uma Europa mais forte exige um orçamento também mais forte.
Marieke Ehlers
Thank you, Madam President, Prime Minister, Commissioner. Europeans are asking simple but existential questions. How do we pay for food, electricity and rent? Will we still have a job tomorrow? And why are our streets no longer safe for our women and children?
These are the concerns of ordinary citizens. Yet in your chapter on security, I find little to nothing about criminal migrants or returning those with no right to stay. Instead, I read about security in all dimensions and something called climate security. Interesting concepts perhaps, but not the priorities citizens expect. Europe does not need better migration management.
It needs control of its border. The priority should be rapid returns, not more legal migration pathways. And on the next multi-annual budget, taxpayers expect discipline and value for money. Instead, the Irish presidency advocates a larger EU budget, higher national contributions and more common borrowing.
But the answer to every challenge cannot be to throw more money at it. And when it comes to the staggering energy prices, your programme mentions affordable energy only three times. The word gender, on the other hand, appears 14 times. Europe does not need more migration, more debt, and more ideology. It needs realism, regulatory prudence, and sound fiscal policy.
Thank you very much.
Thank you. Now I give the floor to Assita Kanko, one minute.
Assita Kanko
Thank you, Madam President. In all what you said, presidency, I haven't heard much about anti-Semitism, yet a big issue in Europe. As you know, we still need to protect Jewish schools and institutions in many European cities, and that is a fact. You speak of the importance of our European way of life, and I totally welcome that. I must say what it means today, though.
You need to give faith to European people again. Faith in justice, faith in equality, faith in what the soul of Europe is. To me, it means that values are not à la carte. It means we have, we all have access to the same justice, that no woman is subject to marital captivity or reduced to parallel justice systems.
We need a Europe that says no to radical Islam and designate the Muslim Brotherhood as a terror organization. We need a Europe that protects its children against sexual abuse online. For six years we have been talking but never delivered regarding the regulation. Some of the children abused today were even not born. Today I will vote for the urgent procedure but we need you to deliver next.
Michael McNamara
Is éacht pearsanta é do thuras an lá seo, a Thaoisigh. Guím gach ádh ort agus go n-éirí leat. The success of the Irish presidency will be built on long hours by countless Irish civil servants far from today's limelight and that of recent days. And I think we should remember their work and wish them success as well in their important tasks. As we assume leadership of the EU budget, we must lead by example.
Try to do more with less, not less with more. We need to invest in our beleaguered defense forces but that does not mean abandoning the proud role of neutral non-aligned states and our place among them. Instead we're spending 293 million euros on this presidency. It's far too much, Taoiseach. Pull back on it.
It's not necessary.
Included in that is 135,000 euros for wool scarves to be of uniquely Irish artistic character, but not necessarily Irish wool. It's 30 degrees outside, Taoiseach. When it does cool down, everybody around here is well capable of buying their own scarves.
Thomas Waitz
Thank you, President, Taoiseach, Commissioner. First of all, thank you for your preparation already towards this presidency. I see you're very active already in preparing and your people around also talking to many of us. I have three wishes to your, to your direction. Ireland is hosting family farming.
Ireland is hosting relatively small and medium-sized farming. We're negotiating the common agriculture policy. I count on you that you help us that we support real farmers and we don't dilute European taxpayers' money to big investment funds or super-rich investors across the European Union. And we can really safeguard that the farmers that work hard on their land and that also work in a climate, animal welfare and environmentally friendly way have access to the funds.
In this combination, also please make sure that this renationalization of European money is not leading to a fragmentation, to a distortion of markets, that we still keep the common in our policy, may it be common agriculture policy or others, and thank you for standing up for enlargement and for this cooperation. Thank you.
Jeroen Lenaers
Thank you, President, dear colleagues, welcome, Taoiseach. As my Member State has been paired with County Mayo during your presidency, I have to start by congratulating Mayo for reaching the semi-finals at the expense of your very own Cork. Mayo for Sam. On a more serious note, the Irish presidency has chosen three clear priorities: competitiveness, values and security, joined together under the motto "Strength with Unity", and that is both timely and appropriate. On competitiveness, Europe must become more productive and competitive.
We must continue cutting unnecessary bureaucracy and creating the conditions for businesses to invest, innovate and grow. But that alone will not be enough. We must also strengthen our industry, deepen our internal market and realize true strategic autonomy. On values, protecting our values also means protecting our children. They deserve to grow up in a safe online environment, protected from exploitation and harmful content.
And I count on the Irish presidency to make online child safety a central priority throughout its term, as it has done successfully at home. And then finally, security. Europe must continue to stand with Ukraine, but every member state must contribute in a more fair share if Europe wants to remain credible. Colleagues, there are many challenges, but they all require the same response: a Europe that acts together with determination. And that is how we turn strength with unity from a motto into a lasting legacy.
Thank you.
Thank you very much, Mr. Lennes. Now Jean-Marc Germain, one minute.
Jean-Marc Germain
Monsieur le Premier ministre, au moment où il vous revient de présider les négociations sur le budget pluriannuel, nous voulons vous adresser un message clair. On ne construit pas la compétitivité en sacrifiant la solidarité ou en léguant une planète invivable à nos enfants. Car comme le dit le proverbe irlandais, c'est en nous abritant les uns les autres que nous vivons. Aussi, tant que le Conseil ne renoncera pas à énucléer le Fonds européen ou à rogner les fonds de cohésion pour financer le fonds de compétitivité, il n'y aura pas de consentement du Parlement européen. L'autre clash annoncé, c'est sur l'écologie.
Je vois bien les tentations de tuer le DNSH à coups de dérogations qui permettraient aux bénéficiaires de l'argent européen de s'asseoir sur les dégâts collatéraux qu'ils font subir à la nature. Mais j'ose espérer qu'après l'épisode terrible de canicule que nous venons de vivre, votre présidence portera haut cette idée que si l'Union fait la force, l'unité se forge dans la justice sociale et dans la responsabilité environnementale. Je vous remercie.
Merci. Valérie Deloge, une minute.
Valérie Deloge
Chers collègues, aujourd'hui nos agriculteurs n'étouffent pas sous le manque de promesses, ils étouffent sous leur accumulation. L'Union européenne est devenue une usine à contraintes. Le programme de la présidence irlandaise affiche de beaux objectifs : compétitivité, sécurité alimentaire, simplification. Dans les faits, elle recycle des débats interminables qui encombrent et étouffent encore un peu plus ceux qui produisent. Nos agriculteurs et nos producteurs n'ont pas besoin de longs discours, ils ont besoin de revenus dignes et d'une vision à long terme.
Pourtant, ils subissent une triple peine : des importations qui ne respectent pas nos standards, des coûts et des règles qui changent sans cesse et une bureaucratie qui est devenue hors contrôle. On les enferme dans toujours plus de Green Deal, de Farm to Fork ou de baisse de la PAC et d'écologie punitive. Comment prétendre prioriser l'agriculture en réduisant et en désacralisant l'enveloppe PAC ?
Prenons l'élevage, ce n'est pas un problème à corriger, c'est une richesse à défendre, c'est un pilier de notre souveraineté. Nous vous nous parlez d'autonomie, de facilité et de nouvelles agricultures sans jamais rencontrer, sans écouter et sans comprendre ce que vivent les agriculteurs. Nous attendons donc plein d'espoir que cette nouvelle présidence entende les agriculteurs et défende une PAC forte, autonome, au service de la production et de ses producteurs. Je vous remercie.
Bogdan Rzońca
Pani Przewodnicząca, Panie Premierze, było dużo uprzejmości jak dotąd, a teraz parę szczegółów. Jeden z europejskich think tanków wyliczył właśnie, że w 2025 roku Unia Europejska straci 90 miliardów euro dlatego, że jest ogromna ofensywa przemysłu chińskiego w Unii Europejskiej i upadają firmy. Mówimy dużo o Zielonym Ładzie, a ja chcę powiedzieć bardzo wyraźnie: najpierw energia powinna być tania dla przedsiębiorców, a później zielona. Zwracam uwagę prezydencji irlandzkiej również na to, że historycznie Unia jest w tej chwili w największym długu.
Jeszcze nigdy Unia Europejska nie była tak zadłużona jak jest. I mamy ogromny problem, czego świadkami są wszyscy obecni tu na tej sali, bo w Unii Europejskiej upadają firmy albo przenoszą swoją działalność do Indii, do Stanów Zjednoczonych. Ostatnio austriacka firma napisała wprost, gdy głosowaliśmy pomoc z funduszu globalizacji, że ucieka do Indii, bo nie wytrzymuje cen energii. Na takie rzeczy trzeba zwrócić uwagę. I życzę powodzenia.
Thank you. Tomas Tobé, one minute.
Tomas Tobé
Madam President, Commissioners, Taoiseach, the EPP Group strongly welcomes the Irish presidency's focus on security of Europe and its citizens. We have already strengthened Europe's external borders with the migration pact and new rules on returns of irregular migrants. Now we must step up our fight against cross-border organized crime. Because while we have taken back control of our external borders, criminal networks continue to abuse the freedom of movement within our Union. Concretely, we count on the Irish presidency to push for a stronger Europol and to make it into a truly operational police agency.
And internal security must be reflected properly in the long-term budget.
Organized crime has never posed a greater threat to our citizens and our societies. We must do everything we can to crack down on it. EPP is ready to work with Irish presidency all the best.
Thank you very much. Now Stefano Cavedagna, un minuto.
Stefano Cavedagna
Grazie Presidente. L'Europa ha due grandi priorità. La prima, combattere tutte quelle follie green ed ecologiste che abbiamo visto nell'ultimo mandato, prima tra tutte l'ETS, quella odiosa tassa ambientale che fa danni continuamente alle nostre imprese e ai nostri cittadini. Fermare il Green Deal. Questo serve per una migliore competitività europea.
E l'altra, che non è seconda a questa prima priorità, è quella della sicurezza dei cittadini. La loro sicurezza che i cittadini europei pretendono di avere per le loro strade, nelle loro città, nelle loro nazioni. E si combatte con due modalità. La prima è una lotta attiva al fondamentalismo islamico rispetto al quale troppe persone qui in questa aula non stanno parlando e lo stanno dimenticando. E l'altra è quella della lotta all'immigrazione clandestina.
Dobbiamo rimpatriare tutti gli immigrati illegali perché altrimenti i problemi di sicurezza peggioreranno giorno dopo giorno come hanno mostrato i recenti attacchi.
Regina Doherty
Go raibh maith agat, Uachtarán, Taoiseach, an t-athair tá fáilte romhat. Colleagues, our former Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald said that joining Europe completed Ireland's journey to independence and history has proven him to be so right. Every generation inherits moments that defines a nation and for Ireland one of those moments was in 1973 and Ireland chose Europe. And it was a choice about the kind of country that we wanted to become: open to the world, confident and engaged and at the table instead of on the sidelines. As we begin our eighth presidency of the Council of the European Union, the challenges that we face today are very different but we will not be found wanting.
We will give more options to build long-term financial security for the people and their families. We must find solutions for businesses struggling to grow, our young people options to buy homes and really importantly protect our children online. And vitally we will stand by Ukraine and the defense of Europe even if that means having to make difficult decisions when they're not the easiest ones.
Yes, we're a small island on the western edge of Europe, but by God, we have the power and the ambition to help build a stronger and brighter future. Thank you very much.
Nina Carberry
Go raibh maith agat, Madam President, Taoiseach. Ireland's EU presidency will not be judged in this debating chamber. It will not be judged in negotiating rooms in Brussels, Strasbourg, or Dublin, nor will it happen in weeks or months after it comes to an end. But it will happen around kitchen tables. It will happen at farmyard gates and school classrooms.
In the decades ahead, for me, there are two fences we must clear. First, farming. Europe needs a ring-fenced common agricultural policy. It needs young farmers to see a future. It needs a pathway for retiring farmers, and it needs less red tape.
Second, our children. Childhood can no longer be outsourced to big tech. We need to see a ban on addictive algorithms. We need real age verification on social media, and we must pursue those who allow abusers and predators to hide behind anonymity. This presidency will not be judged by promises made, it will be judged by promises delivered.
And we in this Parliament stand ready to work with you to achieve this. Go raibh míle maith agat.
Thank you very much, Ms. Carberry. Now Ms. Jerković. Romana Jerković.
Romana Jerković
Thank you, President. I welcome the Irish presidency's commitment to strengthen Europe's health systems. Health is not a privilege, but a fundamental right, and it must remain at the heart of the European project. Innovation in life sciences, biotechnology, and digital health offers enormous opportunities. But innovation must go hand in hand with fairness.
Every patient, regardless of where they live or their income, must have access to affordable medicines, high-quality care, and the benefits of new technologies. A resilient Europe depends on resilient public health systems, supported by a well-trained and valued health workforce. We stand ready to work with the Irish presidency to build a health union that delivers for everyone, one that combines innovation with solidarity, competitiveness with social justice, and economic growth with better health for all. Thank you.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Arvoisa puhemies, EU-kuplassa eletään aivan toisessa todellisuudessa kuin missä tavalliset eurooppalaiset elävät. Irlanti on uusi EU-puheenjohtaja ja tämän puheenjohtajakauden toimintaohjelma on tästä todellisuusharhasta täydellinen esimerkki. Kun eurooppalaiset pyytävät päättäjiltä yksinkertaisia asioita, kuten turvallisuutta, kohtuuhintaista energiaa ja asumista sekä suojattuja ulkorajoja, mitä he saavat? Arvojulistuksia, LGBTQI-ohjelmia sekä antirasismistrategioita. Tässä toimintaohjelmassa käytetään sivukaupalla tilaa siihen, mitä ihmisten pitäisi ajatella ja mitä arvoja omaksua.
Nämäkö asiat valvottavat eurooppalaisia öisin? No eivät toden totta valvota. Lakatkaa siis jo tuputtamasta näitä ideologisia ohjelmianne ja alkakaa huolehtia siitä, josta teidät on valittu pitämään huolta: siitä, että kansalaisilla on turvallinen Eurooppa, jossa leivän päälle saa muutakin kuin pelkän ylähuulen.
Taoiseach, one of your priorities for Ireland's presidency is to strengthen Europe's competitiveness while protecting balanced regional development.
Ciaran Mullooly
As you begin today to steer the negotiations on the new long-term EU budget, will you commit that Ireland will not support a deal which sidelines cohesion and rural development funds in favor of narrowly defined competitiveness spending? And can you spell out one concrete safeguard you will defend to protect our peripheral and island regions like the Midlands-North-West of Ireland? Your values, your shared values, we will test them in the coming months, Taoiseach. We look for human dignity when it comes to housing in particular. You know the focus, you know the crisis upon us with 15,000 people homeless in Ireland and 5,000 children.
You know we need to work harder on this. And if there is to be a right to stay, Taoiseach, in the regions of Ireland, then we need a common agricultural policy which gives all of our farmers a livelihood going forward, the small farmers and the large ones. That must be your legacy, Taoiseach, from this presidency.
Thank you very much. Now, Mr. van Lanschot.
Reinier Van Lanschot
Yes, here it is. Dear Taoiseach, is maith an scáthán súil carad.
A friend's eye is a good mirror. My eyes see a country a little too fond of selling aluminium to Russia and tax benefits to American tech. But I also see a country committed to peace, the best live music in Europe, and a beacon of democracy, pioneering citizen assemblies and referendums that were thoughtful and representative instead of blunt populist tools. As pioneers of democracy, we urge you to use your presidency to fight for democracy. That means getting rid of the veto.
We can act decisively and democratically, or we can have the veto. We cannot have both. If you allow me to butcher Gaelic one more time, Am agus foighne a thugann uile mhuige go Corcaigh. Time and patience brings a snail to Cork. Taoiseach, we've waited long enough.
Let's get rid of the veto and bring this snail to Cork.
Thank you, Mr. Lanshot. Now for the Commission, Commissioner Šefčovič to wrap up.
Maroš Šefčovič
Thank you very much, Madam President, Taoiseach, honorable members.
I would like to thank all of you for your interventions and indeed very rich debate. The Irish Presidency has set out a clear and timely agenda and today's discussion confirms broad alignment on the key priorities. Be it on our values, cybercrime and housing highlighted in the interventions by Madam Garcia Perez and Mr. Weber, or the importance of competitiveness, simplification, boosting position of European Union on the global economic stage, or tackling heatwaves and fires advocated by Madam Aye and Madam Reintke. Many members of the European Parliament, Mr. Mureșan, Madam Szydło, Madam Gall, Mr. Flanagan, reflected in their statements the importance and complexity of the negotiations of the next multiannual financial framework. To get this done, it requires huge skills, focus and persistency and Irish Presidency demonstrated the ability to deliver many times in the past.
And I'm sure, Mr. Taoiseach, that you will, you will do it again. To conclude, I would like to highlight that Commission remains fully committed to work hand in hand with the Presidency, the European Parliament and the Member States to deliver tangible results. Because we are entering indeed a decisive phase for Europe's future. It would require true European team spirit, inter-institutional coordination and strong resolve. And I am convinced that we will all rise to the challenge as Europeans and make European Union in the next six months under the Irish Presidency stronger and with unity.
Thank you very much, Commissioner Šefčovič. And now, can I please ask you, colleagues, to listen to the concluding remarks and responses by the Taoiseach representing the incoming current Irish Presidency, Micheál Martin.
Micheál Martin
Thank you very much indeed, President Metsola and group leaders. And I want to thank everybody who contributed to the debate. And I think it illustrated the rich diversity of opinion and views within this Parliament. And I've taken careful note of every individual contribution. So forgive me if I perhaps just respond thematically in relation to a number of issues that were raised.
And I want to thank Commissioner Šefčovič for his contribution. And just to say in the context of that contribution, that it is our belief that the Commission is taking the strategically correct decision to expand trade deals between the European Union and other countries. To counteract the increasing protectionism of others, it is important that strategically we seek to conclude deals as effectively as we can, protecting workers' rights along that process and the essential values that underpin our economy.
Our experience has been that free trade deals and trade deals benefit workers, create more jobs, that has been our experience, it can be Europe's experience into the future. In terms of a key theme that has emerged, protecting children is uppermost in the Irish presidency and I thank MEP Weber for your remarks in that respect in the sense that and indeed others and Valerie and others spoke about the importance of the regulation and the legislation. We are looking forward to the expert panel review from the Commission. It is extremely important that we do everything we possibly can to protect our children from on from social media and online and we must devise the best mechanisms to do that. In terms of competitiveness and enterprise, and Commissioner McGrath is responsible for the Europe Inc program and and idea.
Now he comes from a country which values social partnership. We have had strong relationships with our trade union movement for decades and we will continue to work in partnership with them. We understand the balance that has to be struck between facilitating enterprise and new ideas but also protecting the rights of workers.
But neither are mutually exclusive. We were at the National Tyndall Institute in Cork last week with the President of the Commission and indeed other commissioners. And we saw there how research and development and ideas around semiconductors and photonics, those ideas lead to the formation of small companies, which provides jobs for workers, which expands and grows. Competitiveness agenda is about facilitating that dynamic. And we must do it more.
We have to do it faster. And it's about jobs and it's about workers. But those small companies need to be European from day one. We cannot have national barriers against those small companies that will expand and grow and create new jobs. And Savings and Investment Union is about underpinning that growth by providing the necessary capital to enable growth at scale, because the one weakness that researchers and people are saying to us in Europe is the absence of that capital markets union within Europe and the absence of scale.
And many of our companies pivot to the American, US and elsewhere for that venture capital. Could I say also that in terms of the social issue, and many spoke about housing. In Ireland, housing is the number one social issue. And the bulk of spending comes from the national exchequer towards housing.
And we are making progress, but we have to make a lot more progress. So we will work hard during our presidency, we're working with the Commission to convene a special conference on housing, a summit on housing, to give it that priority. We will support the Affordable and Social Housing Act, because it is something that's not just an Irish issue, as I've learned, it's across the entirety of Europe itself. In terms of the key strengths of the European Union historically, there is no doubt, and I've listened to many members speak about the centrality and importance of food security and our farmers in particular. And our farmers have progressed over the last number of years and continue to innovate, and we must continue to support food production.
I understand people's concerns in respect of cohesion, but then we have to balance that also then in terms of growth, and that speaks to the budget. And that will be challenging, very, very clear from the contributions.
Sometimes trying to navigate the budget negotiations is like trying to reconcile the irreconcilable in terms of different views and perspectives. But we must do it because Europe needs a budget. And we want to work with the Parliament in advance and to get work done on the files to try and prepare as much as we properly can so that Europe is well prepared for the next seven years. It unquestionably needs that budget. And on security, we are, Ireland is a peacekeeping nation, always has been, militarily non-aligned, but we're not politically neutral.
And we understand when a, when Russia invades Ukraine, that's a violation of the UN Charter. And Europe has been consistent on that fundamental truth, and we must remain so. But we must also, in terms of our, we must be consistent in the application of rule of law across the entirety of the Union and in all matters and in all respects. And our principled global outlook must also be consistent where all conflict and war emerges. And we will work hard with the Commission and with the Parliament in particular to advance that, the enhancement of capability and protection and greater resilience, particularly in terms of critical undersea infrastructure, in terms of cybersecurity and the newer hybrid threats that we're all collectively facing.
And finally, the issue, and people have different perspectives on matters to do with climate and so on like that.
But without question we are witnessing fairly significant events that we didn't witness before. We are on the green island of Ireland and by the way we're our grass is as green as it's ever been, but we have far more violent storms now which are having greater impact. We see all the wildfires across Europe right now. Adaptation is important. We have to deal with this.
There's no point in saying it's not happening. It is happening. You can have a different name for it, but Europe needs to respond in a resilient manner to these issues also. I thank you. I look forward to working with you on the wide variety of issues that you've raised this morning.
We understand what has worked for Europe, but we also understand that Europe needs to look ahead and be visionary in making sure that the generations that follow us have a Europe that they can be proud of, that they can love to live in, to work in and to rear a family in.
Thank you very much indeed.
Thank you. Okay, dear colleagues, let's go straight to the vote. I have a couple of requests for points of order, but before that I would like to welcome two delegations who are joining us today. We have a delegation from the National Assembly of Vietnam participating in the seventh EU-Vietnam Interparliamentary Meeting. Welcome.
We also have a joint delegation of senators from Morocco and France, so bienvenue à vous tous. Merci. Okay, let's start with the points of order, starting with Mr. René Aust.
René Aust
Frau Präsidentin, ich beziehe mich auf Artikel 187. Gemäß dieser Regel sollte es den Abgeordneten möglich sein, Änderungsanträge zu diesem Beschluss einzubringen, doch dazu geben Sie uns heute keine Gelegenheit. Deshalb bleibt es mir nur eines zu sagen. Unser AfD-Parteitag am Wochenende konnte nur unter einem massiven Polizeiaufgebot stattfinden. Gewalttätige Linksextremisten hatten öffentlich dazu aufgerufen, ihn zu verhindern.
Den Mitgliedern der EVP und von Renew, also CDU, CSU und FDP, wurde offen mit Gewalt gedroht, falls sie mit uns zusammenarbeiten. Dass dies keine leeren Worte sind, haben Sie erlebt. Nach den gemeinsamen Abstimmungen im Bundestag und im vergangenen Januar wurden Ihre CDU-Wahlkreisbüros angegriffen. Nach der Wahl von Thomas Kemmerich in Thüringen brauchten seine Frau und seine Kinder Polizeischutz. Nichts dergleichen ging jemals von uns aus, was aus linksextremen Strukturen hervorgeht.
Nicht wir müssen uns rechtfertigen, sondern diejenigen, die Argumente ausgegangen sind und deshalb zu Gewalt greifen.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you. Thank you, thank you Mr. Aust.
Now, for your first point, the vote today is merely procedural, so Parliament is not called upon to express a position on the substance of the matter, so under the procedure, amendments are not admissible. I give the floor next to Ms. Markéta Gregorová.
Markéta Gregorová
Yes. Thank you, Madam President. I would like to make a point of order referred in Rule 202.1, specifically on the Rules 73 and Rule 60.2. Unfortunately, you as the President did not abide by the rules and you asked the Council to revive Chat Control 1.0 when the plenary voted to reject it. You should have asked the Commission to withdraw it in accordance with the Rule 60.2.
We now have to vote again on an urgent procedure initiated by your group that is ready to give in to this farce. Colleagues, stand your ground. Vote that procedure down and vote Chat Control down again. Thank you.
Thank you. I can assure you I do my job according to every single rule that exists. Now we move to the request by the EPP Group for urgent decision concerning the proposal on amending Regulation 2021/1232 as regards the extension of its period of application.
I give the floor first to Mr. Tobé to speak in favor of the urgent decision. Can you press the button maybe? Let's see whether it works if you press it. Alright.
Tomas Tobé
President, dear colleagues. Today's vote is not about party politics. Today's vote is not about majority tactics or strategy. Today's vote is not about chat control, it's not even about procedure. It is much more important than that.
Today's vote is about deciding if we want to protect our children or if we want to protect sexual predators. President. In March, we collectively failed to protect children. But in April, this House together clearly urged Commission to come up with measures to close the legal gap that we currently have. The Commission has acted and 26 out of 27 member states have agreed.
Colleagues, we have an unique chance right now to send a clear signal. We care. We care about our children and we will protect them. Because every child that is exposed on sexual abuse materials online is a victim that is never heard and an offender that is never brought to justice. Without the interim regulation, 99% of child abuse materials goes undetected.
This is unacceptable. We cannot go to summer recess knowing that our children are not protected. So I say to all you colleagues, please take responsibility today. Vote today in favor of the urgent resolution and to protect children on Thursday and then we continue our work together on the permanent regulation. Vote to protect children.
Thank you.
Sommer, Sonne, Massenüberwachung und so stellen sich einige EU-Eliten den Start in die Sommerferien vor. Kurz vor der Pause soll noch schnell eine Überwachungsstruktur beschlossen werden.
Mary Khan
Und das, obwohl das Parlament bereits die Chatkontrolle abgelehnt hat. Jetzt wird derselbe Vorschlag einfach wieder aufgewärmt. Und in diesem hohen Haus der Demokratie wird offenbar so lange abgestimmt, bis das Ergebnis passt. Und Sie alle wissen genau, dass es für die dauerhafte Chatkontrolle keine Mehrheit gibt. Deshalb versucht man nun gemeinsam mit dem Rat, das Ganze durch die Hintertür wiederzubeleben.
Deshalb wählt man wie so oft immer wieder die Salami-Taktik. Und übersetzt heißt das: Private Nachrichten sollen technisch durchsuchbar gemacht werden, Bilder, Videos und sogar Texte automatisch geprüft werden. Und dass man heute versucht, das Ganze durch einen Dringlichkeitsantrag durchzubringen, zeigt doch den Geist dieses Vorhabens. Seit 2021 versucht Ursula von der Leyen schon Zugang zu unseren privaten Nachrichten zu bekommen. Sie selbst kann ihre SMS nicht offenlegen.
Und jeder weiß, was 2021 auf unserem Kontinent los war während der Corona-Maßnahmenzeit. Und natürlich, dieses Argument zieht nicht. Ich bin selbst Mutter. Natürlich wollen wir alle Kinder schützen. Aber echter Kinderschutz beginnt nicht damit, jeden Bürger unter Generalverdacht zu stellen.
Echter Kinderschutz beginnt dort, wo wirklich Täter gefährlich werden. Bei harten Strafen statt Bewährung. Es müssen offene Täterregister her bei besserer Strafverfolgung und die Zerschlagung von Grooming-Gangs. Wer Kinderschänder mit Samthandschuhen anfasst, aber Millionen Bürger unter Generalverdacht setzen stellen möchte, setzt bewusst die Prioritäten falsch. Und an jeden Bürger, jeder Bürger kann heute einsehen und sollte dies auch tun, welcher Abgeordneter heute dafür gestimmt hat, dass seine privaten Nachrichten künftig durchsuchbar gemacht werden.
Schauen Sie genau hin, merken Sie sich die Namen. Jeder Abgeordneter, der für diesen Dringlichkeitsantrag stimmt, stimmt auch für eine Massenüberwachung. Vielen Dank.
Now let's vote on the request for an urgent decision by roll call. The vote is open. Vote is closed. Okay, and it's adopted. So the request is approved.
Roberta Metsola
The vote will be held on Thursday. Deadlines are as follows: amendments Wednesday, 8th July at noon, split, separate and roll-calls Wednesday, 8th July at 7:00 PM. We move to the decision requesting the Authority for European Political Parties and European Political Foundations to verify whether Europe of Sovereign Nations Party complies with the conditions laid down in Regulation 2025/2445. This is a single vote by secret ballot. Vote is open.
Vote is closed. And it is approved. Now we move to the motion for a resolution tabled by the Conference of Presidents amending the decision of 18th December 2024 on setting up a special committee on the housing crisis in the European Union, extending its term of office and adjusting its responsibilities. Amendment 4 by roll-call. Vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 5 by roll-call. Vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 6 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 7 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 2. Who's in favor?
Who's against? Who abstains? Rejected. Amendment 3 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 1 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. So we vote on the resolution as a whole.
Who is in favor? Who is against? Who abstains? Adopted. We go to the report by Mr. Mario Furore on the request for the waiver of the immunity of Klára Dobrev.
There is a vote on the proposal for a decision. Who is in favor? Who is against? Who abstains? It's adopted.
Next is the report by Mr. Adrián Vázquez Lázara on the request for the waiver of the immunity of Siegbert Frank Droese.
We vote on proposal for a decision. Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted.
Adopted. The report by Mr. Dominik Tarczyński on the request for the waiver of the immunity of Ilhan Kyuchyuk. We vote on the proposal for a decision. Who is in favor? Who is against?
Who abstains? Adopted. Now we move to the report by Mr. Andrey Novakov on air passenger rights. We vote on the joint text by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Congratulations. And happy birthday. Good day for the rapporteur to celebrate his birthday too. Report by Ms. Gaby Bischoff on the coordination of social security systems, provisional agreement, amendment 209 by roll call vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. We have the draft legislative resolution, amendment 210. Who's in favor?
Who is against? Who abstains? Adopted, therefore the first reading of Parliament is closed. Congratulations. Temporary support and payment of advances regarding the increased fertilizer prices due to the Middle East crisis, amendment 1, by roll call, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. We vote on the Commission proposal, by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted, the first reading of Parliament is closed.
Report by Ms Elisabeth Vozemberg-Vrionidi on international road passenger transport services by coach and bus in the border regions, cabotage operations between Austria and Switzerland. It's a single vote, by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed. And it's adopted, first reading of Parliament is closed. Congratulations.
We move to the report by Mr Andrzej Halicki on the draft amending budget number 1/2026 entering the surplus of the financial year 2025. We start with paragraph 3, amendment 1. Who is in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted. Second part, who's in favor?
Rejected. We vote on the original text in two parts.
Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted. Amendment two, who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Rejected. Paragraph seven amendment three, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Rejected. We vote on the original text by roll call. Vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted.
Amendment four by roll call. Vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment five by roll call.
Vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment six by roll call. Vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Citation seven original text. Who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Adopted. Citation eight original text. Who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Adopted. We vote on the resolution as a whole by roll call. Vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Move to the report by Ms. Lucia Yar on the mobilization of the European Globalization Adjustment Fund technical assistance at the initiative of the Commission. It's a single vote by ROKO vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. We go to the report by Mr. Bogdan Ronsa on the mobilization of the European Union Solidarity Fund assistance to Romania, Cyprus and Spain with regard to national disasters in 2025. Amendment one who is in favor? Who is against? Who abstains?
Adopted we vote on the resolution as a whole by ROKO vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Now we vote on the report by Mr. Joachim Streit on financial activities of the European Investment Bank Group annual report 2025. Amendment three in two parts both by ROKO first part vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected second part vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 12 by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 4 by roll call, vote is open. Amendment 14. Who is in favor? Who is against? Who abstains?
Rejected. Amendment 7 by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 8 by roll call, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 5 by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 15. Who is in favor? Who is against? Who abstains? Rejected.
Amendment 9 by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 13 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. I give the floor now to Mr. Buxad Villalba to move an oral amendment to add a new paragraph after paragraph 22.
Jorge Buxadé Villalba
Gracias, presidente. La seora Nadia Calvio, exministra de Snchez, ahora a la cabeza del Banco Europeo de Inversiones, anunci en redes sociales 365 millones para carreteras y ferrocarriles de Marruecos. Por eso nosotros creemos importante incluir la siguiente enmienda. Lamenta la asignacin por parte del Banco Europeo de Inversiones de 365 millones de euros para reforzar la resiliencia y la seguridad de las redes viarias y ferroviarias de Marruecos, tal y como anunci la presidenta del banco, Nadia Calvio, el 30 de junio de 2026.
Recuerda que estos recursos financieros deberían destinarse prioritariamente a mejorar las infraestructuras de transporte dentro de la Unión, especialmente a la luz de los graves accidentes ferroviarios ocurridos en los últimos años, que han puesto de manifiesto las deficiencias en el mantenimiento y la modernización de las infraestructuras de transporte en varios Estados miembros. Considera que dicha financiación no se ajusta a la misión principal del banco, establecida en el artículo 309 del Tratado de Funcionamiento, consistente en contribuir al desarrollo equilibrado y constante del mercado interior en interés de la Unión. Muchas gracias.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you very much. Is there any opposition to the oral amendment? All right. 39 members, therefore cannot be taken. We move to the next vote.
Amendment 1 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 10 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Amendment 2. Who is in favor? Who is against? Who abstains?
Let's check amendment 2. Vote is closed. Adopted. We vote on the resolution as a whole by RCV, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Now we vote on the report by Mr. Adam Bielan on the recommendation on the changing geopolitical situation in East Asia and the need for closer cooperation with like-minded partners in the region. Amendment 1 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 6 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 7 by RCV, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 2 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 9. Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Check amendment 9.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 10. Who's in favor?
Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted amendment 11. Who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Adopted amendment 8. Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Check amendment 8. Vote is closed. Adopted amendment 12. Who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Adopted amendment 3 by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected amendment 4 by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected amendment 5 by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. We vote on the resolution as a whole by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Now we move to the report by Ms. Stéphanie Yon-Courtin on competition policy annual report 2025. Amendment 9. Who is in favor?
Who's against? Who abstains? Rejected. Amendment 1 by roll-call vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 2 by roll-call vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 10 by roll-call vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 3 by roll-call vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 8. Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted.
Amendment 4 by roll-call vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 11. Who's in favor?
Who's against? Who abstains? Rejected. Amendment 5 by roll-call vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 6 by roll-call vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 7 by roll-call vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 12 by roll-call vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Paragraph 54 original text by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. We vote on the resolution as a whole by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. We move to the report by Mr. Matthias Ecke on a coherent tax framework for the EU's financial sector. I give the floor to the rapporteur for two minutes.
Matthias Ecke
Thank you, Madam President. Colleagues, we cannot carry on like this. This is not sustainable. Our financial sector taxation system needs reform. Europe needs more investment for our digital and green transitions, to strengthen our security and to foster investment.
We need a deeper integrated financial market, but our taxation system has not kept up with that challenge. The VAT exemption on financial services dates back to 1977. This is 50 years nearly, and it was designed for an entirely different financial system. Today it creates distortions and it undermines our single market.
There is no simple solution for that. This is why this report is proposing no specific recipe, but it calls on the Commission to thoroughly investigate the matter and to propose a coherent framework. And to be honest, colleagues, I expect ambition. I expect the Commission to also assess the role that financial transaction tax and windfall taxes can play in such a framework. And we should also take a hard look on whether national tax regimes for the financial sector contribute to harmful tax competition in the European Union and sustain tax havens.
Colleagues, the shortcomings of the current system have led to more than 90 different national sectoral taxations, more than 90 across the Union. So this patchwork creates unnecessary complexity and bureaucracy, it distorts the single market and it ultimately weakens Europe's competitiveness. After almost 50 years, it's time for a change. It's time to modernize. I want you to be part of that modernization.
I am asking for your support.
Thank you. Now, amendment one. Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Okay, let's check amendment one. Vote is closed. Adopted. Paragraph two, original text. Who's in favor?
Roberta Metsola
Who's against? Who abstains? Let's check this as well. Paragraph 2. Vote is closed.
Rejected. Paragraph 7, original text in two parts. First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 2. Who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Check, amendment 2. Vote is closed. Adopted. Paragraph 27, amendment 3 by Rokova.
Vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. So we vote on the original text in three parts.
First part who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Vote is closed. Rejected.
Third part who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Check third part. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Paragraph 31 original text in two parts. First part who's in favor? Who abstains? Check.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Paragraph 33 amendment 4 by RCV vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 5 by RCV vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 6 by RCV vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected. We vote on the resolution as a whole by RCV vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Now we move to the report by Marcos Ros Sempere on a new strategy for media literacy and digital learning. I give the floor to the rapporteur for two minutes.
Marcos Ros Sempere
Gracias, presidenta. Durante mucho tiempo vimos la expansión de internet y de las redes sociales con optimismo. Pensábamos que la información circularía libre y que la conversación pública sería más abierta. Sin embargo, el espacio digital que nos atraviesa por completo ha cambiado radicalmente y ese optimismo se ha nublado. La concentración de poder en pocas manos, la opacidad y un modelo de negocio basado en la adicción permanente ha transformado profundamente ese ecosistema.
La desinformación circula con facilidad, los contenidos manipulados se multiplican y la inteligencia artificial ha acelerado y multiplicado este efecto. Conocer cómo funciona este nuevo mundo debe ser hoy una prioridad democrática. Hace décadas entendimos que no existía la ciudadanía plena sin saber leer y escribir.
Hoy nos ocurre algo parecido. En la era digital nadie puede ejercer plenamente sus derechos si no distingue la realidad de la desinformación, si no reconoce una manipulación generada por inteligencia artificial o si no entiende cómo funcionan los algoritmos. Y si nuestra ciudadanía no tiene esas herramientas, nuestras democracias no están preparadas para esta nueva era digital. Colegas, ningún Estado miembro puede afrontar este desafío por sí solo. Por eso hoy votamos implementar una nueva estrategia de alfabetización mediática y de aprendizaje digital para toda Europa.
Una estrategia que reconozca competencias como básicas y esenciales para toda la ciudadanía a cualquier edad y a lo largo de toda la vida, especialmente para niños, niñas y adolescentes. Servirá para su protección frente al acoso, los contenidos inapropiados y el diseño adictivo. También para nuestros mayores y el conjunto de la ciudadanía, porque nadie puede ser libre en un entorno digital que no entiende. La alfabetización mediática y digital es una necesidad democrática y hoy enviamos un mensaje claro. Gracias por su apoyo.
Thank you very much. We vote on paragraph three, amendment one by RCV. Vote is open.
Roberta Metsola
Vote is closed. Rejected. Original text by RCV. Vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Amendment two by RCV. Vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment three by RCV. Vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Paragraph nine, original text by RCV.
Vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment four by RCV. Vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Paragraph 14, original text by RCV. Vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Paragraph 16, original text in two parts. First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Second part by RCV. Vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted.
Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted. Second part by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Paragraph 27, original text in two parts. First part, who's in favor?
Adopted. Amendment 5 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Paragraph 35 original text by RCV, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 6, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Rejected. Paragraph 42 original text in two parts. First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Second part by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. So we vote on the resolution as a whole by RCV, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted.
Now we move to the report by Mr. Lukas Mandl and Mr. Pierfrancesco Majorino on the implementation and delivery of the Sustainable Development Goals in view of the 2026 High-Level Political Forum. I give the floor to the rapporteurs for one minute each. First, Lukas Mandl.
Lukas Mandl
Thank you very much, President, colleagues. United Nations are more needed than in decades before. The world needs the United Nations, at the same time the United Nations need a reform, are in urgent need of a reform. I thank the co-negotiators here in the European Parliament, especially Pierfrancesco Majorino, for tough negotiations but constructive negotiations to receive a good result for next week's High-Level Political Forum at the UN headquarters in New York to represent the European stance for a rule-based international order. And I also want to say to some who criticize the Sustainable Development Goals, we have to see them holistically, we have to see them balanced and we have to follow them in a balanced approach.
Also economic growth is part of the Sustainable Development Goals. Also education, also innovation that drives the economy is part of the SDGs. So if we follow the SDGs in an unideological way and follow them in a balanced way in our operative work, we contribute to a positive future.
Pierfrancesco Maran
Madam President, colleagues, sustainability, competitiveness and social justice must go hand in hand. More than a decade ago, the world came together to adopt the 2030 Agenda.
Since then, millions have escaped poverty and gained access to education, clean water, and electricity. Yet today, progress is slowing as conflict and climate change put those achievements at risk. Next week, at the United Nations High-Level Political Forum, Parliament will contribute to accelerating the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. Leadership means responsibility. Europe must lead by example by advancing climate neutrality, affordable clean energy, and stronger international partnership.
Thank you.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you, Mr. Maran. Now we vote on paragraph 10, original text, in three parts. First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Second part. Okay, vote is closed. It's clear, adopted. Third part, who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Adopted. Paragraph 51, original text, in four parts. First part, who's in favor? Who's against?
Check second part. The vote is closed. Adopted. Third part, who is in favor? Who is against?
Who abstains? Adopted. Fourth part, who is in favor? Who is against? Who abstains?
Check the fourth part. The vote is closed. It's rejected. Vote on resolution as a whole by roll-call vote is open. The vote is closed.
Adopted. We move to the report by Mr. Johan Van Overtveldt on digital assets: challenges for the competitiveness and integrity of the European Union's financial system. Just to remind you that the debates will start immediately after the vote. Amendment 1, who is in favor? Who is against?
Who abstains? Check amendment 1. The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 2, who is in favor?
Who is against? Who abstains? Check. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 3, who is in favor? Who is against? Who abstains? Rejected. So we vote, check amendment 3, okay.
It's okay, it's okay, last vote. Vote is closed. Rejected properly. Vote on the resolution as a whole by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted, have a good afternoon.
Esteban González Pons
Thank you very much, dear colleagues. Let's continue with the plenary session. Next item on the agenda is the joint debate concerning EU-Mexico. I beg those members who are not going to be part of the debate to leave the room. The recommendation by Mr. Lopez and Mr. Jimenez-Larrath, EU-Mexico political, economic and cooperation strategic partnership agreement.
And the report by Mr. Lopez and Mr. Jimenez-Larrath again, EU-Mexico political, economic and cooperation strategic partnership agreement interim report. And recommendation by Mr. Jimenez-Larrath, EU-Mexico interim agreement on trade.
I would like to remind speakers that given the test measures currently in place and the fixed end time of the debate, strict observance of speaking time will be required. Mi primer orador será el vicepresidente López. Un momento, señor López. Por favor, please, those who are not going to be part of the debate, please leave the room. Thank you very much, vicepresidente.
Javi López
No debatimos únicamente sobre un acuerdo comercial. Hoy decidimos qué lugar quiere ocupar Europa en un mundo cada vez más dominado por la confrontación, el proteccionismo y las políticas de poder. Tras más de una década de negociaciones, la Unión Europea y México culminan una decisión geopolítica de primer orden: modernizar nuestro acuerdo global. Porque este acuerdo es mucho más que la eliminación de aranceles o la apertura de mercados.
Es una respuesta política a quienes creen que el siglo XXI debe organizarse mediante amenazas, guerras comerciales, coerción económica o zonas de influencia. Nosotros defendemos otra lógica con este acuerdo global. Defendemos reglas frente a fuerza, cooperación frente a la confrontación y derecho internacional frente al unilateralismo. En un momento en el que algunos levantan muros, utilizan aranceles como armas y cuestionan décadas de construcción multilateral, Europa y México envían un mensaje distinto al mundo. Más cooperación, más instituciones, más derecho internacional y más comercio predecible con altos estándares medioambientales, sociales y laborales.
Porque la alternativa al multilateralismo no es más soberanía, es la ley de la selva. Europa necesita en este contexto socios fiables, socios democráticos, socios capaces de aportar estabilidad institucional, capacidad industrial, seguridad jurídica y compromiso con un orden internacional basado en normas. Y hay pocos en el mundo que combinen todos estos elementos como lo hace México. México es una potencia económica, industrial, tecnológica y diplomática de primerísimo orden, un miembro del G20 y uno de los socios estratégicos de la Unión Europea más importantes.
Pero no solo eso. Es una sociedad con una fuerte identidad propia, profunda y milenaria. Una nación heredera de hondas raíces culturales, ricas, diversas y vibrantes. Un país que ha sabido convertir su diversidad, mestizaje y pluralidad en una fuente de fortaleza nacional. Europa no mira a México únicamente como un mercado.
Europa mira a México con respeto. Nunca desde el reduccionismo, el paternalismo o la ignorancia. Porque compartimos principios esenciales. La defensa de la Carta de Naciones Unidas. El compromiso con la soberanía de los estados.
Compartimos la convicción de que ninguna potencia tiene derecho a imponer su voluntad sobre otros mediante la coerción económica o la fuerza. Y compartimos la certeza de que los grandes desafíos a los que nos afrontamos, la lucha contra las desigualdades, el cambio climático, la transición energética o digital, deben hacerse mediante cooperación, no mediante menos o confrontación. La determinación, y quiero destacarlo hoy aquí, de la presidenta von der Leyen y el presidente Costa nos han permitido llegar hasta aquí.
Y también la decisión estratégica de la presidenta Claudia Sheinbaum, de su liderazgo sereno, tranquilo y firme en la escena internacional. Abrimos una nueva etapa de oportunidades compartidas para una prosperidad compartida. Cuando Europa atravesó, y quiero recalcarlo hoy aquí que hablamos de las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y México, cuando Europa atravesó momentos oscuros durante el siglo XX, México abrió sus puertas a quienes huían de la guerra y de la persecución política. Ofreció refugio, dignidad y esperanza. Y algunos, especialmente en España por la acogida del exilio republicano español, tenemos un sentimiento de deber de gratitud con México que permanece.
Por eso hoy hacemos algo más que aprobar un acuerdo. Defendemos una idea del mundo. La idea de que la cooperación es más poderosa que el conflicto, que las reglas son preferibles a la arbitrariedad, que la apertura es más inteligente que el repliegue y de que frente al nacionalismo económico, el proteccionismo y la política del poder, Europa debe responder construyendo alianzas con quienes creen en la democracia, el derecho internacional y el multilateralismo.
Trata de defender con este acuerdo una idea de lo del orden internacional, un orden basado en normas y no en amenazas, en cooperación y no en coerción, en relaciones entre socios y no vasallos. Ese es el verdadero significado de este acuerdo y por eso hay que respaldarlo con convicción. Muchas gracias.
Pierfrancesco Maran
Gracias, gracias vicepresidente, el señor Jiménez Larraz también como responsable del informe.
Borja Giménez Larraz
Gracias, presidente. El acuerdo global con México va a ser una realidad, es un punto de inflexión en una realidad que comenzó hace veinticinco años. Desde entonces el comercio ha crecido un ciento cuarenta y ocho por ciento, hoy supera los ochenta y dos mil millones de euros. No es una cifra abstracta, es industria, es empresa, es inversión, es competitividad. Pero el mundo cambia rápido, estamos en un contexto de fragmentación global con tensiones comerciales, con amenazas recurrentes de nuevos aranceles.
Europa no se puede quedar atrás, necesitamos diversificar, más socios, más autonomía estratégica, cuanto más comercio más libre es la Unión. Veinticinco años después de la modernización de nuestras relaciones comerciales, esta es más que necesaria que nunca. Los beneficios económicos son claros, la Unión y México suman más de quinientos ochenta millones de consumidores, un mercado enorme.
Más de 45.000 empresas europeas se beneficiarán, la mayoría de ellas pymes, y el PIB de la Unión Europea puede aumentar en 1.800 millones de euros solo por la firma del acuerdo. También es una buena noticia para nuestro sector agroalimentario. No debemos tener miedo. Sectores como el porcino o el queso ganan, se eliminan aranceles y se protegen 568 indicaciones geográficas. Además, es el primer acuerdo que incorpora una cláusula anticorrupción.
Esto es clave si queremos inversiones transparentes y seguridad jurídica. Fundamental es también la incorporación de un sistema de tribunales de inversión permanente. México y la Unión Europea comparten mucho, siglos de historia, una historia compleja, profunda, que ha dado lugar a vínculos humanos, tradiciones, cultura, lengua. Todo ello forma parte de nuestra identidad. Hoy decidimos sellar un destino común.
Hoy damos un paso más en nuestra relación. Este acuerdo se basa en la confianza, confianza mutua entre dos pueblos amigos que se aprecian y se respetan.
Una relación así exige honestidad, la misma que entre buenos amigos, y esa honestidad exige sinceridad, que nos hablemos claro, lo que nos gusta y lo que no nos gusta tanto. Y hay cuestiones que nos preocupan de forma sincera. La reforma del sistema judicial, la elección popular de todos los jueces genera serias dudas, debilita la separación de poderes. Sin estabilidad institucional no hay confianza, sin confianza no hay crecimiento. Nos preocupa la seguridad, 90 homicidios al día, impunidad del 94%, el país con más periodistas asesinados, un crimen organizado que sabemos que ha permeado la sociedad y la economía.
No podemos mirar hacia otro lado, fundamentalmente porque es un enorme drama humano, pero también económico. Y lamentamos profundamente desde una perspectiva comercial que el capítulo energético haya quedado fuera del acuerdo. Esto va a dar lugar a vacíos regulatorios, desincentiva la inversión. Confiamos que esta cuestión se pueda resolver pronto. Somos amigos, somos socios y este acuerdo sienta las bases para reafirmar nuestra relación.
Una relación comercial ambiciosa, una relación política profunda, pero también una relación basada en el Estado de derecho, en la independencia judicial, en la seguridad jurídica y en el respeto de los valores democráticos.
Porque el comercio prospera cuando existen instituciones fuertes, la inversión llega cuando hay confianza. Señorías, digamos sí a un acuerdo fundamental para Europa, reforcemos nuestra posición global, mejoremos la competitividad, ampliemos alianzas. Cuanto más comercio, más libre será la Unión. Muchas gracias.
Esteban González Pons
Muchas gracias, señor Jiménez Larraz. Commissioner Šefčovič.
Maroš Šefčovič
Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. President, honorable members, dear rapporteurs. Trade is fundamental to the European Union economy and we just heard eloquent statement in this regard by Taoiseach who is heading Irish presidency in the earlier debate. Why? Because more than 700,000 EU companies export beyond our borders and they support more than 30 million jobs across the Union, contributing in one way or another to almost half of our European GDP.
Not least thanks to our 45 free trade agreements with 81 countries covering more than half of our trade. Yet the context for the EU trade policy has become increasingly unpredictable and volatile.
We are witnessing deliberate disruptions of global trade and the weaponization of dependencies. And in such turbulent times we need to work even more closely with our partners and keep markets open as well as new markets for our exports and diversify sources of the imports for the European Union producers. During this Commission's mandate we have struck landmark deals with Mexico, Mercosur, Indonesia, India, Australia and Eastern and Southern Africa so-called ESA countries. We are also continuing to negotiate with Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia and the United Arab Emirates. And against this background let me turn now to the subject of today's debate EU-Mexico trade relations.
The commercial ties between the EU and Mexico are already strong. We have been trading on preferential terms since the year 2000 when the trade pillar of EU-Mexico Global Agreement entered into force.
That has seen the bilateral trade in goods increase by 330% in the last 25 years, while the trade in services has also expanded significantly and the EU has become the second most important investor in Mexico. But in the past two decades, the world has changed, which is why we need a modernized agreement that takes EU-Mexico relations to a new level, establishing a modern and ambitious framework for bilateral trade and investment. It will take, it will make almost all EU-Mexico trade in goods tariff-free. And this is especially important for the EU agri-food exporters as duties will be removed on nearly all key products. While Europe's flagship food and drink products are protected under 569 geographical indications, the agreement will also support growth in EU services exports in sectors such as financial services, transport, and e-commerce.
It will reduce non-tariff barriers and help ensure a level playing field, including through stronger provisions on intellectual property rights. It will strengthen cooperation on critical raw materials and support the competitiveness of the European industry. It will promote the digital transition on both sides through the dedicated chapter on digital trade, and it will make it easier for small and medium-sized enterprises to trade and invest.
It will expand opportunities for EU firms in Mexico's public procurement market, and it will help address practical difficulties faced by our investors in Mexico. As you have underlined in the interim report accompanying this debate, the EU and Mexico are like-minded, long-standing partners. This agreement will deepen that partnership and strengthen our ability to work together on global challenges. It also underlines our commitment to fair trade, shared prosperity, sustainability, and rules-based cooperation, and it promotes sustainable development through legally binding commitments on labor rights, environmental protection, climate change, and responsible business conduct in the TSD chapter, as well as on trade and gender equality and women's economic empowerment. With the modernized agreement, we are better equipped to seize new opportunities and address common challenges, both bilaterally and at the multilateral level.
So honorable members, this debate is an opportunity to send a clear message to Europeans and to our partners that Europe believes in fair trade, strong alliances and strategic openness, and that when it comes to Mexico, we choose partnership and mutual benefit. So I would kindly ask for your support to back this agreement and I would conclude by thanking all of you for attending this debate and our two rapporteurs for great cooperation. Thank you very much, Mr. President.
Esteban González Pons
Thank you very much, Mr. Commissioner. As I don't see in the room Madame Březinová, we jump into the second part of the debate with la señora De Pedro on behalf of the EPP group.
Ana Miguel Pedro
Gracias, presidente. O acordo União Europeia-México é muito mais do que um acordo comercial. É uma escolha estratégica. O México é o segundo maior parceiro comercial da União Europeia na América Latina. Mais de 45 mil empresas europeias exportam para o México, muitas delas pequenas e médias empresas, que beneficiarão de regras mais claras, maior previsibilidade e novas oportunidades de investimento.
Num mundo cada vez mais fragmentado, esta parceria é essencial para uma relação transatlântica alargada, assente em interesses comuns e valores partilhados. Mas precisamente porque este acordo é estratégico, este Parlamento não separa o seu avanço da realidade política e institucional no terreno.
O México enfrenta desafios profundos: violência do crime organizado, desaparecimentos, ataques e assassinatos de jornalistas, corrupção, pressões sobre a independência judicial e dificuldades no normal funcionamento das instituições democráticas. Estes desafios não são externos ao acordo. São parte das condições que determinam se o acordo será credível, eficaz e sustentável. Não há verdadeira previsibilidade económica e confiança para as empresas sem instituições sólidas. Este Parlamento reconhece e apoia o acordo, mas exige compromissos claros e verificáveis em matéria de Estado de direito.
A União Europeia ganha ao reforçar a sua presença junto de um parceiro-chave na América Latina. Ganha peso, ganha influência, mas perderia autoridade moral e coerência política se reforçasse esta parceria fingindo não ver as fragilidades institucionais que persistem. Porque quanto mais estratégica é uma parceria, maior deve ser a nossa exigência democrática.
Gracias, presidente, comisario. Este Parlamento está a punto de dar su consentimiento a un acuerdo que ha tardado casi diez años en negociarse. Un acuerdo que llega en un momento en el que el comercio global ya no puede entenderse únicamente en términos económicos.
Hana Jalloul Muro
Hoy la Unión Europea es más consciente que nunca de que la política comercial es un pilar fundamental para nuestra seguridad económica y nuestra autonomía estratégica. Somos conscientes de la necesidad de diversificar nuestras relaciones comerciales y fortalecer alianzas con socios que comparten nuestro compromiso con el multilateralismo y con un comercio global basado en normas. México es, sin duda, uno de los mejores ejemplos de esa clase de aliados estratégicos. Por eso, la firma del acuerdo global modernizado entre la Unión Europea y México es una grandísima noticia que este Parlamento tiene que acompañar. Es un paso decisivo para adaptar nuestros lazos comerciales a las realidades del siglo XXI.
Y lo es porque elimina casi la totalidad de los aranceles que teníamos hasta ahora y porque actualiza los mecanismos de protección de inversiones, dando más certidumbre a operadores europeos y mexicanos. Estos son elementos clave que facilitarán las operaciones de las más de 45.000 empresas europeas, muchas de ellas pymes, que exportan a México. También se trata de un acuerdo relevante para el acceso a minerales críticos, como la fluorita o el cobre, un ámbito donde tenemos que asegurar que no se repitan las dinámicas extractivistas del pasado. Pero lo importante de este acuerdo no solo está en lo técnico.
El nuevo marco incluye obligaciones vinculantes en materia ambiental, laboral y social. El acuerdo garantiza el respeto al Acuerdo de París y, además, México ratifica nueve convenciones de la Organización Internacional del Trabajo, un compromiso que tiene que incluirse como parte esencial del acuerdo durante la próxima revisión. En este camino, este acuerdo tiene que ser un instrumento que contribuya a guiar la inversión hacia sectores de alto valor añadido en México, que diversifique la inversión europea en el país y que logre beneficiar a aquellos que tantas veces quedan atrás, que se convierta en un marco en el que la voz de la sociedad civil y las comunidades indígenas mexicanas sea escuchada y que asegure que sus prioridades no quedan de lado. En definitiva, dando luz a este acuerdo, el Parlamento Europeo deja claro que Europa apuesta por la cooperación con socios tan relevantes como México de la mano y sin paternalismos. Es importante que se proyecte desde este Parlamento determinación en la cooperación con liderazgo, con una Europa que no debe quedarse atrás, que apuesta por su autonomía estratégica y en un contexto en el que otros levantan barreras.
Muchas gracias.
Muchas gracias, señora Halul.
No veo en el aula al señor Terch en representación de Patriots, por lo tanto le doy, I'm going to give the floor to Mr. Polato on behalf of the ECR Group.
Daniele Polato
Grazie, Presidente. L'accordo che voteremo è vincente perché aiuterà Europa e Messico. Si rafforza la cooperazione politica e commerciale con un paese amico, vicino ai nostri valori e alla nostra cultura. Diversi sono gli elementi positivi. In primo luogo permetterà di rafforzare la cooperazione per la transizione verde e digitale.
L'accordo inoltre offrirà un miglior accesso agli appalti pubblici messicani, nuove opportunità in settori strategici come quello finanziario, digitale, dei trasporti e delle materie critiche. Infine i vantaggi per l'agricoltura europea. Il Messico è un importante importatore netto di prodotti alimentari. Con il nuovo accordo il Messico proteggerà 232 bevande spiritose e altre 336 indicazioni geografiche europee, tra cui vini, birre e alimentari. Questo aspetto è fondamentale anche per l'agricoltura italiana, difendendo realmente il Made in Europe.
Grazie.
Urmas Paet
Head kolleegid. 133 miljoni elanikuga Mehhiko on Euroopa Liidu strateegiline partner ja suuruselt teine kaubanduspartner Ladina-Ameerikas. Seega on Euroopa Liidu ja Mehhiko suhted juba seni olnud väga olulised. Samas on veelgi kasutamata potentsiaali. Seetõttu on ka parlamendi ees olevate Euroopa Liidu ja Mehhiko suhteid süvendavate lepet heakskiitmine tähtis nii meie kahepoolsetes suhetes kui ka globaalselt.
Arvestades, et rahvusvaheline õigusruum on tugeva surve all, siis on uus rahvusvahelisel õigusel põhinev ja seda tugevdav uus kokkulepe väga vajalik. Ja selles on Euroopa Liidul oluline roll kanda. Riikidevahelisi suhteid ei tohi määrata mõne režiimi ühepoolne jõupoliitika, vaid rahvusvahelisel õigusel põhinevad kokkulepped. Teie ees olevad lepped loovad täiendavaid võimalusi Euroopa ettevõtetele ja majandusele tervikuna. Tollipiirangud ja tariifid vähenevad veelgi ning turud avanevad vastastikku rohkem.
Euroopa Liidu ettevõtetel tekib märksa parem ligipääs Mehhiko turule. Meie suhetes on oluline tähelepanu ka inimõiguste ja õigusriigi põhimõtete järgimisel.
Nii on ette nähtud Euroopa Liidu ja Mehhiko dialoog ajakirjanike ja inimõiguste kaitsjate turvalisuse parandamiseks. Kavas on ühised tegevused korruptsiooni, rahapesu ja organiseeritud kuritegevusega võitlemiseks. On ka äärmiselt oluline, et Euroopa Liit on aktiivne ja jätkab sellelaadsete lepingute sõlmimist ka teiste meile potentsiaalselt lähedaste riikidega, et suurendada Euroopa Liidu positiivset mõju maailma arengutes. Tänan.
Esteban González Pons
Thank you very much, dear colleague. La signora Cavazzini on behalf of the Greens.
Anna Cavazzini
Ja, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, morgen stimmen wir über die Modernisierung des Mexiko-Handelsabkommens ab. Ich werde zustimmen, aber habe trotzdem Kritik am Abkommen. Ja, in einer Welt, in der Donald Trump im Weißen Haus eine erratische Handelspolitik betreibt und China mit unfairen Regeln spielt, brauchen wir Partner. Und ja, Mexiko unter Präsidentin Sheinbaum ist eine solche verlässliche Partnerin, eine Regierung, die für Multilateralismus, Demokratie, soziale Gerechtigkeit und entschlossenen Klimaschutz eintritt. Werte, die momentan wichtiger sind denn je.
Und ich begrüße ausdrücklich die engere Kooperation mit Mexiko.
Ich befürworte auch die Verbesserungen, die die Modernisierung in den Bereichen Nachhaltigkeit, Korruptionsbekämpfung, Gender und so weiter mit sich bringt. Aber zur Wahrheit gehört auch, dass dieses Abkommen weit weg von einem perfekten Abkommen ist. Es gibt kein einklagbares Nachhaltigkeitskapitel wie mit Neuseeland, was Klima-, Umwelt- und Arbeitsstandards am Ende leider zahnlos macht. Und noch schlimmer, dieses Abkommen erfüllt beim Investitionsschutz nicht die Forderungen dieses Parlaments. Die veralteten Klauseln verleihen Investoren unverhältnismäßig große Macht und die Möglichkeit, vor internationalen Schiedsgerichten gegen jegliche demokratische Entscheidung vorzugehen, sei es im Klimaschutz oder auch die Versorgung von Medikamenten bei allen möglichen Themen.
Es gibt so krasse Fälle, wo Investoren Staaten verklagen, und ich verstehe nicht, dass die Europäische Union diesen Mechanismus immer noch weiter perpetuiert. Mitten in der Klimakrise, nachdem eine Hitzewelle in Europa gerade Tausenden Menschen das Leben gekostet hat, schafft es die Kommission immer noch nicht, Handelspolitik und Klimaschutz zusammenzudenken, und das muss sich endlich ändern.
Ich erwarte, dass die Kommission bei dem Überprüfungsmechanismus, der bereits in einem Jahr ansteht, diese Zeit nutzt, um endlich Umwelt-, Arbeitsrechte und Klimarechte zu stärken und den Investitionsschutz endlich an unsere demokratischen Werte anzupassen. Herzlichen Dank.
Esteban González Pons
Danke, die Herr Kollege. In Repräsentation des der Gruppe der Left, Herr Barrena.
Pernando Barrena Arza
Thank you, chair. I will start by saying that we stand along the Left's historical criticism of the trade agreements the European Union and some other international actors or states have entered into. Most of the time, these agreements are driven by Eurocentrism and extractivism, and negotiations are not held on equal terms. Huge harm on our first sector and better conditions for industrial production offshoring have been commonplaces so far as regards to these trade agreements. This time, the modernization of the EU-Mexico trade agreement comes along with some considerations that will bring my delegation not to take a stand against it.
First of all, we as a Basque political force are very aware of our country's presence in Mexico and therefore production of the employment in the Basque country is linked to that. Secondly, unlike in the case of Mercosur, the impact of Mexican exports on our economy will not be as significant one as tariffs are not changing this time.
A third point for us is the geopolitical solidarity with Mexico. Mexican exports are largely dependent on the USA. Over 83% of the Mexican exports' destiny is the northern neighbor, and Europe should help Mexico reducing those figures and by the way fighting the impact of European corporate activity in direction against human and environmental rights as well. Acting this way, we are helping Mexico counteracting the effects of Trump's geopolitical greed on the country, and this time we can show that international solidarity goes beyond speeches this time, as I said. Thank you so much.
Esteban González Pons
Muchas gracias, señor Barrena. Now is Mr. Schell in behalf of the ESN group.
Alexander Sell
Sie reden hier viel über die Probleme in anderen Teilen der Welt, nur über die Probleme in Europa sprechen Sie nicht so gerne. Heute geht's um die Partnerschaft mit Mexiko, finden wir grundsätzlich richtig, wichtiger Handelspartner, nur leider beschränkt sich der Bericht nicht auf die Handelspolitik. EVP und Sozialisten zeigen sich besorgt über den Zustand der Demokratie in Mexiko. Sie ermahnen die Mexikaner, dass es wichtig sei, eine pluralistisches demokratisches Umfeld zu erhalten und durch eine angemessene öffentliche Finanzierung politischer Parteien. Aber das, was Sie den Amerikanern vorschreiben wollen, lassen Sie für uns Europäer nicht gelten.
Erst vor wenigen Minuten haben Sie hier einen Verbotsantrag gegen unsere Partei beschlossen. Uns wollen Sie die Gelder streichen, den Mexikanern erklären Sie, dass die öffentliche Finanzierung von Parteien notwendig sei, sonst sei die Demokratie in Gefahr. Was für eine Doppelmoral.
Dann freuen Sie sich noch, dass Mexiko, dass in Mexiko die Armutsquote gesunken ist und die Renten gestiegen sind. Ist ja schön. Nur in Deutschland ist es umgekehrt. Da steigt die Armutsquote und das Rentenniveau sinkt. Jeder fünfte Deutsche ist von Armut bedroht.
Sieben Millionen Rentner bekommen weniger als 1000 Euro im Monat. Statt die mexikanische Regierung für ihre Erfolge bei der Armutsbekämpfung zu loben, sollten wir die deutsche Regierung kritisieren, die immer mehr Menschen in Armut stürzt. Und genau das tun wir. Deshalb sind wir erfolgreich. Unsere Partei, die Alternative für Deutschland ist mit weitem Abstand stärkste Kraft in Deutschland.
Sie können uns hier unsere Gelder streichen, aber wir werden trotzdem gewinnen, weil wir die Interessen unserer Bürger vertreten und nicht den Rest der Welt belehren wollen.
Katarina Barley
Damit endet die Runde der Fraktionssprecherinnen und Sprecher. Das Wort erhält nun der Kollege López Istúriz White.
Antonio López-Istúriz White
Muchas gracias, presidenta. La Unión Europea necesita fortalecer sus alianzas con socios estratégicos. Y México, por supuesto, lo es. No solo por el peso en nuestra relación económica, sino porque compartimos una historia, unos intereses comunes y una responsabilidad de defender un orden internacional basado en normas. Pero precisamente porque aspiramos a una alianza duradera, no podemos conformarnos con hablar únicamente de comercio.
Las alianzas estratégicas no se sostienen solo sobre intercambios económicos, se sostienen sobre valores compartidos. Si queremos que este acuerdo resista el paso del tiempo, debemos ser capaces de exigirnos mutuamente aquello en lo que ambos hemos decidido defender: seguridad jurídica, Estado de derecho, instituciones sólidas, independencia judicial, protección de las libertades y pleno respeto a los principios democráticos. La confianza entre socios no nace del silencio, nace de la sinceridad y de la exigencia recíproca. Y eso es lo que hemos comprobado con México. Los gobiernos negocian los acuerdos, pero son los parlamentos quienes dan la legitimidad democrática y quienes garantizan su continuidad cuando cambian las mayorías.
Por eso quiero aquí, como presidente de la Comisión Parlamentaria Mixta Unión Europea-México, dar las gracias a los dos ponentes, a Javi López y a Borja Jiménez de la Raz, por el magnífico trabajo en los informes, y a los embajadores de México, Guillermo Grando Luelmo, y al embajador europeo, Francisco André, porque han ayudado a que por primera vez también el Parlamento Europeo esté representado en una firma de un acuerdo. Muchísimas gracias por ello también a sus jefes en la Comisión y en el Consejo. Importante.
Als nächstes erhält das Wort der Kollege Lange.
Dankeschön.
Bernd Lange
Frau Vorsitzende, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen, Kollegen, global leben wir in wirtschaftlich turbulenten Zeiten, das Wasser ist stürmisch. Und das erlebt Mexiko natürlich auch sehr, sehr stark. Herr Trump hat im letzten Jahr achtmal mit verschiedenen Zolldrohungen und Maßnahmen Mexikos Wirtschaft beeinflusst, negativ beeinflusst. Es gab Streit über die Wasserverteilung, wie kann man das heutzutage machen? Es gab andere Druckmittel, sodass die Wirtschaft in Mexiko stagniert.
Und mit dem Abkommen erwarten wir eine deutliche Erholung der Wirtschaft in Mexiko bis zu 35 Prozent. Das ist, glaube ich, genau das, was wir im Moment brauchen, eine Solidarität in der wirtschaftlichen Beziehung und in der Investitionspolitik, sodass Menschen vor Ort die Perspektive auf ein gutes Leben haben. Und deswegen ist es gut, dass wir dieses Abkommen nach vorne bringen. Das ist ein Zeichen der Solidarität von uns mit Mexiko. Let's build bridges over troubled water.
Katarina Barley
Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege.
Und Herr Kommissar Šefčovič hat sich diesen Moment ausgesucht, um zu intervenieren.
Maroš Šefčovič
Thank you very much, Madam President. If you allow me just for the short intervention, just to react on the first round of speakers. I think Mr. Lange just reminding us what kind of turbulent times we are living right now and why in these times, especially in this period, we need close partnership with our like-minded partners and also the strong solidarity. And I think this agreement is kind of reflection and embodiment of these key ingredients which been the part and parcel of our negotiations. Madam Pedro already highlighted that already today we have 45,000 European companies which are exporting to Mexico.
And what is also very important is the fact that as she said and I confirm the figure, more than 80% of these companies are SMEs. So for the small and medium-sized enterprises to make the trade with a distant partner, it requires the simplicity, it has to be smooth, you have to have a good legal and trade framework in place.
And I believe that with the modernization of this agreement we are clearly delivering on this goal and therefore I believe that we will have even more SMEs and more companies investing and cooperating with Mexico. Madame Halul-Muro was highlighting that this agreement goes beyond traditional trade issues. She was underscoring importance of economic security, strategic economy, strategic autonomy, but also the diversification opportunity which this agreement offers to Mexico but also to the to the European Union. And I think that once we are entering into this new partnership with Mexico it would help us to address also the issues which been mentioned by Madame Pedro and Madame Cavazzini as a as a true partners who are ready to cooperate together very very closely on all issues. Mr. Polato and Mr. Barrena Arza thank you very much for highlighting the complementarity of our economies because especially the topics which are very often with the big passion discussed also in this chamber linked with agriculture, with agrifood business in this particular case what we've been focused on is to make sure that our agrifood exports to Mexico will be done at zero duties.
And all this would apply to almost all of the EU key exports interests, either at the entry into force or within seven to ten years. And I have to underscore that this agreement will remove 99% of the currently very high Mexican tariffs, like 100% on poultry, 45% on cheese, 45% on pork, 20% on chocolate and pasta, for example. Despite these tariffs, already in 2025, the EU agri-food exports are worthy of 2.3 billion. So I believe that if it comes to the reduction of the tariffs as I just described, only for agri-food business, we are reducing tariffs for European exporters by more than 100 million euros. So I'm absolutely convinced that also in this sector, it would be extremely beneficial for our agri-food sectors to have such a valuable partner as Mexico.
Thank you very much, Madam President.
Herzlichen Dank, Herr Kommissar. Als Nächstes erhält das Wort die Kollegin Győri.
Képviselőtársaim, az EU-Mexikó globális megállapodás kétségtelenül új lehetőségeket nyit mindkét fél számára, reméljük új munkahelyeket és exportpiacot, javítva versenyképességünket.
Enikő Győri
A tisztánlátás végett azonban két dolog. Az első: kérem a Bizottságot, sürgősen frissítse az összes szabadkereskedelmi megállapodás együttes hatását vizsgáló 24-es hatástanulmányát a mezőgazdaságra, hogy lássuk pontosan, mivel szembesülnek a gazdáink. Szenteljen különös figyelmet a mézpiacnak, az ukrán import hatását pedig ezúttal legyen szíves ne felejtse ki a számításból. A másik: ennek a megállapodásnak tagadhatatlanul van politikai vetülete, és az időközi jelentés hemzseg a baloldalnak tett elvtelen engedményektől, pedig a szerző pontosan tudja, ami a mexikói jogállamisággal történik, az vállalhatatlan. A baloldal ideológiai harcostársainak bűne fölött Brüsszel mindig szemet huny.
Sheinbaum Mexikóban, Magyar Péter Magyarországon veri szét a demokratikus rendszert. A Bizottság pedig mélyen hallgat. Önök ezzel a kettős mércével nemcsak ellehetetlenítik, de tönkre is teszik az Uniót, a kölcsönös bizalmat és az együttműködést.
Waldemar Buda
Panie Komisarzu, Szanowni Państwo, czy Wy jeszcze nie nauczyliście się wyciągać wniosków z historii?
To, co działo się we współpracy z Chinami, powinno pokazywać, w którym kierunku należy iść. Wiele lat temu dokładnie takie same nadzieje pokładano w handlu z Chinami, jak dzisiaj z Mercosurem, z Indiami, teraz z Meksykiem. Do niczego dobrego to nie doprowadziło. Dzisiaj mamy czasy, w których powinniśmy budować odporność, niezależność, ponieważ geopolityka jest dzisiaj taka, że drobny konflikt na świecie powoduje dramatyczne konsekwencje. A my idziemy cały czas w procesie uzależniania się od handlu zagranicznego z krajami bardzo odległymi od Unii Europejskiej.
To jest zły kierunek. COVID i inne wojny na Bliskim Wschodzie pokazały, że to jest bardzo zły kierunek. I nie wyciągamy żadnych wniosków. I problem polega na tym, że kiedy Niemcy robili, podejmowali głupie decyzje i sami sobie szkodzili i niszczyli własną gospodarkę, właśnie poprzez handel z Rosją i gazem, właśnie poprzez likwidowanie energii atomowej, właśnie poprzez handel z Chinami, to była ich sprawa. A dzisiaj problem polega na tym, że mają wpływ na całą Unię Europejską i te głupoty każą stosować i w nich uczestniczyć wszystkim członkom.
I to jest największy problem dzisiejszej sytuacji. Dziękuję bardzo.
Dankeschön. Nächster Redner ist der Kollege Cotrim de Figueiredo.
João Cotrim De Figueiredo
Muito obrigado, senhor presidente, senhor comissário Šefčovič. Nesta altura em que parece mais fácil lançar tarifas que são uma espécie de muros, é de dar particular gozo falar aqui de acordos comerciais que são uma espécie de pontes. E este modernização do acordo global com o México e o acordo comercial interino é uma bela ponte. É, não são só os 99% de tarifas que desaparecem, que só no agroalimentar representam mais de 100 milhões de euros de poupanças para os exportadores europeus, mas são também todos os outros impactos que este mercado vai ter, nomeadamente o facto de nos abrir 130 milhões de consumidores mexicanos e fará com que as nossas trocas comerciais cresçam rapidamente e ultrapassarão os 100 mil milhões de euros muito, muito rapidamente. Também clarifica as regras de acesso ao mercado digital e torna mais fácil o acesso de produtos europeus a matérias-primas críticas.
Gostaríamos que essa ponte tivesse mais um troço, sim, gostaríamos que tivesse o capítulo da energia e é nossa responsabilidade fazê-lo antes do fim do primeiro período de revisão deste acordo.
Mas também tem troços perfeitamente novos, o acesso a concursos públicos por parte de empresas europeias, nomeadamente em concursos públicos de nível estadual e é inovadora a cláusula de combate e prevenção da corrupção, porque não há comércio livre sem instituições livres e transparentes, fazendo fé daquilo que realmente o primeiro passo para o combate à corrupção é o combate também à burocracia. Portanto, pedimos, caros colegas, que aprovem este acordo quando vier à votação, porque acreditamos na força do comércio livre, acreditamos porque o comércio livre tirou centenas de milhões de pessoas da miséria nas últimas décadas e acreditamos que lutar por um comércio mais livre é lutar por uma Europa mais forte. Muito obrigado.
Danke schön, jetzt erhält das Wort die Kollegin Ribera Giner.
Diana Riba i Giner
Gracias, presidenta, comisario. La Unión Europea debe buscar nuevas alianzas de todo tipo, comerciales, políticas e incluso seguramente de defensa. El viejo mundo que conocíamos está agonizando y el nuevo mundo que está naciendo, la Unión Europea debe hacerse un lugar. Alianzas con países hermanos como México son claves, son una oportunidad geopolítica de primer orden. Aquí todos estamos de acuerdo.
En lo que quizás ya no estamos todos de acuerdo es en qué herramientas construimos estas alianzas. Y para nosotros un tipo de acuerdo que sí contempla medidas sancionadoras vinculantes en caso de no respetar el acuerdo comercial, pero que solo plantean meras recomendaciones cuando se vulneran los derechos humanos o medioambientales, no ayuda a construir el mundo que queremos. Pero es que además, en el ámbito comercial, son acuerdos que no responden a todos los intereses que necesitamos en Europa. Fíjense, por ejemplo, en la industria del automóvil. En los últimos meses hemos visto cómo Audi cerraba definitivamente su planta en Bruselas, destruyendo 3.000 empleos directos.
Mientras tanto se consolida la producción, el traslado de la producción de modelos históricos como el Volkswagen Golf en la planta de Puebla en México, dejando vacías las líneas de montaje en Alemania. ¿Esto es un buen acuerdo? Para la cuenta de resultados de las multinacionales sí, pero para las familias trabajadoras evidentemente no. Y esto es solo la punta del iceberg. La pregunta no es si queremos una alianza con México, la queremos.
La pregunta es si estamos dispuestas a construirlo sobre estos cimientos. Nosotros lo tenemos claro. El progreso de Europa no se defiende destruyendo su industria ni su precarización el empleo aquí o allá.
Por eso, por coherencia y por justicia social, votaremos en contra. Muchas gracias.
Manon Aubry
Monsieur le Commissaire, donner tout le pouvoir aux multinationales, voilà ce que vous apprêtez à faire avec ce nouvel accord de libre-échange avec le Mexique. Et il faudrait qu'on soit là à applaudir des deux mains. Les entreprises ne s'y trompent d'ailleurs pas. Attirées par une main-d'œuvre bon marché et des droits de douane réduits à néant, elles en profitent déjà pour délocaliser massivement, comme le groupe Volkswagen qui, en même temps qu'il délocalise l'assemblage de ses voitures Audi et Golf au Mexique, supprime au moins 50 000 emplois en Europe. Mais le scandale de cet accord ne s'arrête pas là.
Demain, des entreprises pourront attaquer l'État mexicain ou les États européens devant une juridiction internationale privée et réclamer plusieurs centaines de millions d'euros si une politique publique ne leur convient pas, par exemple pour garder le contrôle public sur l'énergie ou préserver l'environnement.
C'est exactement ce même mécanisme scandaleux qui était présent dans le TAFTA, dans le CETA, dans le traité sur la charte de l'énergie dont les Européens ont déjà dit haut et fort qu'ils n'en voulaient pas. Alors, collègues de gauche, socialistes, écologistes qui s'apprêtent à voter cet accord, comment pouvez-vous accepter cet accord complètement injuste qui va accélérer la désindustrialisation, éroder un peu plus notre souveraineté alimentaire et promouvoir une extraction sans limite de matières premières ? Au foot, on appelle ça un tir contre son camp. Et Monsieur le Commissaire, si vous me le permettez, votre politique du tout libre-échange mérite un carton rouge. C'est pourquoi notre groupe de la gauche continuera à se mobiliser contre ce tout libre-échange au niveau européen.
Merci.
Dankeschön. Das Wort erhält nun die Kollegin Yoncheva.
Elena Yoncheva
Госпожо председател, уважаеми колеги. Пред нас е споразумение, което ще отвори европейските пазари за безмитен внос на пчелен мед от Мексико в размер, сравним с производството на пчелен мед в три Българии. Първо, квотата се увеличава до 35 000 тона, след седмата година всички ограничения отпадат. Това се случва в момент, когато европейските институции сами предупреждават за риск от фалшифициран мед.
Изследване от кошерите на съвместния изследователски център на Европейската комисия показва, че при 22 изследвани проби мед с произход Мексико при повече от една четвърт има съмнения за фалшифициране. Става въпрос за фалшив мед, пчелен мед, колеги. Още по-необяснимо е, че Мексико дори не използва изцяло сегашната си безмитна квота. Защо тогава предлагаме още по-голяма либерализация? Не можем да жертваме европейските пчелари в замяна на търговски отстъпки в други сектори, защото когато унищожим собственото си производство, губят не само пчеларите, губят и европейските потребители, които имат право на истински, качествен и безплатен мед, колеги.
Благодаря ви.
Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the modernized global agreement is more than just a trade agreement. It is a comprehensive and strategic renewal of the relationship between Mexico and the European Union.
David McAllister
As such, I am sure it will provide an updated framework for political dialogue, economic cooperation, and sectoral engagement across a wide range of policy areas. Against the backdrop of growing geopolitical uncertainty and increasing pressure on the rules-based international order, the agreements with Mexico highlight the European Union's commitment to strengthening cooperation with like-minded partners. Most of today's challenges are transnational and therefore they require international cooperation. Be it security, migration, digitalization, energy or climate change, we all know none of these complex issues can be addressed by any country alone. Consequently, our relations with strategic partners no longer focus solely on trade, but also address the multifaceted concerns of an increasingly connected world.
The modernized global agreement is a prime example of exactly this approach. In particular, I welcome the strong and timely political signal it sends in support of openness, fairness and international cooperation with our partners in Latin America and beyond.
Thank you and Commissioner, well done.
Dankeschön. Als nächstes spricht der Kollege Brando Benifei.
Brando Benifei
Grazie Presidente. Mentre gli Stati Uniti mettono in discussione l'accordo che lega Stati Uniti, Canada, Messico e che per trent'anni è stato il pilastro dell'integrazione economica nordamericana, l'Europa fa una scelta opposta e rafforza le proprie alleanze. L'accordo con il Messico è una scelta geopolitica fondamentale. In un mondo frammentato, diversificare i mercati rafforza la nostra autonomia strategica. Insieme al Canada, ai paesi del Mercosur, all'Australia, ad altri partner, stiamo lavorando per costruire uno spazio di medie potenze che credono nel commercio aperto e nelle regole, riducendo la dipendenza da attori terzi.
E l'Unione Europea, come spazio che può essere una grande potenza democratica, può ambire a guidare questo cambiamento. Una strategia di importanza globale che ha anche benefici ai nostri territori molto immediati. Penso alle imprese dei nostri territori, dell'Italia, con indicazioni geografiche protette come quelle per i formaggi, quelle per i vini. Abbiamo prodotti che sono tutelati e che potranno raggiungere con maggiore facilità i consumatori messicani. Anche questo è un pezzo importante della nostra strategia per il futuro dell'economia della nostra Unione.
Grazie.
Elisabeth Dieringer
Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren. Dieses Haus wird heute vor vollendete Tatsachen gestellt. Die Kommission hat dieses Abkommen bewusst gesplittet. Das Interimshandelsabkommen tritt in Kraft, sobald dieses Parlament und der mexikanische Senat zustimmen. Die nationalen Parlamente, der österreichische Nationalrat eingeschlossen, dürfen erst im Nachhinein ratifizieren, wenn längst vollendete Tatsachen geschaffen wurden.
Das ist keine Handelspolitik, das ist Demokratieumgehung mit Ansage. Und während man uns von Wachstum und Diversifizierung erzählt, wird unter dem Deckmantel des Freihandels munter Green Deal Ideologie und Nachhaltigkeitsziele Bürokratie in Handelsabkommen geschmuggelt, das eigentlich unseren Bauern und unserem Mittelstand dienen sollte, nicht Brüsseler Wunschprojekten. Diesem demokratiepolitisch fragwürdigen Vorgehen können wir unser Vertrauen nicht aussprechen. Gleichzeitig wissen wir um die berechtigten Interessen jener heimischen Betriebe, die auf faire und verlässliche Marktchancen angewiesen sind. Diesen Widerspruch löst die Kommission mit ihrem Vorgehen nicht.
Sie hat ihn selbst geschaffen.
Kris Van Dijck
Dank u wel, voorzitter. Meneer de commissaris, dit gemoderniseerde akkoord met Mexico komt op een cruciaal moment.
En wel om meerdere redenen. Geopolitiek versterken we terug onze positie in Latijns-Amerika en bouwen we een betrouwbaar partnerschap uit in een regio waar ook andere spelers hun invloed trachten te vergroten. Economisch opent dit akkoord bovendien nieuwe kansen voor onze bedrijven, onder meer via een betere toegang tot overheidsopdrachten en minder administratieve lasten. Het bevestigt ons geloof in vrije, op regels gebaseerde handel in deze moeilijke tijden van deglobalisering en fragmentatie. En bovendien zet het duidelijke stappen vooruit in de verbetering van arbeidsomstandigheden en duurzaamheidsnormen.
Tot slot, meneer de commissaris, roep ik u op deze ambitieuze handelsagenda consequent verder te zetten. De EU moet blijven kiezen voor sterke handelsakkoorden die welvaart, veerkracht en een open strategische autonomie verder versterken.
Svenja Hahn
Jedes Mal, wenn wir hier über Freihandel reden, entblößen sich die Kollegen von links mit ihrem ökonomischen Unwissen. Deswegen sage ich das gerne noch mal ganz deutlich: Wirtschaftliche Abhängigkeit treibt uns in die politische Abhängigkeit. Das haben wir beim russischen Gas gesehen, das sehen wir bei kritischen Rohstoffen aus China.
Die Lösung kann doch nicht Abschottung sein. Sie heißt mehr Handel mit mehr Partnern, auch wenn Linke das nicht wahrhaben wollen. Das modernisierte Abkommen mit Mexiko ist ein wichtiger Erfolg für unseren Wohlstand und für Europas strategische Unabhängigkeit. Wohlstand entsteht nicht hinter Zaunmauern. Wohlstand entsteht, wenn Menschen miteinander Handel treiben.
Mit diesem Abkommen können unsere Exporte nach Mexiko um bis zu 75 % steigen. Europäische Unternehmen können bis zu 100 Millionen Euro an Zöllen sparen. Und wir sichern den Zugang zu kritischen Rohstoffen, schaffen neue Chancen von Mittelstand bis Landwirtschaft und Industrie. So geht strategische Unabhängigkeit und so geht europäische Stärke, liebe Kollegen. Vielen Dank.
Rudi Kennes
Vielen Dank. Collega's, dit beleid van de Europese Commissie is compleet onbegrijpelijk. Gisteren hebben we nog staan debatteren over onze automobielindustrie die uit Europa vertrokken is en we elk jaar duizenden jobs verloren. En wat doet deze Commissie? Ze sluit opnieuw zo'n neoliberale handelsdeal, een deal die onze industriële capaciteit ondermijnt en werknemers wereldwijd tegen mekaar zal uitspelen.
Europese automakers zullen hun assemblage nog goedkoper naar Mexico kunnen verplaatsen. Gevolg: opnieuw duizenden jobs weg. Ook geeft het grote bedrijven het recht om overheden aan te klagen als ze het nog maar durven om sociaal beleid te maken dat hun winstmarges zou kunnen hypothekeren. Ik dacht dat de Europese Unie industriepolitiek ging maken. Maar wat zien we?
In plaats daarvan opnieuw dezelfde neoliberale recepten die ons in deze crisis hebben gebracht. Wat wij nodig hebben is een eerlijke deal die welvaart creëert voor de EU en voor Mexico en niet alleen voor multinationals. Dus stem deze deal weg. Dank u wel.
Davor Ivo Stier
Gracias, presidenta. México es un socio estratégico de la Unión Europea y por ende es necesario en estos momentos de fragmentación del orden internacional reforzar nuestros lazos a través de la modernización del acuerdo global y de la aprobación del acuerdo comercial interino.
De esta manera incrementaremos el comercio, reduciendo más los aranceles, abarcando más rubros y protegiendo mejor a los productores. Pero también es necesario profundizar el diálogo político, abrir temas como la independencia judicial, el estado de derecho y no podemos ignorar el grave problema de los desaparecidos. Cuando estuvimos con EuroLat en México, el número oficial era 130.000, pero ese número se sigue incrementando. Y comparto la preocupación de Amnistía Internacional por los operativos de la Ciudad de México reprimiendo las manifestaciones de los familiares de desaparecidos. Por eso no debemos callarnos.
Hay que apoyar el acuerdo global modernizado, pero también denunciar las derivas autoritarias, porque nuestro compromiso y amistad no es con un gobierno, sino con el hermano y querido pueblo mexicano. Muchas gracias.
Leire Pajín
Gracias, presidenta, señor comisario. Con nuestro apoyo, Europa y México no solo sellarán un acuerdo estratégico, sino una forma compartida de entender el mundo, una alianza entre dos democracias que frente a quienes usan su poder para imponer su voluntad y su beneficio propio, defendemos el diálogo, la cooperación y las reglas claras y pactadas para construir la paz, la prosperidad y el desarrollo sostenible colectivo.
Y lo apoyamos porque refuerza el diálogo político con un socio estratégico, porque se basa en la cooperación y beneficia la salud, la educación y la investigación, también la preparación contra los desastres, porque respeta a las personas y a los recursos naturales y porque está basado en el compromiso de los derechos humanos, el Acuerdo de París, los derechos laborales, el comercio, la igualdad y el medio ambiente. Porque además abre nuevas oportunidades a nuestras pymes y protege especialmente a sectores como el turrón o los cítricos. Pero sobre todo, lo apoyamos porque en el actual tablero geopolítico, un acuerdo con un país como México es la mejor brújula, desde el respeto mutuo, desde el reconocimiento a nuestra historia propia, a nuestra diversidad y desde la cooperación.
Sebastian Kruis
Ja, dank u wel voorzitter. Ja, de Partij voor de Vrijheid kiest voor handel die Nederland sterker maakt en daarom steunen wij dit strategisch partnerschapsakkoord. Mexico is met 130 miljoen inwoners één van de grootste economieën ter wereld en een belangrijke groeimarkt voor onze ondernemers. De Europese export van goederen en diensten kan met 75% toenemen en Europese bedrijven besparen jaarlijks tot 100 miljoen aan douanerechten. Dit akkoord verlaagt handelsbarrières, geeft onze bedrijven betere toegang tot Mexicaanse overheidsaanbestedingen en biedt enorme kansen voor de Nederlandse hightech, machinebouw en logistiek.
En ook onze boeren profiteren, want hoge invoertarieven op onder meer kaas, kip en varkensvlees verdwijnen. Maar waar wij vóór het akkoord zijn, daar zijn wij tegen de resolutie van het Parlement, want opnieuw misbruikt links een handelsakkoord om klimaat-hysterie, genderagenda en hun NGO-obsessie erdoorheen te drukken. Want strategische partnerschappen gaan over handel en wederzijds voordeel, want woke is geen exportproduct. And in English: woke is not an export product. Thank you very much.
Jessika van Leeuwen
Thank you, Chair, Commissioner Šefčovič. Finally, we have a trade deal in front of us that does not jeopardize the position of European farmers or our European food security. The trade deal with Mexico offers ample opportunities for farmers and the EU industry: lower tariffs on agricultural products to Mexico, protection of geographical indications, and easier access to Mexican products. Nevertheless, I do have one concern, because we cannot import what we cannot produce, meaning Mexico needs to comply with all EU standards if they want to export to the European Union.
As the use of antibiotics as growth promoters through veterinary prescription in feed is still common practice in Mexico, I urge the Commission to implement sufficient audits on the ground to make sure there is compliance with our standards. The Farmers-Citizen Movement of the Netherlands welcomes this deal as a necessary diversification in a conflicted world where the EU cannot afford to bet on a single horse. Thank you.
Danke schön. Nächste Rednerin ist die Kollegin Agirregoitia Martínez.
Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez
Vivimos en un contexto complejo y lleno de incertidumbres donde sabemos que además los aranceles se están utilizando como amenazas continuas y en este contexto los acuerdos comerciales con aliados que sean estables y de confianza y que nos den unas garantías de que se van a respetar valores que son compartidos y las reglas del juego que establezcamos pues parece que son más importantes que nunca. Desde ahí este año 2026 parece que es un año de nuevas oportunidades para nuevos mercados y para reducción de dependencias. Es Mercosur, es la India, es Australia y es México, que es de lo que nos toca hablar hoy. Y bueno pues qué vamos a decir, ¿no? México es un aliado internacional estratégico para las empresas europeas y para las empresas vascas y resaltar tres cosas que esperamos en el despliegue de este acuerdo.
El primero que sirva para reducir niveles de violencia que existen en el país y denuncias que existen a ese respecto.
El segundo, que se despliegue el comercio respetando derechos de comunidades locales e indígenas de forma íntegra. Y el tercero, por supuesto, que seamos capaces de acompañar a nuestras empresas y a nuestras industrias a sacar el máximo provecho de este acuerdo con relaciones que sean win-win equilibradas. Eskerrik asko.
Jörgen Warborn
Thank you, Madam President, Commissioner. I would like to start to congratulate you and the Commission for bringing this agreement forward. I will fully support it and I am actually very impressed by the Commission and the pace with which you now deliver new free trade agreements. And it is important to mention also that the trade policy of the European Union is not only about new free trade agreements. It's also about modernizing the ones we have.
And the modernized agreement with Mexico has been in play for like 26 years, I think. And now the update of it, it will bring new possibilities for European businesses, new opportunities for European farmers. It will strengthen the cooperation on critical raw materials.
It will simplify the rules for SMEs and it will improve the access for public procurement and provide a stronger protection for intellectual properties. So I call on the Commission to continue to modernize other existing trade agreements. We need to ensure that European companies can benefit from the growth taking place beyond our borders. Thank you.
Danke schön. Das Wort erhält nun der Kollege D'Acquino.
Marco Tarquinio
Grazie Presidente, signor Commissario, colleghe e colleghi. Viviamo un tempo di sfide verticali. La forza vale più delle regole, si proclama. Attori globali puntano alla supremazia su vicini e lontani, agitano ricatti, impongono dazi, alzano muri, muovono guerra. L'Unione Europea sa e può percorrere la via opposta: incontro, negoziato, costruzione e custodia di regole condivise, partenariato vincente, l'unica reale vittoria.
Il rinnovato accordo globale con il Messico giunge in un momento cruciale e va in giusta direzione. Rafforza il dialogo politico con un partner strategico dell'America Latina, apre opportunità concrete per le imprese, specie PMI e agroalimentare, precisa impegni vincolanti sui diritti umani e dei lavoratori, sulle questioni climatiche.
Tutto ciò va realizzato e monitorato in dialogo aperto con la società civile. Oggi più che mai l'Europa deve dimostrare che un altro modo di stare al mondo è possibile e dà frutti.
Vielen Dank. Nächste Redner ist der Kollege Penelle.
Gilles Pennelle
Alors que toutes les grandes puissances protègent leur économie de la concurrence étrangère, la Commission européenne est lancée dans une course sans fin aux traités de libre-échange. Avec quel pays n'avons-nous pas encore signé de traité de libre-échange ? La liste est courte. Alors avec le Mexique, on nous dit qu'on a pris toutes nos garanties et que ça sera très favorable. Mais moi je note quand même qu'on a abandonné totalement les contrôles sanitaires et phytosanitaires.
Et deuxièmement, on va quand même importer de nombreux produits agricoles, bovins, miel, fruits, qui inquiètent nos agriculteurs. Alors à chaque fois on nous dit : "Oui, mais ce sont de faibles volumes." Oui, mais faibles volumes plus faibles volumes égal gros volume, parce que dans le même temps nous avons des traités de libre-échange avec l'Ukraine, la Malaisie, le Mercosur, l'Australie. Nos agriculteurs vivent dans un contexte très tendu au niveau de leurs revenus. Ils ne supportent plus ces traités de libre-échange.
Mariateresa Vivaldini
Grazie Presidente, Commissario. La forza dell'Europa non si misura dal numero degli accordi che firma, ma dalla capacità di costruire partenariati che tutelino i suoi interessi e promuovano valori comuni, tra cui lo Stato di diritto ed i diritti fondamentali. Come vicepresidente della delegazione per le relazioni con il Messico, sono orgogliosa della firma dell'accordo globale modernizzato. È una scelta di politica estera, industriale e strategica. Significa diversificare le nostre relazioni economiche, rafforzare le catene del valore, proteggere le nostre indicazioni geografiche e azzerare i dazi per le nostre imprese in un contesto internazionale sempre più competitivo.
Ma nessun partenariato può essere solido senza un principio irrinunciabile: il rispetto reciproco, il rispetto delle regole e degli impegni assunti, delle nostre imprese e condizioni di concorrenza realmente eque.
Su queste basi la cooperazione diventa un fattore di crescita, sicurezza e prosperità condivisa, perché l'Europa davvero protagonista non è quella che firma più accordi, è quella che sa farli rispettare, che difende i propri interessi e che trasforma ogni partenariato in un vantaggio per i suoi cittadini e per le sue imprese. Grazie.
Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez
Muchas gracias, presidenta, comisario. Europeos y mexicanos sabemos bien que nuestra prosperidad es mayor cuando es compartida. Y en un mundo donde la confianza escasea y la lista de socios fiables cada vez es más corta, México se reafirma con este acuerdo como un aliado comercial estratégico para España y para Europa. Este acuerdo abrirá nuevas oportunidades para nuestros exportadores y nuestras empresas y animará a muchas empresas europeas ya presentes al otro lado del Atlántico a seguir invirtiendo, creciendo y creando prosperidad junto con México. Y precisamente por eso, porque creemos que es una relación sólida y de futuro, lamentamos que no se haya incluido un capítulo ambicioso sobre energía.
Pedimos por tanto a la Comisión que siga exigiendo al gobierno de México la necesaria seguridad jurídica para las inversiones de nuestras empresas energéticas. Solo así garantizaremos que este acuerdo sea no solo una oportunidad comercial circunstancial, sino una verdadera alianza estratégica entre Europa y México. Muchas gracias.
César Luena
Vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin. Pues creo que esto es justo lo que necesitamos. Comisario, relaciones honestas, proporcionales, con principios y valores democráticos y tolerantes. Así que enhorabuena a los ponentes, más al ponente López que al ponente Larrat, porque lo he visto que ha ayuseado un poquito y no sé si era necesario. Me parecen especialmente positivos los estándares acordados en materia de protección laboral, sanitaria y medioambiental.
Por cierto, hablando de medio ambiente, qué bien que aquí se cita, he leído en la recomendación y en el informe, se cita el Acuerdo de París, el Convenio sobre la Diversidad Biológica. Muy bien, señores del PP, ya que han cogido esa racha con México, háganlo también aquí, no vaya a ser que defiendan el Pacto Verde Europeo en los acuerdos y después no lo hagan en la Unión Europea.
Y por cierto, en cuanto al sector agroalimentario, creo que va a traer beneficios en relación a la eliminación de los aranceles mexicanos sobre nuestros productos. Para los que venimos de tierra de vinos, esto es una muy buena noticia que se quiten estos aranceles. Por tanto, este es el camino: relaciones honestas, proporcionales, tolerantes, democráticas. Este es el camino.
Vielen Dank. Und das Wort erhält nun der Kollege Lopatka.
Reinhold Lopatka
Yeah, dear colleagues, for Europe to thrive in a multipolar world, economic and political agreements are essential, especially with reliable and like-minded countries like Mexico. This is why the modernized Strategic Partnership Agreement is so important. It's not only a trade agreement, it is a strategic investment in our common future. This partnership opens new opportunities for European agri-food exports, improves access for EU companies to public procurement and services in Mexico, and supports small and medium-sized enterprises through simpler rules and procedures. It enables us also to strengthen Europe's global competitiveness by diversifying supply chains and deepening cooperation with a key partner in Latin America.
While we are separated geographically, we are united by shared values and by a clear mutual interest in strengthening our partnership.
Sakis Arnaoutoglou
Vielen Dank. Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, λοιπόν η συμφωνία στρατηγικής εταιρικής σχέσης μεταξύ της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και του Μεξικού αποτελεί σίγουρα ένα σημαντικό βήμα για μια πιο ισχυρή, δημοκρατική και ανθεκτική συνεργασία σε μια περίοδο πολύ μεγάλων γεωπολιτικών ανακατατάξεων. Δεν αρκεί όμως να μιλάμε μόνο για περισσότερες εμπορικές συναλλαγές. Το εμπόριο πρέπει να συνοδεύεται από ισχυρές εγγυήσεις για τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα, την προστασία του περιβάλλοντος, τα δικαιώματα των εργαζομένων και την καταπολέμηση της διαφθοράς. Για μας στην Ελλάδα αλλά και στην Ευρώπη η συμφωνία μπορεί να δημιουργήσει νέες ευκαιρίες για τις εξαγωγές ποιοτικών αγροδιατροφικών προϊόντων και για τις μικρομεσαίες επιχειρήσεις μας.
Είναι κρίσιμο όμως να διασφαλιστεί η ουσιαστική προστασία των ευρωπαϊκών γεωγραφικών ενδείξεων και να τηρούνται ισότιμοι κανόνες ανταγωνισμού, ώστε οι Ευρωπαίοι παραγωγοί να μη βρεθούν αντιμέτωποι με αθέμιτες πρακτικές. Η Ευρώπη χρειάζεται αξιόπιστους εταίρους, αυτή πρέπει να είναι η πυξίδα της ευρωπαϊκής εμπορικής πολιτικής μας. Ευχαριστώ.
Francisco José Millán Mon
Gracias, presidenta. Yo también celebro la modernización del acuerdo con México, un país con el que nos unen profundos vínculos και uno de los dos socios estratégicos de la Unión Europea en América Latina. Espero que esta modernización refuerce también nuestro diálogo político y nuestra coordinación ante desafíos comunes. Pienso, por ejemplo, en la lucha contra el crimen organizado y el narcotráfico y en el deterioro del Estado de derecho. El acuerdo es una buena noticia en general, pero lamento que finalmente no se haya incluido un capítulo específico sobre energía.
Habría sido conveniente para dar seguridad jurídica a la inversión europea en este sector de tanta importancia en México. Espero que la revisión a los tres años incluya una regulación de esta materia. Me preocupa, señor comisario, usted lo sabe, la liberalización completa de las exportaciones mexicanas de conservas de atún a partir del séptimo año. Es un producto muy sensible para determinadas regiones de la Unión y México tiene un gran potencial exportador. La Comisión debe vigilar la evolución del volumen de estas importaciones.
El sector conservero europeo está muy preocupado por el efecto acumulativo de estas concesiones a la conserva de atún en los acuerdos comerciales. Ahora México, mañana serán países del sudeste asiático, grandes productores.
La Comisión tiene que ser cuidadosa en estas negociaciones. Muchas gracias.
Alexandra Mehnert
Vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin. Wir sprechen heute über ein Abkommen, auf das wir lange und geduldig hingearbeitet haben, unsere neue Partnerschaft mit Mexiko. Fast zehn Jahre Verhandlung und seit dem 22. Mai liegt das Ergebnis unterschrieben vor uns. Das ist mehr als ein technisches Abkommen, es ist ein starkes Signal der Partnerschaft. Ich denke dabei an die vielen mittelständischen Unternehmen in Europa, die genau solche Abkommen als ein Signal brauchen.
Weniger Zölle und praktische Hürden im Unternehmensalltag. Weniger Wartezeiten an der Grenze und mehr Verlässlichkeit beim Exportieren. Wir leben in einer Zeit, in der Lieferketten zerbrechen können und Handelspartner nicht mehr selbstverständlich verlässlich sind. Umso wichtiger, dass wir mit Mexiko einen Partner haben, mit dem uns schon seit über 25 Jahren eine gute Zusammenarbeit verbindet. Über 45.000 Unternehmen, die meisten davon klein und mittelständig, werden von diesem Abkommen profitieren.
Durch einfachere Zollverfahren, klare Investitionsregeln, geschützte Herkunftsbezeichnungen. Und wir öffnen unsere Märkte, ohne unsere Standards preiszugeben, verbindliche Verpflichtungen bei Arbeitnehmerrechten und Umweltschutz, hohe Anforderungen an Lebensmittelsicherheit.
Aber auch das ist zu bedenken: Das Vertrauen in Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Institutionen in Mexiko ist ausbaubar. Darauf müssen wir hinweisen. Trotzdem bin ich froh, dass wir über das Abkommen abstimmen und bitte Sie deswegen um Ihre Zustimmung. Vielen Dank.
Dankeschön. Und der letzte reguläre Redner in der Debatte ist der Kollege Mandl.
Lukas Mandl
Danke Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, Vizepräsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Auf der Tagesordnung steht jetzt EU-Mexiko. Das klingt wie ein Fußballspiel in Tagen wie diesen, aber das ist es diesmal nicht. Die EU ist ja auch noch mit viel Mannschaft im Rennen, unter anderem der Mannschaft von Belgien, dem Heimatland unserer europäischen Hauptstadt. Diesmal geht es um Kooperation.
Und das ist es, wofür ich immer und immer wieder eintrete. In einer Welt voller Konfrontation, wo viele auch versuchen, ihre Ziele zu erreichen durch mehr und mehr Konfrontation, müssen wir die Kooperation suchen. Auch weil das die Lehre aus der europäischen Geschichte ist und auch weil es unserem Wohlstand und den Wohlstand kommender Generationen umso mehr dienen wird. Mexiko teilt vieles mit uns, die Werte unserer Zivilisation. Mexiko ist ein verlässlicher Partner.
Und auf kontinentaler Ebene ist eindeutig Europa der verlässlichste Partner in der heutigen Welt.
Daher ist es für beide Seiten gut, dass wir Wohlstand möglich machen, Wachstum möglich machen und das Abkommen mit Mexiko modernisieren.
Vielen Dank. Wir kommen zum Catch-the-Eye-Verfahren. Wir haben zwei Meldungen, die wir natürlich beide berücksichtigen. Es beginnt der Kollege Tynkkynen und danach kommt die Kollegin Konečná. Ah, Entschuldigung.
Ich... doch, der Kommissar würde nach dem Catch-the-Eye sprechen. Ist das okay? Ja. Bitteschön, Herr Kollege Tynkkynen.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Thank you, Madam President. I support free trade with democratic partners. Strengthening our relationship with Mexico makes strategic sense, especially when it comes to critical raw materials and reducing our dependence on China. But this Parliament's report on the EU-Mexico agreement is such a disgrace to read. While Mexico struggles with cartel violence, corruption, organized crime and border security, this House chooses to devote almost manic attention to gender ideology, identity politics and climate activism.
Instead of these leftist slogans, I have conservative guidelines for the EU when it negotiates new trade deals.
Defend our strategic interests. Support trade where it benefits Europeans. Protect our farmers and leave ideological activism out of our trade policy. Thank you.
Danke, nun erhält das Wort die Kollegin Konečná.
Kateřina Konečná
Děkuji, vážený pane komisaři, vážení kolegové. Modernizace globální dohody mezi EU a Mexikem je další ze sérií liberalizací obchodu mezi EU a druhou stranou. A tak jako předchozí liberalizace je i tato namířena především na škodu našich pracujících. Fakt nestačí, že si pracovní místa v automobilovém průmyslu likvidujeme zelenou transformací, musíme se nyní snažit usnadnit přesouvání naší výroby do Mexika, kde mimochodem tak silné environmentální opatření neplatí. Jaký je k tomu důvod?
Komu má toto pomoci kromě několika nejbohatších?
Lidem, co pracují v automobilkách tady v Evropě určitě ne a životnímu prostředí, kvůli kterému si tu tento průmysl likvidujeme, to také jen uškodí. Ale za skutečnou drzost považuji opět pokus obejít členské státy a jejich parlamenty s umístěním obchodní části dohody do prozatímní dohody. Tedy tato část může fakticky platit i přes možný nesouhlas některého demokraticky zvoleného sboru. Pro mantru volného obchodu tu necháte likvidovat místní průmysl, životní prostředí i demokratické zásady a suverenitu členských států. Tato logika by fakt měla skončit.
Katarina Barley
Dankeschön. Und nun erhält das Wort für die Kommission Herr Kommissar Šefčovič.
Maroš Šefčovič
Thank you very much, Madam President, and I would like to thank all honorable members for their for their intervention. And very very telegraphically, I would like to reassure honorable members that if it comes to the concerns concerning tuna, honey or SPS standards, that we will be really carefully negotiating all these categories. And I can reassure you that everything everything will be okay, under control. And it is understood that this agreement will bring huge benefits to European economic operators and as I mentioned earlier, especially to agri-food sector.
On the energy chapter, what I would like to do is that we made also big progress in this regard because we have been able to assess with certainty the domestic energy policy which was related to the now finalized Mexican constitutional reforms in the economic sphere and the agreement we reached on energy issues ensures consistency of the modernization with Mexican reforms in energy sector while ensuring the overall balance of the negotiated outcome is rebalanced and that now we, we are in much better situation than before and on top of it, we got the guarantee that the EU investors will be treated on equal footing with investors from other important third countries. Also you rightly pointed out that we have agreed on review clause in order to rediscuss in the medium term the, the changes, recalibration or removal of some of the energy commitments that have been agreed in, in the agreement and we will definitely use that opportunities. If you allow me the last point concerns the issue which was raised by Mr. Warborn and this is linked with the pace of our free trade agreement negotiations. Yeah, we accelerated it because the economic situation in the world and in Europe clearly demands it.
We need to diversify the opportunities for our economic operators who simply have to look for new markets beyond the traditional traditional export destinations. And of course, if we want to be strategically autonomous, we have to have new access to the critical raw minerals, to the sensitive technologies and therefore we are actually expanding the horizon and possibility for the European economy to strive. Let's not forget that almost half of our GDP depends on how well we trade. Despite of what is happening right now, we are biggest trader in the world if we take together goods and services. So I think what we should focus on is how we can consolidate the position in the future.
And with the pace of negotiation comes my request, Madam President, because I would like to kindly ask this house and great colleagues from INTA and other committees to support us in the smooth consent vote organization and the procedures. Today we discuss Mexico, earlier with the Taoiseach I was putting the accent on our agreements with India, Indonesia, which should get the consent vote of this house this year so we can really benefit from this agreement as of 1st January of next year.
And of course we have on the table also the agreement with Australia. So I would just highlight these agreements where we need to coordinate very well between the Parliament, the Council and the Commission so we can really use these opportunities as soon as possible. Thank you very much, Madam President.
Katarina Barley
Herzlichen Dank, Herr Kommissar Šefčovič. Das Wort erhält nun der Berichterstatter Javi López.
Javi López
Muchísimas gracias, Presidenta. En primer lugar lo que querría hacer como ponente es reconocer la fantástica cooperación que hemos tenido tanto la Comisión de Asuntos Exteriores con la Comisión de Comercio Internacional y especialmente con Borja Jiménez Larraz, que ha sido su ponente, como coponentes de grupos diferentes pero trabajando con visiones con matices pero con un objetivo común, que era el fortalecimiento de las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y México. No solo con él, sino también con todos los ponentes a la sombra que han contribuido a tener una mejor resolución y hacer un buen trabajo en el Parlamento. Tres mensajes políticos. Uno: la diversificación de nuestra economía es una póliza de seguros geopolítica.
Y con esto estamos dando un paso hacia adelante para nuestra diversificación económica, también México, que apuesta por su diversificación. Tenemos además, gracias al buen trabajo y la fantástica cooperación que siempre tiene con el Parlamento, con el comisario Šefčovič, hoy una batería de acuerdos de asociación en marcha, algunos importantes con la región, que van a apostar por esta diversificación. Es importante, estratégico para la Unión Europea. Dos, se han hablado sobre los retos que tiene México y algunos problemas que también tiene, que no solo tiene México, algunos que también tenemos nosotros. Y además muchos de ellos que no han aparecido ahora o en los últimos años, que han estado ahí durante largo tiempo.
Lo importante para el Parlamento, para Europa, es enviar el mensaje: el acuerdo global modernizado va a ayudarnos a afrontar conjuntamente y a cooperar para ser más eficaces para hacer frente a los retos comunes. Obviamente, el crimen organizado, para fortalecer la seguridad, la transición ecológica, la transición digital, tener una verdadera prosperidad compartida. Pero lo que no hacemos es valorar las leyes que decide otro parlamento, que es otro parlamento quien tiene que decidir de forma plural y diversa con las elecciones el resultado. Lo digo porque también el pueblo mexicano ha dejado bastante claro cuál es su opinión sobre las decisiones que toman sus autoridades.
En último lugar, todos compartimos, México es un socio fiable con el que compartimos valores y por eso tendrá un apoyo muy mayoritario aquí en esta cámara mañana en la votación y tuvo unanimidad en el Consejo Europeo con pluralidad de gobiernos y colores políticos. Muchas gracias.
Katarina Barley
Herzlichen Dank und der letzte Redner heute ist der Kollege Jiménez Larraz.
Borja Giménez Larraz
Gracias, presidenta, pues en primer lugar yo también querría dar las gracias al comisario por este afán, este objetivo que se han marcado de diversificar las relaciones comerciales, que creo que es algo que es fundamental y por supuesto a la colaboración con el coponente, con Javi López durante estos últimos meses. Este acuerdo es en esencia una apuesta por la apertura, por la cooperación y por el comercio basado en reglas. México y la Unión comparten mucho más que intereses económicos, compartimos fuertes lazos, historia, tradiciones, cultura, lengua. Y este es un acuerdo que refuerza además nuestra posición global, que mejora nuestra competitividad. Es también diría un mensaje claro, Europa sigue apostando por el comercio basado en reglas frente al proteccionismo y el cierre de mercados.
Esta es además una oportunidad para consolidar una relación estratégica en Iberoamérica. Pero también quiero insistir en que este nuevo nivel de relación exige honestidad y sinceridad, hablarnos claro. Y ahí hay cuestiones que son pues mejorables, eso es lo que hemos venido expresando yo creo a lo largo de este debate, ¿no?
Sin un fuerte estado de derecho no hay inversión, sin seguridad jurídica no hay confianza. México y la Unión Europea comparten historia. Hoy tenemos la oportunidad de construir juntos un futuro. En un mundo en el que cada vez más actores se relacionan por medio de la imposición de la ley del más fuerte, en el que se desprecia la cooperación y el multilateralismo. Este acuerdo nace del convencimiento y de la determinación de quienes saben que estamos en el camino correcto.
El camino de dos pueblos que se entienden, que dialogan y que saben que la cooperación es la mejor vía para generar prosperidad. Dos pueblos que creen que un orden internacional basado en reglas es la mejor inversión. Y este acuerdo se sustenta además sobre una concepción básica: que una Europa abierta es una Europa más libre. Muchas gracias.
Herzlichen Dank, die gemeinsame Aussprache ist damit geschlossen. Die Abstimmung findet morgen statt. Vielen Dank, Herr Kommissar. Als nächster Punkt der Tagesordnung folgen die Erklärungen des Parlaments: Die Folgen der türkischen Invasion von 1974 für zyprische Frauen und Mädchen, die von den türkischen Streitkräften verübten Verbrechen und die Konsequenzen für die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter.
Ich weise die Mitglieder darauf hin, dass es bei dieser Aussprache nur eine Runde der Fraktionen geben wird, deshalb werden weder spontane Wortmeldungen noch blaue Karten akzeptiert. Und ich darf als erstes das Wort erteilen für die EPP-Fraktion der Kollegin Meleti.
Eleonora Meleti
Κυρία Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, δεν είναι μόνο το ψήφισμα για την Κύπρο που σας ζητώ να στηρίξετε. Είναι η ιστορία πίσω από το ψήφισμα. Είναι οι γυναίκες, τα κορίτσια, εκείνες που έφυγαν, εκείνες που είναι ακόμα εδώ, εκείνες που συναντήσαμε πριν από ένα χρόνο στην αποστολή μας. Εκείνες που μας διηγήθηκαν τα πιο σκοτεινά γεγονότα βίας, απόγνωσης, εξευτελισμού και κακοποίησης. Εκείνες που το 1974 ήταν ακόμα ανήλικα κορίτσια, έγκυες γυναίκες, νιοπαντρεμένες κόρες, μητέρες, γιαγιάδες και βασανίστηκαν, βιάστηκαν, κακοποιήθηκαν από τους Τούρκους εισβολείς.
Πολλές από αυτές μας είδαν κρυφά από τους άντρες και τα παιδιά τους. Παραδέχτηκαν πως δεν έχουν μιλήσει ποτέ, είτε από φόβο είτε από ντροπή. Γιατί ο βιασμός τους δεν τελείωσε τότε. Συνεχίστηκε από το στίγμα, την απομόνωση, την περιθωριοποίηση, την απόρριψη, τη μοναξιά. Οι γυναίκες που συναντήσαμε μίλησαν για όλες εκείνες που θα μείνουν για πάντα καταδικασμένες στη σιωπή.
Οι γυναίκες που συναντήσαμε πέρσι έσπασαν τη σιωπή τους για πρώτη φορά 51 χρόνια μετά.
Εμείς πάλι δεν μπορούσαμε να πούμε πολλά. Οι λέξεις δεν έβγαιναν. Ήταν οι λυγμοί που κυριαρχούσαν και τα δάκρυα που μας ένωναν εκείνες τις ώρες. Πριν αποχωρήσουμε από την Κύπρο δώσαμε μια υπόσχεση. Ότι θα κάνουμε τις κραυγές των γυναικών αυτών να ακουστούν παντού και δυνατά.
Ότι θα δώσουμε όλο μας το είναι για να αναγνωριστούν και εκείνες και όλες και τότε και τώρα ως θύματα εγκλημάτων πολέμου. Για να φροντίσει κάποιος επιτέλους έστω και αργά αυτές τις ανοιχτές πληγές. Για να αναγνωριστεί ο βιασμός ως όπλο σε περιοχές συγκρούσεων. Για να πληρώσει η Τουρκία αποζημιώσεις για τα θύματα και να στείλουμε ηχηρό μήνυμα πως όλα όσα έκανε δεν μπορούν να ξεχαστούν επειδή ανήκουν στο παρελθόν. Δώσαμε μια υπόσχεση πως ο πόνος αυτών των γυναικών, το συλλογικό τραύμα των Κυπρίων, δεν θα παραμείνει ούτε βουβό ούτε αόρατο.
Δεν είναι λοιπόν το ψήφισμα που σας καλώ να στηρίξετε αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι. Είναι η ιστορία που έχει ήδη γραφτεί.
Είναι η ψυχή, η ανάγκη για δικαίωση των θυμάτων, η υπόσχεση που δώσαμε, οι γυναίκες της Κύπρου που σας ζητούν να στηρίξετε. Σας ευχαριστώ.
Ευχαριστώ. Dankeschön. Die Kollegin Strada spricht nun für die S&D Fraktion.
Cecilia Strada
Grazie. Cari colleghi, il 1974 fu un anno di violenza senza precedenti per la popolazione di Cipro. L'invasione turca fece dell'isola un teatro di massacri e orrori contro la popolazione civile con una ferocia inaudita. Lo stupro fu usato su larga scala come strumento di guerra. A farne le spese furono le donne e le bambine dell'isola.
Le forze turche condussero sistematicamente stupri di gruppo e violenze su donne greco-cipriote dai 12 ai 70 anni. Le forze paramilitari fasciste di EOKA B violentarono e massacrarono la popolazione femminile di interi villaggi turco-ciprioti. Come in molti, troppi scenari di guerra, i responsabili sono rimasti impuniti e le vittime, nella maggior parte dei casi, non hanno avuto accesso a cure sanitarie e psicologiche adeguate. Il 1974 a Cipro non è un evento isolato, si inserisce nel solco storico dell'uso dello stupro come arma di guerra. Un abominio che ancora oggi qualcuno cerca di trattare come casi isolati, effetti collaterali, ma non è così.
La violenza di genere nei conflitti armati è un orrore sistematico e deliberato che può e deve essere combattuto percorrendo due strade: assicurare la giustizia ai carnefici e offrire un supporto reale per le vittime.
Anche oggi, dall'Ucraina al Sudan alla Palestina, le vittime di stupro ci chiedono giustizia e ci chiedono assistenza. Anche oggi in Europa abbiamo il dovere di garantire alle vittime di violenza di genere, incluse le donne e le bambine rifugiate, pieno accesso gratuito ai servizi di salute riproduttiva, incluso l'aborto e il trattamento delle malattie veneree. Abbiamo il dovere di portare in tribunale i criminali di guerra, perseguibili sotto la giurisdizione universale e i ricercati dalla Corte Penale Internazionale dell'Aia. E non è solo per rispetto del diritto, è l'unico modo per rispettare la dignità delle vittime in tutto il mondo, quelle passate e quelle future. Perché l'impunità dello stupro alimenta la cultura dello stupro.
E invece noi chiediamo giustizia per quello che è successo nel 1974 a Cipro, per quello che succede oggi, chiediamo giustizia perché non vogliamo più piangere le vittime di domani. Grazie.
Katarina Barley
Dankeschön. Für die PfE-Fraktion spricht die Kollegin Latinopoulou.
Ήταν ανηλεές το τελευταίο καλοκαίρι, τρυπούσε τους ίσκιους των δέντρων, τις στέγες των σπιτιών. Φριχτό καλοκαίρι για τους ανθρώπους. Μπάσαν τους νεκρούς απ' την πίσω πόρτα στον Αϊ-Γιάννη.
Speaker 217
Δεν τους χωρούσαν λέει τα φέρετρα. Κι ο πιτσιρικάς, πήχτρα το αίμα στα ρούχα του, ανηγελάκος, τον χτυπούσε ο ήλιος ανελέητα στους κροτάφους, στη μνήμη βαθιά ως το μέλλον. Τον ήξερες αλλιώτικα τον κυπριώτικο ήλιο, θεία Μαρίνα, την αυγή με τα περιστέρια στους ώμους. Λεύκιος Ζαφειρίου. Κι όμως, στις 20 Ιουλίου 2024 συμπληρώνονται 50 ολόκληρα χρόνια που η ψυχή του ελληνισμού με την αρπαγή της μισής Κύπρου μαύρισε για πάντα.
Οικογένειες ξεριζώθηκαν, γυναίκες βιάστηκαν, άνδρες άνανδρα δολοφονήθηκαν απ' τον Τούρκο εισβολέα κατακτητή. Χιλιάδες οι αγνοούμενοι που πίσω τους έχουν μάνες, γυναίκες, αδελφές και κόρες που ακόμα περιμένουν ζωθουν οι σοροί τους. Γυναίκες, μητέρες και κορίτσια βιάστηκαν και βασανίστηκαν από Τούρκους στρατιώτες με κτηνώδη τρόπο. Και εσείς εδώ, αυτούς τους άνανδρους δολοφόνους που συνεχίζουν έως και σήμερα να απειλούν την Ελλάδα, την Κύπρο μας και το Ισραήλ, θέλετε να τους βάλετε στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και δεν ντρέπεστε. Για το Ρώσο εισβολέα ξέρουμε να μιλάμε και να κάνουμε το σωστό.
Για τον Τούρκο εισβολέα όμως ξέρουμε μόνο να κάνουμε τα στραβά μάτια. Και η Κύπρος μας, η Αμμόχωστος, η Κερύνεια, η Καρπασία, η Μόρφου, ο Καραβάς, το Ριζοκάρπασο, ακόμα εκεί, ταγιασμένα με αίμα εδάφη μας, κάτω απ' τον Τούρκο εισβολέα και εσείς μόνο σιωπή, μπουκωμένοι από τα βρώμικα χρήματα του κατακτητή.
Geadis Geadi
Σήμερα επαναφέρουμε στις μνήμες όλων μας ένα έγκλημα πολέμου που έμεινε ξεχασμένο. Τους βιασμούς και τη σεξουαλική βία που υπέστησαν οι γυναίκες και τα κορίτσια της Κύπρου κατά την τουρκική εισβολή του 74. Υπενθυμίζουμε σε όλους ότι σε ένα κράτος μέλος της Ένωσης, 52 χρόνια μετά, ο πόνος παραμένει ανεξίτηλος. Το δράμα αδικαίωτο. Η μνήμη άσβεστη.
Η κατοχή συνεχιζόμενη. Ενώ θα έπρεπε να μιλάμε για το αυτονόητο, είμαστε εδώ για να επαναφέρουμε την κοινή λογική. Αποτελεί ντροπή ότι ανώτατοι αξιωματούχοι της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, η κυρία Κάλλας και η κυρία Κος, επέλεξαν πριν λίγες μέρες να παρουσιάσουν την Τουρκία ως βασικό στρατηγικό εταίρο, μιλώντας για εμβάθυνση της συνεργασίας. Η στάση τους αυτή είναι προσβολή απέναντι στις γυναίκες που σήμερα δηλώνουμε ότι υπερασπιζόμαστε.
Η στάση τους αυτή είναι προσβολή απέναντι στις γυναίκες που σήμερα δηλώνουμε ότι υπερασπιζόμαστε, προσβολή απέναντι στις ίδιες τις αξίες της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Οι γυναίκες της Κύπρου είναι περήφανες και δεν εκλιπαρούν. Απαιτούν δικαιοσύνη και λογοδοσία, όχι λήθη και υποκρισία.
Jana Toom
Dear colleagues, the suffering of women of Cyprus following the Turkish invasion in 1974 and the enduring consequences must not be forgotten. These women were attacked for the simple fact that they were women. They were put through these terrible sufferings as a way to demoralize the population and achieve a military goal. It is despicable. We have to recognize publicly the harm that the women of Cyprus went through.
We have to ask for a better support system that can help women deal with the trauma. And we have to continue advocating for a permanent solution for Cyprus. And just as importantly, we have to learn from these devastating events, because we see that conflict-related sexual violence continues to be a tool used in war in other conflicts even today. And I'm afraid to say that its use might even be increasing. And that is because we are turning a blind eye to so many examples across the world.
We cannot normalize sexual violence and allow for impunity. We need the EU to speak out against any form of sexual violence, no matter where it happens and no matter who is committing it. Thank you.
Dankeschön.
Für die Grünen-Fraktion spricht die Kollegin Lövin.
Isabella Lövin
Madam President, everything we know about war, we know with a man's voice. Belarusian Nobel Prize laureate Svetlana Alexievich wrote that about women's often forgotten testimonies and experiences of war. Three decades later, those words remain tragically relevant. Sexual violence is among the most devastating weapons of war. They can destroy people's lives, but also destroy entire communities.
The widespread stigma means that women and girls are often left isolated, untreated, and silenced, carrying these traumas for decades. What makes me most furious about this is that we know. We don't only know what happened in Cyprus, but we know that today over half a billion women and girls live in conflict zones where they're not only targets of victims of fighting, but their bodies are actively used as targets.
With increasing wars and conflicts, sexual violence is tragically on the rise, from Congo to Gaza to Ukraine and Sudan. This is a security threat that requires special attention. We know this, and we know the devastating consequences, and we know what is needed to prevent it and to help survivors. The EU must make the prevention of conflict-related sexual violence and comprehensive support for survivors a top priority in its external action. We must also break this silence.
Thank you.
Danke schön. Für die Linksfraktion erhält nun das Wort der Kollege Giorgos Georgiou.
Giorgos Georgiou
Kýria Próedre, i émfyles synépeies tou polémou, apó tis pio anatrichiastikés ptychés tou, sychná apokrýptontai. Oi tourkikés énoples dynámeis to 1974 stin Kýpro, systimatiká kai organoména, áskisan sexualikí vía se város Ellinokýpriôn gynaikôn allá kai andrôn káthe ilikías. Akóma éna stygeró énklíma apó tin Tourkía pou paraménei atimórito. Prépei ómôs na eímaste eilikrineís, varvarótites diapráchthikan kai apó ellinokypriakés parastratiôtikés omádes se város Tourkokýpriôn gynaikôn.
Ο βιασμός δεν έχει χρώμα, φυλή και θρησκεία. Τα τραύματα δύσκολα επουλώνονται τώρα που δειλά-δειλά ομολογούνται ασύλληπτα τραγικά. Η Κύπρος και η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση έχουν υποχρέωση να διασφαλίσουν τα δικαιώματα, την αξιοπρέπεια και την ιστορική μνήμη όλων των γυναικών της Κύπρου. Ο κοινός πόνος να γίνει κινητήρια δύναμη για τη δικοινοτική συνεργασία και την ειρήνη στο νησί μας.
Danke schön. Und als letzte Rednerin erhält nun in dieser Debatte das Wort die Kollegin Borchardt.
Irmhild Boßdorf
Der Zypernkonflikt ist eines der Themen des heute stattfindenden NATO-Gipfels. Morgen treffen sich dazu der Präsident des Europäischen Rates, die Kommissionspräsidentin und der türkische Staatschef Erdoğan. Mit einer Lösung des Zypernkonflikts ist dabei nicht zu rechnen. Während die Türkei die Zwei-Staaten-Lösung als Grundlage für weitere Verhandlungen fordert, bevorzugt die EU die Annäherung an ein Konföderationsmodell. Gerade wir Deutschen wissen, wie schwierig es ist, sich Jahrzehnte nach dem Ausbruch eines Konflikts zu versöhnen, wieder miteinander zu sprechen und sich vergeben zu können.
Mit unseren polnischen Nachbarn ist uns das zu einem guten Stück gelungen. Mittlerweile kämpfen wir im Europäischen Parlament gemeinsam für ein Europa der souveränen Nationen. Umso unverständlicher ist es, warum der FEMM-Ausschuss des Europäischen Parlaments ausgerechnet heute mit einer Resolution zu den Übergriffen der türkischen Streitkräfte auf zypriotische Frauen und Mädchen aus dem Jahr 1974 um die Ecke kommt. Niemand möchte das Leid und die Verbrechen aus jener Zeit relativieren oder gar verharmlosen. Doch hier wird erneut der Versuch unternommen, einen andauernden geopolitischen Konflikt mit EU-Richtlinien zu Gender Mainstreaming zu verknüpfen.
Eine Anhörung unter Beteiligung von gendergerechten NGOs, um damalige Zeugenaussagen im institutionellen Rahmen der EU formal anzuerkennen, eine nachträgliche Rechtfertigung von Abtreibungen, um den Schwangerschaftsabbruch in einen völkerrechtlichen Kontext zu heben, eine finanzielle und technische Unterstützung der EU für gendersensible Beratung sind nicht die vordringlichen Probleme zwischen der Türkei und Griechenland. Erneut überschreitet der FEMM-Ausschuss seine Kompetenzen und möchte, dass dieser Konflikt gendergerecht gelesen wird. Was für eine Anmaßung.
Lassen Sie uns stattdessen an einer besseren Zusammenarbeit zwischen diesen beiden NATO-Partnern arbeiten. Vielen Dank.
Katarina Barley
Zum Abschluss der Aussprache wurde ein Entschließungsantrag eingereicht. Die Aussprache ist damit geschlossen. Die Abstimmung findet morgen statt. Und nun ist die Sitzung unterbrochen. Sie wird in wenigen Minuten mit einer Sitzung zur Kontrolle, Erklärung der Kommission, Erläuterung des Aktionsplans zur Cybersicherheit und KI wieder aufgenommen.
Es gibt ein Point of Order. Dann muss ich die Sitzung dafür wieder eröffnen. Ein Point of Order, bitteschön.
Costas Mavrides
Thank you, Madam President, for allowing me to raise a point of order. I think that the wording being used by some of my colleagues and also by, perhaps in good faith, by the translation was wrong. In Cyprus, there is no conflict between Greece and Turkey. It's an invasion by Turkey against the Republic of Cyprus. And I want that to make sure that there is no such conflict in Cyprus between the two communities.
It's a Turkish invasion and continuing occupation of EU territory by Turkey in Cyprus.
Danke. Damit ist die Sitzung nun endgültig unterbrochen und wird in wenigen Minuten fortgesetzt. Dankeschön.
Roberts Zīle
Honorable colleagues, so we resume our meeting. Kolēģi, ir pieejams vakardienas sēdes protokols un pieņemtie teksti, un vai ir kādas piezīmes? Piezīmju nav, protokols ir apstiprināts. Nākamais darba kārtības punkts ir pārbaudes sesija, Komisijas paziņojums, iepazīstināšana ar rīcības plānu attiecībā uz kiberdrošību un mākslīgo intelektu. Vēlos atgādināt runātājiem, ka, ņemot vērā pašlaik spēkā esošos testa režīma pasākumus un noteikto debašu beigu laiku, būs stingri jāievēro uzstāšanās laiks.
So, direct executive Vice-President Virkkunen, the floor is yours, so we can, you can take it.
Thank you so much, honorable chair, honorable members. Today the Commission has adopted a new action plan on cybersecurity and artificial intelligence.
Henna Virkkunen
It follows a commitment I gave to this house in May, in light of the unprecedented cybersecurity capabilities of the latest models. Such models can be used not only for defensive, but also for offensive objectives in cyberspace. The new capabilities, they are marking a strategic shift for the Union's security. Most importantly, these models, they fundamentally now change the economics of malicious actors, whether cybercriminals or national states. These advanced AI models, they can now build cyber exploits in minutes or hours, at a fraction of the cost of vulnerability discovery by trained humans.
Once weaponized, these vulnerabilities endanger the security of our infrastructure and society. So we must be prepared for these new capabilities being available widely, including to malicious actors, especially as other capabilities in bio, for instance, are also growing. The Commission's response has been immediate. We engage with the entire AI and cybersecurity ecosystem: with you, with Member States, with our AI providers, with industry, and with our international partners. The action plan is not starting from scratch, as we know.
The EU already has very robust legal and policy foundations.
We are now turning them into action, capability, and resilience along three priorities. So first, AI models with high cyber capabilities deployed in Europe must be safe, and our European players must have access to use them. The AI Act provides us the world's most advanced framework to protect us against risks of AI, and in less than one month, also our AI Office will have the enforcement powers to ensure that providers, they also establish appropriate safeguards against misuse, including in the cyber domain. Assessing models before release is a cornerstone of risk mitigation. Europe must build excellence in this area.
We will launch a call to step up Europe's evaluation capacity of AI models, including in cybersecurity, by 2027. The EU Agency for Cybersecurity ENISA will play an important role making this action plan operational. And together with ENISA, the Commission will also develop a European blueprint for structured access to advanced AI models, with focus on cybersecurity.
We need common and clear and also transparent conditions for accessing these models, which also serves as a basis for cooperation and alignment with our international partners. And we must also strengthen our know-how on how to deploy these technologies for our cybersecurity. And this is why already by the end of this year, the Commission will set up also a secure platform to test how these models can be used safely for cybersecurity in critical sectors such as finance, energy, health, transport or public administration. And second, we must protect ourselves against malicious attacks exploiting such models. Our immediate priority is now to identify and fix the most critical vulnerabilities faster.
The first step is the full and effective implementation of our cybersecurity legislation, so the NIS2 Directive, DORA and the Cyber Resilience Act. Not tomorrow, now. And to fix these vulnerabilities where exposure is the highest for our critical infrastructure, which is open source software. So we will launch a critical open source resilience campaign. In parallel, we will support also our critical sectors and our SMEs in understanding and also deploying existing AI tools, including those openly available, to enhance their cyber resilience.
And third, we must build Europe's own AI-powered cyber capabilities. We cannot rely only on non-European solutions for capabilities that are becoming critical for our security. So Europe has everything what it takes to be competitive in this area. So we have talent, a solid cybersecurity and AI ecosystem, and with AI factories and in the future also AI gigafactories, we have also the infrastructure. But we must get serious about financing.
Frontier AI requires very large-scale investment, as we know, far beyond what public funding alone can provide. We need to mobilize private capital, especially equity. The new European Tech Equity Capacity announced in the Tech Sovereignty Package can be a game changer here. Some will say that the cost of building European frontier capabilities is too high. In today's world, the cost of not building them will be even much higher.
And it will grow every year. So our action plan now addresses the pressing challenges that frontier AI models present to cybersecurity, and we build capacities for a stronger Europe in this domain.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you very much, Executive Vice-President. Now for the European People's Party will speak Aura Salla. The floor is yours.
Aura Salla
Cybersecurity is a matter of national security. Yet even here, Europe remains heavily dependent on US vendors for cloud security, threat intelligence, identity management, and endpoint protection. The same is true for AI. We must reduce the risk of supply chain attacks by expanding trusted partnership worldwide, while gradually building more of our own tech stack. Our dependency is not primarily about AI models; it is about the infrastructure they rely on.
Europe has strong AI research, but too few companies operating at this frontier. That's why we must speed up EU-level regulatory sandboxes, market harmonization, and make sure our public sector chooses European tech first. Right now, Europe is rightly pushing for computing capacity. However, quantum and gigafactories don't help us if we don't have European businesses who use this capacity so that quantum can be commercialized.
Investments in data centers and European cloud must go hand in hand with policies that help to create demand here at home. Data centers will not bring high-tech jobs to Europe. We also need to be realistic. We unfortunately cannot switch off from the US vendors anytime soon. Europe relies so heavily on US cloud software and hardware solutions that we will shoot ourselves in the foot if we speed up without extended supply chains and domestic solutions.
The answer is not for more regulation. It is smarter enforcement, strategic public procurement, and an industrial policy that strengthens security, supports emerging technologies, and reduces critical dependencies. A shift from digital regulation towards tech sovereignty doesn't happen overnight. It will require a tremendous focus on details and pushing for overall mind change. But the worst we can do now is to do nothing.
Alex Agius Saliba
Grazzi President. Aktar ma niddiġitalizzaw ħajjitna, aktar is-soċjetà tagħna tkun vulnerabbli għal cyberattacks. Fejn qabel il-hackers kienu biss persuni umani, illum qed niffaċċjaw bots u mudelli ta' intelliġenza artifiċjali.
Dawn jistgħu jesponu aktar il-vulnerabbiltajiet tagħna. Rajna x'jista' jagħmel metodu ta' antropic u fil-futur se naraw għodda ta' hacking ibbażati fuq l-intelliġenza artifiċjali li jkunu ħafna aktar b'saħħithom. Din mhix kwistjoni li għandha tittieħed b'mod leġġer. Sitwazzjonijiet bħal dawn jistgħu iħallu riperkussjonijiet devastanti: qtugħ ta' dawl, tfixkil fl-operat tal-ajruporti, jew agħar minn hekk, fl-isptarijiet jew servizzi essenzjali oħrajn meta dawn isiru fil-mira. L-Ewropa għandha tantiċipa, tħejji ruħha u ssaħħaħ id-difiża tagħha kontra l-hacking imħaddem bl-AI.
Ejja nużaw il-mudelli l-aktar avvanzati b'mod proattiv, nidentifikaw id-dgħufijiet ta' dawn l-attakki filwaqt li nsaħħu d-difiżi diġitali tagħna. Iżda f'din ir-realtà diġitali, ma nistgħux nibqgħu niddependu biss fuq teknoloġija barranija biex iżżommna siguri. Ejja nidderieġu r-riżorsi t-tajbin u t-talent teknoloġiku Ewropew fid-direzzjoni t-tajba. Ejja ninvestu fil-kapaċitajiet Ewropej.
Jaroslav Bžoch
Děkuji za slovo, vážený pane předsedající, vážené kolegyně, vážení kolegové, vážená paní komisařko. Zajistit bezpečnost našich obyvatel je jednou z největších priorit, ale zároveň výzev, které v Evropské unii v současné době čelíme.
A právě otázka kyberbezpečnosti se v dnešním světě stává stále palčivější. Nástup umělé inteligence dělá kybernetické útoky rychlejší, sofistikovanější a nebezpečnější než kdy dříve. Proto vítám akční plán Evropské komise pro kyberbezpečnost a umělou inteligenci. Evropa musí být připravena chránit své občany a své podniky i svou kritickou infrastrukturu. Současně si ale musíme přiznat jednu nepříjemnou skutečnost.
Evropa v posledních letech přijímá jednu regulaci za druhou. Místo toho, abychom vytvářeli prostředí pro inovace, stali jsme se světovým lídrem v psaní pravidel. A výsledek? Prostředí, které přimělo mnoho startupů a inovativních firem přesunout svůj vývoj mimo Evropskou unii. A to opravdu není úspěch, to je spíše varování pro nás všechny.
Pokud chceme být opravdu lídrem v oblasti kyberbezpečnosti a umělé inteligence, tak nemůžeme pouze regulovat technologie, které se vyvíjí jinde. Musíme vytvořit takové podmínky, aby tyto technologie vznikaly právě v Evropě. A proto bych měl na komisi několik konkrétních otázek. Jak tento akční plán zabrání dalšímu odlivu inovací z Evropské unie?
Jak zajistí, že posilování kybernetické bezpečnosti nebude znamenat další administrativní zátěž pro evropské podniky a zejména pro malé a střední firmy? A kde je stejně ambiciózní plán na podporu evropských vývojářů, startupů a technologických firem, protože bez nich nebude Evropa nikdy technologicky soběstačná, ale bude jen regulovat technologie, které vyvinul někdo jinde. Jak komise zajistí, aby citlivé bezpečnostní údaje zůstaly pod evropskou kontrolou a neopouštěly Evropskou unii? A závěrem, podle jakých kritérií a ukazatelů bude komise měřit úspěch tohoto akčního plánu. Při vyjednávání nových kyberbezpečnostních pravidel máme příležitost poučit se z minulosti.
Potřebujeme taková řešení, která zvýší bezpečnost, ale zároveň podpoří evropské inovace, investice a výzkum. Bezpečnost a konkurenceschopnost totiž nejsou protiklady a jedno bez druhého nemůže existovat. Bez evropských inovací totiž Evropa nebude nikdy bezpečná ani suverénní. Děkuji.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you. For European Conservatives and Reformists, Mr. Tobiasz Bocheński. Floor is yours.
Tobiasz Bocheński
Szanowni państwo, ta debata nie jest o cyberbezpieczeństwie i o sztucznej inteligencji. Ta debata jest dowodem klęski Unii Europejskiej w ciągu ostatnich 20-30 lat. Europa niegdyś była kontynentem, gdzie dokonywano największych technicznych odkryć, była kontynentem, gdzie odbywała się rewolucja przemysłowa, była kontynentem, która, który dyktował rozwój praktycznie całego świata.
Dzisiaj jesteśmy wspólnotą, która ze swoich podatków dotuje biurokrację, która nie wnosi nic innowacyjnego ani nic nowoczesnego. Jedziemy wagonem drugiej klasy. Na naszych oczach odbywa się absolutna rewolucja, porównywalna z wprowadzeniem komputerów. Wpłynie na gospodarkę, na społeczeństwa, na każdy aspekt naszego życia. A my siedzimy w drugiej klasie, dlatego że biurokracja, regulacje i brak innowacyjności to motto dzisiejszej europejskiej biurokracji.
Dziękuję bardzo.
Bart Groothuis
Thank you, Chair, Commissioner. I call on all business leaders in Europe to take good note of today's recommendations on AI and cybersecurity released by the European Commission and ENISA. It's not business as usual anymore. Your software and IT systems will be tested by hackers. Aided by the latest AI models, hackers will operate with the speed of light and will try to put you out of business.
So today's recommendations will help you to defend with the speed of light and with the help of the best talent and the best capabilities Europe has to offer.
I also remind business leaders that time is not in your advantage. You have a few months at best to fix vulnerabilities because AI models from China with similar capabilities will be on the market soon. You must adapt to stay in business. But I also want to encourage my colleagues here to think firmly about developing frontier AI models in Europe. Currently, there are some 3,000 models, AI models, large language models in the world.
Only 30 of which are European, zero are compliant with EU laws and regulations. So if we want sovereign European technology, we need to push for deregulation, indeed with the speed of light. Thank you.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you for the Greens/EFA speaker Markéta Gregorová. Floor is yours.
Markéta Gregorová
Colleagues, Commissioner. For months, some of us have been warning that Europe was sleepwalking into a new dependency, and restrictions on Mistral, Fable, and now GPT-5.6 prove the point better than any speech here. Everything here in this new action plan is guidelines, blueprints, and pilots. It's a necessary start to this problem, yes, but where is the joint procurement as a collective leverage?
Where is the economic and diplomatic pressure to make sure Europe is not again cut off? Nothing binds the plan to CSH2, no appeal mechanism is proposed. I ask why. Most importantly, we need to focus on creating the industrial foundation for Europe to compete globally with our own cutting-edge models. That means sovereign compute, increase electricity output, and safeguarding and using our training data effectively.
It also means promoting our global champions in critical components. If not in this action plan, where will we see such a pledge from the Commission? Thank you.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, Presidente, Senhora Comissária Virkkunen. A discussão sobre a cibersegurança e a inteligência artificial não é apenas uma discussão sobre a capacidade de resistir a ataques cibernéticos ou de prevenir usos prejudiciais da tecnologia.
É também e sobretudo uma discussão sobre o direito dos povos ao seu desenvolvimento, sobre a cooperação internacional e a partilha de conhecimento científico, sobre a capacidade de garantir a coesão, esbatendo as assimetrias nacionais, sobre uma discussão também sobre a garantia dos direitos fundamentais dos cidadãos em geral, incluindo dos seus dados pessoais. É absolutamente imprescindível que seja definida de forma clara a responsabilidade dos Estados em matéria de controlo e fiscalização do funcionamento de equipamentos e redes de comunicações. Deixar essas questões nas mãos das grandes multinacionais que operam nestas áreas não é solução. É absolutamente essencial definir estratégias nacionais de desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico, robustecer estruturas públicas de investigação e desenvolvimento, qualificar recursos humanos. Também o desenvolvimento da infraestrutura tecnológica e de comunicações tem de ser orientada para estes objetivos.
Thank you, Mr. President. Dear colleagues, the Commission presented its action plan on cybersecurity and AI.
Rada Laykova
It promises to make Europe a global leader in artificial intelligence. But leadership is not declared in a PR strategy, it is demonstrated when the technologies that matter are developed. And recently, the American company Anthropic presented Mithos, an AI model capable of identifying complex chains of software vulnerabilities at unprecedented speed. And access was restricted to a small group of trusted partners to strengthen cyber defense. And guess what, the European Union was not among these trusted partners.
That should concern every member state, because cybersecurity is no longer just about writing standards, it is about who has access to cutting-edge AI. As the saying goes, America innovates and the EU regulates. For years, Europe has focused on regulation and keeps being the master regulator. The AI Act is one of the world's most comprehensive regulatory frameworks. And yet today, the most advanced cyber capabilities are emerging outside the EU.
We regulate the technology while others build it. The EU supervises the market and others decide who gets access.
So I ask the Commission, how does this action plan make Europe a leader in AI and cybersecurity and not just a regulator of technologies developed somewhere else?
Roberts Zīle
Thank you very much. So now we will ask the Commission, Executive Vice-President Virkkunen.
Henna Virkkunen
Thank you very much, honorable chair, honorable members. Thank you very much for your interventions. As you very rightly highlighted here, two aspects are key today: how to ensure now access to these models and also how to build European sovereignty in this field. So first on access, we have already in our AI Act in place, and this blueprint what we are now proposing, it will not impose new mandatory or legal requirements for providers of AI models, but it will be a guidance now, guidance document clarifying and providing more transparency around staged release and vetting processes, so how to have access and who should have access. And it will allow us now to reinforce European leverage and make things easier for European players.
And as we know that now the question of access is very highly topical in international fora, we think also that this blueprint can become really a common global reference on access to frontier AI models. And second on Europe's sovereignty, here too, we are not starting from scratch, as we know.
We already made significant investments now in developing our own AI computing infrastructure, in particular through the AI factories and also future gigafactories. But to build our own sovereign frontier AI capabilities, we need to mobilize massive additional private investments. And this is why the new strategic tech equality facility for Europe could be a game changer here. But in the same time, everything what we can really do to accelerate our savings and investments union, make more out of our single market, make it easier for our companies to scale up in Europe, of course, this everything will be very crucial for our tech sovereignty. And when we are looking our resilience, of course coordination and response mechanism must also must also keep pace with the latest AI developments.
And this is why now the revision of the Cybersecurity Act is so important, cause it will now strengthen our ENISA and also equip the EU with the tools it needs to help secure of our supply chains. And this is also why the proposal for a single entry point for cybersecurity incident reporting in the digital omnibus matters so much. So I therefore count on both co-legislators to move these negotiations now forward swiftly and with the level of ambition that the security of our union requires.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you very much. And now I would like to ask to take the floor Michal Wawrykiewicz.
Michał Wawrykiewicz
Thank you, Chair, Commissioner. Artificial intelligence, without the slightest doubt, is becoming a core element of Europe's security architecture. The presentation of the action plan on cybersecurity and AI comes at the very decisive moment. Today, we need a pragmatic approach. Europe must reduce strategic risks in its critical infrastructure.
The revised Cybersecurity Act should give us proper, stronger tools to de-risk mobile telecommunication networks from unsound third-country suppliers, building on the lessons of the 5G security toolbox. Cybersecurity cannot depend on suppliers whose risk profile we cannot fully control. And second, dual nature of generative AI needs to be addressed. Large language models can be used to automate attacks or scale disinformation operation, and they can become targets themselves through model poisoning, data breaches, or manipulation of training data.
Finally, we should not look at AI only as a threat. Properly governed, AI can become a powerful instrument for defense, improving code review and strengthening incident response. The task before us is therefore very clear. Europe must regulate risk, but also build capacity. We need a trusted infrastructure and secure AI systems.
Cybersecurity and AI are now inseparable. Our response must be equally integrated. Thank you very much.
Jens Geier
Vielen Dank, Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Viele Kolleginnen und Kollegen haben von hier aus schon darauf hingewiesen, wie hoch die Sicherheitsrisiken mittlerweile im Cyberraum geworden sind. Und es ist ja eine alltägliche Erfahrung mittlerweile, dass entweder kriminelle Quellen oder Drittstaaten, die es mit der Sicherheit der Europäischen Union nicht so richtig gut meinen, uns immer wieder an der Stelle angreifen. Es ist keine abstrakte Gefahr, sie ist komplex und konkret und sie ist alltäglich.
Und machen wir es mal an einem Beispiel deutlich. Deutsche Offshore-Windkraftanlagen, in denen sind Sensoren verbaut aus einem Land außerhalb der EU und sie werden von dort überwacht. Das heißt also, wenn etwas mit dieser Windkraftanlage nicht in Ordnung ist, dann melden das diese Sensoren und sie führen dazu, so wenigstens der Plan, dass sie repariert wird. Aber diese in den Drittstaaten gibt es einen Death Switch. Das heißt, man kann diese Anlagen ausschalten, wann immer man will.
Und ich finde, einer der wichtigsten Sicherheitsaspekte müsste sein, dass es in Zukunft einen Death Switch nicht mehr gibt und Daten auf Servern sind, die der EU-Gesetzgebung unterliegen.
Virginie Joron
Merci Monsieur le Président, Madame la Vice-Présidente, chers collègues. Alors aujourd'hui, vous nous présentez le nouveau plan d'action de la Commission européenne sur la cybersécurité et l'intelligence artificielle. Les États-Unis ont Mistral, la Chine a DeepSeek et l'Union européenne a un plan d'action. Plutôt je dirais un plan en réaction encore une fois. En réaction à l'interdiction imposée par l'administration américaine d'accéder à Mistral d'Anthropic aux non-Américains, interdiction depuis levée.
Et ce plan repose sur des formules qui sonnent comme des incantations. Créer une capacité européenne des modèles d'IA.
Donner un cadre européen pour l'accès structuré aux capacités d'IA en cybersécurité. Une énième plateforme européenne sécurisée pour tester les modèles d'IA avancés. Un grand défi européen pour faire émerger des solutions de cybersécurité fondées sur l'IA. Mais voici le paradoxe. D'un côté la Commission veut des solutions européennes, OK, très bien, on est tous d'accord.
Mais de l'autre, elle signe le traité Pax Silica rédigé par ce sous-secrétaire d'État américain qui assume son opposition à la souveraineté numérique. Résultat, vous venez d'obliger les Européens à acheter des puces américaines et 750 milliards de dollars de GNL. Or sans maîtrise de l'architecture des microprocesseurs ou de notre indépendance énergétique, les Américains pourront toujours nous déconnecter quand bon leur semblera. Pourtant une alternative existe. Un vrai consortium européen avec ASML, cette entreprise néerlandaise de semi-conducteurs, les terres rares de Guyane.
Mais vous avez encore choisi la dépendance. Alors à quoi bon nous parler d'indépendance, de souveraineté quand de l'autre main vous signez encore notre soumission. Les plans c'est bien, l'action c'est mieux. Merci.
Diego Solier
Gracias presidente, comisaria. La inteligencia artificial ya está impactando en todos nosotros, en nuestras relaciones personales, en nuestros negocios y en nuestra vida diaria. En todo.
Antes encontrábamos datos, comparábamos información, formábamos nuestra propia opinión. Hoy preguntamos a la IA y no damos nada y lo damos todo por válido. Y eso puede convertirse en un gran problema, en un problema muy serio. Porque si esa inteligencia artificial es atacada, manipulada o alterada de forma maliciosa, no solo estarán en riesgo nuestros datos, también estarán en riesgo nuestras opiniones, nuestras decisiones y nuestras libertades, en definitiva, nuestra percepción. Y en ciberseguridad ocurre algo parecido.
Antes hablábamos de hackers intentando acceder a nuestros sistemas durante ciertas horas. Ahora tenemos bots que están intentando atacar nuestros sistemas 24 horas al día, 7 días a la semana, intentando aprender, adaptándose y buscando acceder a los datos más sensibles. Por eso Europa debe actuar. Pero no puede hacerlo solo desde la regulación. Debemos facilitar la creación y más importante la permanencia de empresas en Europa.
Debemos trabajar con la industria tecnológica, con los desarrolladores de software, con los grandes proveedores de nube, con las empresas de ciberseguridad y con quienes lideran la inteligencia artificial. Solo así estaremos por delante de quienes quieren buscar debilitar nuestras empresas, manipular nuestros ciudadanos y socavar nuestras libertades. Protejamos Europa, pero hagámoslo con la innovación.
Thank you, colleague. So next speaker, Christophe Grudler.
Christophe Grudler
Chers collègues, ayons confiance. Ayons confiance en nos entreprises européennes d'intelligence artificielle et investissons dès maintenant les milliards d'euros nécessaires au développement de nos propres modèles d'intelligence artificielle avancés. La décision du président Trump de restreindre l'accès aux modèles américains d'IA les plus performants ne fait que confirmer ce que nous, libéraux et démocrates, dénonçons depuis son arrivée au pouvoir. Un pays qui se sert de notre dépendance contre nous n'est pas un allié fiable. L'indépendance numérique doit être notre priorité car c'est elle qui déterminera l'avenir de l'Europe.
Je salue les annonces que vous avez faites, madame la commissaire Virkkunen, pour notre cybersécurité face aux dangers nouveaux que représente l'IA et nous vous soutiendrons pour toute mesure nouvelle que vous prendrez pour renforcer notre indépendance européenne dans l'intelligence artificielle et la cybersécurité. Je vous remercie.
Thank you. Colleagues, the industrial revolution was a miracle. We now live longer, work less, and live better today than kings did 300 years ago.
Reinier Van Lanschot
But before we got here, we had child labor, colonial exploitation, and a climate catastrophe we're still living through. The next industrial revolution is already happening. AI could unlock energy efficiency gains, design new cures for diseases, help fight world hunger, or accelerate scientific discoveries. But what will we have to go through this time? Overheat our burning planet with ever bigger data centers, destroy jobs faster than we can adapt, or unleash a new era of cybercrime?
There are risks and opportunities. This action plan on AI and cybersecurity is a good first step, but I urge national leaders to put it higher on the agenda, organize a European Council summit dedicated to AI, and unite around a plan to minimize risks and seize opportunities the European way. Thank you.
Isabel Serra Sánchez
Gracias, presidente. Señorías, durante el minuto que dura mi intervención, el patrimonio de Elon Musk habrá aumentado 280.000 dólares, el de Zuckerberg 74.000 dólares, el de Bezos habrá aumentado 40.000 dólares, insisto, solamente en un minuto. Y mientras los oligarcas amigos de Trump se enriquecen, ¿para qué nos sirve la IA? ¿Para vivir mejor?
¿Para que los avances científicos se pongan al servicio del interés general? Pues no. Mire, señora comisaria, hoy en la cumbre de la OTAN todos ustedes le prometerán a Donald Trump más aumento del gasto militar, más guerra y sobre todo también para comprar precisamente servicios y sistemas de inteligencia artificial para sus amigos, los amigos de Donald Trump. Justo, por cierto, la misma semana que Donald Trump ha reconocido que sus hijos, que se dedican a fabricar drones militares, han tenido acceso a información privilegiada sobre las decisiones de Donald Trump. Supongo que también habrán tenido acceso a la información sobre cómo Trump impone a esta Europa sumisa las decisiones, a esta Europa sumisa con el imperialismo estadounidense.
Eso es todo lo que ustedes les ofrecen a los europeos por parte de la Comisión Europea: guerra, más aumento del gasto militar, sumisión y mucho poder para los tecnócratas.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you, colleague. Colleague, thank you, I have to interrupt you, but thank you very much. Would you accept a blue card, colleague Serra? No? So, no blue card.
So, next speaker, Marcin Sypniewski.
Marcin Sypniewski
Dziękuję bardzo. Szanowni Państwo, ta debata jest o rzeczy oczywistej. Sztuczna inteligencja może współtworzyć obronność europejską, ale może też atakować nasze systemy i wtedy jest bardzo groźna. Czyli może przynosić korzyści, ale też wiąże się z ryzykiem. No i pytanie, czy naszą odpowiedzią będzie realna odporność Europy, czy kolejny segregator procedur, których już mamy wystarczająco dużo.
My dzisiaj przegrywamy wyścig technologiczny przez to, że boimy się ryzyka, mamy nadmiar regulacji i odnoszę wrażenie, że nadal wierzymy, że innowacje da się zadekretować w Brukseli. A tak nie jest, bo rozwój nie dzieje się dzięki regulacjom, rozwój dzieje się dzięki temu, że ludzie mają swobodę działania. I jeżeli ten nowy plan będzie oznaczał tylko nowe obowiązki, audyty i certyfikaty, na które będzie stać tylko i wyłącznie gigantów, na które będzie stać tylko wielkie korporacje, to małe europejskie firmy AI nie będą w stanie zbudować nam i zabezpieczyć nam cyberbezpieczeństwa. One po prostu wyjadą albo zostaną klientami Amerykanów i Chińczyków. A wierzę, że może być inaczej.
Dziękuję bardzo.
Paldies, tagad vārds Malika Sorel kundzei. So, sorry, sorry, colleague Sorel. So, would you accept blue card? There are at the last moment we had a Nicola Stefanuta, Vice-President Nicola Stefanuta would like to ask you, don't want to take, so please, colleague Sorel.
Malika Sorel
Chers collègues, Madame la Vice-Présidente, deux ans après le rapport Draghi, moins d'un tiers de ses recommandations ont été suivies. Si nos infrastructures sont essentielles, l'Europe ne peut ignorer deux autres leviers stratégiques : les talents et le financement. Nous formons d'excellents ingénieurs en cyber et IA, mais les laissons partir peupler la Silicon Valley, affaiblissant ainsi notre capacité d'innovation. Il est temps de construire le récit d'une Europe fière de ses talents, capable de les valoriser pour les retenir. Cela passe aussi par une meilleure rémunération.
Nous devons également alléger la réglementation trop complexe qui mobilise une part excessive des budgets de mise en conformité. Quatre start-up sur dix envisagent de quitter l'Union européenne pour cette raison. Enfin, l'Europe doit changer d'échelle en matière de financement. Lorsqu'Arthur Mensch, fondateur de Mistral, lève trois milliards, son plus petit concurrent américain, lui, lève trente milliards. Il est temps, chers collègues, de bâtir un véritable Nasdaq européen.
Le sursaut ne peut plus attendre. Je vous remercie.
Paulo Cunha
Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, colegas, imagine-se um hospital onde o médico se prepara para assistir um doente. De repente, os sistemas informáticos deixam de responder.
Não, não se trata de uma falha técnica, foi sim um ciberataque. Hoje, com o recurso à inteligência artificial, esse ataque pode ser preparado, adaptado e lançado em poucos minutos. Mas a mesma tecnologia pode também detetar a ameaça, conter a sua propagação e impedir que os serviços essenciais sejam interrompidos. É esta a nova realidade da cibersegurança. A inteligência artificial já não é apenas uma ferramenta de inovação.
É também uma ferramenta de defesa e, infelizmente, uma ferramenta ao serviço de quem procura explorar as nossas vulnerabilidades. A Europa tem todas as condições para liderar esta transformação, mas só o conseguirá se souber equilibrar inovação, segurança e competitividade. É precisamente por isso que o plano de ação hoje apresentado é tão importante. Precisamos de investir num verdadeiro ecossistema europeu de cibersegurança, capaz de reunir conhecimento, talento, inovação e cooperação entre Estados-Membros. Precisamos de apoiar as pequenas e médias empresas, reforçar a partilha de informação sobre ameaças e garantir que a segurança acompanhe o desenvolvimento da inteligência artificial desde a conceção das tecnologias.
Quando falamos de cibersegurança, não estamos apenas a proteger computadores ou redes. Estamos a proteger hospitais, escolas, empresas, serviços públicos essenciais e, acima de tudo, as nossas pessoas. Muito obrigado.
Roberts Zīle
Colleague Cunha, thank you very much, but would you accept a blue card for colleague Mendes? Please.
Ana Catarina Mendes
Muito obrigada, senhor presidente. Senhor deputado Paulo Cunha, imagine milhares de alunos à espera dos resultados dos exames nacionais por uma falha informática dos serviços do Ministério da Educação em Portugal. Não precisa imaginar, está a acontecer. A minha pergunta é: não vale a pena falarmos sobre grandes discursos sobre a inovação? É preciso ter responsabilidade e que a administração pública respeite os cidadãos, responda com clareza e, por isso, pergunto-lhe: de quem é a responsabilidade do que está a acontecer em Portugal, que está a deixar milhares de alunos com o futuro comprometido pelos erros informáticos da administração pública na correção dos seus exames?
Muito obrigada.
Paulo Cunha
A senhora deputada está mal informada porque não está a acontecer nada do que disse, muito menos pelas causas que invocou. As circunstâncias são diferentes, senhora deputada. O que está em causa é uma mudança, uma evolução.
A senhora deputada prefere o imobilismo, o passadismo, a manutenção, a perseverança no erro e a recusa da inovação e da mudança. Está em causa uma mudança e as consequências para alunos e para as comunidades não são tão graves como aquelas que aponta. Muito obrigado.
Ana Catarina Mendes
Muito obrigada, senhor presidente, senhora comissária. Nós tivemos oportunidade recentemente de falar na comissão. Eu queria saudar o plano de ação, apesar de ter chegado apenas no início deste debate, quero saudar a apresentação porque é mais um instrumento que ajuda a que todos percebamos como os Estados-membros devem responder com inteligência artificial e com mais cibersegurança. E não, eu não trouxe aqui a este plenário um caso utópico. Ele está a acontecer em Portugal.
E nós estamos a falar de sistemas críticos.
E quando uma falha informática pela implementação da transição digital põe em causa o futuro de milhares de jovens, estamos a falar de uma transição digital que não está a cuidar da igualdade de oportunidades para todos. E o meu apelo, senhora comissária, é que com este plano de ação onde exorta os Estados-Membros a que tenham mais coordenação, eu exorto a que haja mais coordenação, maior responsabilidade e melhor capacidade de colocar a inteligência artificial ao serviço das nossas democracias, ao serviço da igualdade de oportunidades, ao serviço dos nossos cidadãos. Muito obrigada.
András László
The European Commission's response to the rise of AI and the related cybersecurity challenges is disappointing, to say the least, including the new action plan. When the US learned that Germany was building a nuclear weapon, it understood that it must do the same. In fact, it understood that it must win the race. When the first atomic bomb was built, others were rushing to catch up. Those who belong to the nuclear club set the rules.
Today, the same applies to AI. Europe cannot set the rules if it has no serious sovereign AI capability. You talk about a massive private investment in order to boost frontier sovereign AI capability, but you are late.
And you cannot fix this by focusing on AI alone. We need to increase the training of software engineers, incentivize automation in industry, develop and build chips, guarantee cheap energy. Otherwise, private investors won't invest in AI in Europe. Public procurement is therefore absolutely necessary. We talk about European digital sovereignty again and again in this house, and then nothing meaningful happens.
The European Commission published yet another action plan that is news today and will be forgotten tomorrow. Why? Because the US and China, who really are serious about the AI race, will publish a new model and we'll be starting this debate all over again. We need to set benchmarks and deadlines on how the EU will catch up on AI.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you. Colleague, you have a blue card from Vice-President Stefanuta. 56. Would you accept it? Yeah, please.
Köszönöm szépen. So, I will ask you something because you mentioned software engineers. Did you know that right now the biggest victim in the industry of including more AI is exactly software engineers?
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Did you know that companies do not hire people fresh off the benches of universities anymore because they use more AI to cut costs? Do you think or not that we have a social problem or that we might have an even bigger social problem because lots of ICT graduates are not entering the market because everything is used with AI? And what do we do with the massive unemployment generated by this? Do you also see a danger here?
András László
Um, you've raised several issues which deal with generally how we're going to apply AI, and of course it touches on software engineers as well. That's why we should be and that's why I argued in favor of public procurement. We need to be because private investment is not happening in AI or not sufficiently in Europe. That's why we should have massive public procurement to suck up also the engineers. We should incentivize software engineers and then provide them with the job of doing so.
In a certain way we should be treating AI and the development of AI just like I said in my example, like nuclear weapons, like a matter of national security and of strategic importance. And when it's a matter and we talk about a sector of strategic importance and defense, like in cybersecurity, we need to have a public procurement push.
Francesco Torselli
Grazie Presidente. Nel dibattito che in questi mesi si sta svolgendo sul ruolo che l'Europa dovrebbe andare a ricoprire nel campo dello sviluppo dell'intelligenza artificiale, tra chi vorrebbe un'Europa all'inseguimento di Stati Uniti e Cina e chi invece sogna un'Europa capace di valorizzare le proprie eccellenze grazie all'intelligenza artificiale, Commissario, non sottovalutiamo il tema della sicurezza e della cybersicurezza. Perché se vogliamo proteggere i nostri dati, se vogliamo proteggere le nostre infrastrutture, se vogliamo proteggere le nostre aziende, l'intelligenza artificiale è e può essere un alleato fondamentale. Nel campo della cybersicurezza, lei lo sa molto meglio di me, l'Europa oggi non deve inseguire, non è arretrata. L'Europa oggi è leader in questo settore.
E allora grazie all'intelligenza artificiale possiamo porci un obiettivo: diventare lo spazio digitale più sicuro al mondo. Grazie mille.
Paldies. Tagad vārds Morten Løkkegaard, lūdzu.
Morten Løkkegaard
Kommissær, kære kolleger.
Kunstig intelligens har ændret cybersikkerhed fundamentalt. Det giver os et stærkere forsvar, men det giver også vores angribere stærkere våben. Derfor har Europa brug for handling, og vi har brug for handling nu. Den vigtigste opgave er ikke nødvendigvis, som nogle af kollegaerne peger på, flere regler. Det vigtigste opgave er at sikre, at europæiske virksomheder og myndigheder faktisk har adgang til de bedste værktøjer.
Og med kommissærens action plan, ja, der har vi faktisk taget et skridt i den rigtige retning, så tak for det. Det er en vigtig pointe, at vi ikke skal ty til de sædvanlige europæiske løsninger her, nemlig flere regler. Cybersikkerhed er ikke kun et spørgsmål om sikkerhed, det er også blevet et spørgsmål om konkurrenceevne. Vi skal derfor have styrket den europæiske konkurrenceevne. Vi skal ikke regulere mere, vi skal investere mere i europæisk sikkerhed, europæisk AI, og det skal ske nu.
Tak for ordet.
Sergey Lagodinsky
Madam Vice-President, thank you so much for this action plan. And yet, OpenAI and Anthropic raise 122 and 30 billion dollars, Mistral raises 3 billion euros. OpenAI offers the American government a 5% stake.
In Europe, we have no clear timeline for gigafactories. Washington cuts off access to Fable and Mythos, and the Commission to this day has no access to these models. This town and this house are obsessed about deregulation. Regulation is not the problem. It is about equity.
It is about funding. We have now AI Omnibus. Did it change anything on the ground? No. This Commission should convene a meeting between businesses, big businesses of Europe, and demand that they put on the table trillions of euros in order to invest into our future, because if they don't, we will not have future at all.
Roberts Zīle
Lagodinski, kolēģi Lagodinski, you have two blue cards, so would you accept both of them? First would be Bart Groothuis and then Lukas Sieper. Please, but start with Bart Groothuis.
Thank you, Chair. Thank you, Mr. Lagodinski. You say that regulations in Europe are not a problem for the development of frontier AI models. I beg to differ. The Copyright Directive is very different from the US and China.
But let me just zoom in on one aspect of the GDPR. I'd like to have your opinion on it as an expert.
Bart Groothuis
If you make neural networks, you do a hypothesis. In the style of Sergey Lagodinsky, I want to set up a reasoning, which is hard because I'm not you, but AI can do that. In the GDPR, using your data is not allowed to train a model. How are you willing to solve this? From the 3,000 AI large language models in the world, only 30 are European, zero are compliant, and we will have zero new AI large language models if we do not deregulate.
Speaker 259
Colleague, it's very interesting, but we cannot keep an academic debate in this sense. Please.
Sergey Lagodinsky
I would like to address one specific issue that you mentioned, the copyright direction. First of all, in the AI Act, we invested a lot in order to make it possible for training purposes to use our copyright. And we have a data mining exemption. We have an opportunity to use that and to use data for AI training. So I don't think that there this is the biggest challenge for frontier models to be based here.
Nor do I think that GDPR, with all the exceptions that we have, has an opportunity to stop the development.
What we don't have and what we're lacking is equity and investment.
Bart Groothuis
Thank you. We'll be second round, so you see. So colleague Groothuis, you have the floor.
Sorry, if I understand you well, you think that those, the copyright directive or the GDPR are no hurdles to training large language models. But what if we set up a hearing with AI experts, you and me together, very soon on the shortest possible notice, and you find me one AI expert that confirms your lecture on this, we agree. But I'm afraid I've spoken to dozens and they all disagree. It's impossible. So we have to deregulate, Mr. Lagodinsky, and I'm hoping for your help.
Sergey Lagodinsky
It's not my first year and it's not my first month. I hope the mic is on. And I've been talking to experts, I've been talking to businesses for years since I was one of the negotiators for AI Act and Data Act and many other things.
And if you talk to people from Mistral, if you talk to people from Aleph Alpha when Aleph Alpha was still alive, we were consulting with them and they're all saying this is not our biggest problem. The biggest problem is access to money, the biggest problem is compute that we're trying to make here, the infrastructure. That is something we should be focusing on instead of the tech whining that this house has been spending and wasting their time.
Lukas Sieper
Thank you, Mr. President. Just to be real quick, real quick, am I also allowed to make a reference to the reply he gave to the first blue card or am I only allowed to make a reference to the original speech?
Lukas Sieper
Thank you very much for accepting the blue card. I listened to your speech and I mean, in the crescendo of your speech, you were talking very much on how important all of this is. And then in the fortissimo, you talked about the fact that we should sit down with businesses and demand that they invest money. And then you said in your reply to my colleague, by the way, this was not planned, you said 500 billion. How to force them?
What do we do? What do we do if they say no?
Roberts Zīle
Not show, we don't want a show, we would like to have a substance of the debate, please. Colleague.
Sergey Lagodinsky
I'm sure they will not say no because they realize better than us that their future, both in terms of cybersecurity but also of security and also access to the frontier models, will be in our own capabilities. And this is precisely what Executive Vice-President has said. We need our cybersecurity is our sovereignty and our sovereignty is our capabilities. This companies, from Siemens to whatever French colleagues are, they depend on our ability to innovate here and this ability depends on compute and compute depends on equity, their equity, and it is in their interest for us to survive economically and in terms of innovation.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you very much. So now we continue debate with Pernando Barrena Arza for one minute.
Pernando Barrena Arza
Thank you Chair, it's true that we are facing a security crisis. Over the past year alone we have seen an unprecedented number of software vulnerabilities discovered and exploited by malicious compliance actors. Too often policy makers repeat the dramatic claims made by large AI companies without subjecting them to independent scrutiny. We should keep in mind that these companies have commercial interests.
That's why the European Union must base its cybersecurity policy on independent evidence, rigorous analysis, and our own strategic interest, not on narratives promoted by those who stand to benefit from them. As we discuss on cybersecurity, I will grasp the opportunity to expose the case of Stelios Kouloglou, a former MEP from the last term that was spied with Pegasus when he was a member of the Pegasus investigating committee in this house in the past term, as I said. If we let this abuse taking place with no consequences, the message will be that any means can be deployed against the democratic mandate of this Parliament, and that is completely unacceptable. Thank you.
Alvise Pérez
Thank you, next speaker Alvise Pérez.
Muchas gracias, presidente. Señora Virkkunen, con todos los respetos, pero de verdad, ¿cómo nos presenta hoy aquí un plan de ciberseguridad cuando han sido hackeados dos veces en tres meses? En marzo le robaron 350 gigas de datos de sus propios funcionarios y cuando hemos ido a preguntar, nos hemos dado cuenta, a ver si lo adivina la cámara, dónde guardaban toda la soberanía tecnológica europea. En Amazon. En un servidor de Seattle.
Esa es la soberanía tecnológica europea. En fin, qué ridículo es esto. El 70% de toda la nube europea pertenece a tres empresas americanas.
Eso sí, nos felicitamos de qué modernos somos porque aquí habéis prohibido que se utilice el wifi de los MEPs para usar TikTok. Es alucinante. No se dan ustedes cuenta que sois como esa típica alumna que no estudia pero va con complejo de profesora corrigiendo absolutamente todos los demás sobre qué tenemos que hacer bien o mal. 100 leyes digitales, 270 reguladores, informe Draghi. Y mientras China está fabricando chips y Estados Unidos gigantes tecnológicos, ¿qué estamos haciendo nosotros?
Formularios, certificados y más.
Angelika Winzig
Danke, Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin. Künstliche Intelligenz wird zum entscheidenden Faktor für unsere Cybersicherheit und damit auch für Europas Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, für Europas Souveränität und Resilienz. Wichtig, dass die Kommission nun einen Aktionsplan vorgelegt hat, denn eines ist klar: Europa darf bei den sogenannten Frontier-KI-Modellen nicht dauerhaft von Entscheidungen in anderen Drittstaaten abhängen. Wenn der Zugang zu kritischen KI-Modellen von heute auf morgen eingeschränkt werden kann, dann ist das nicht nur ein technologisches Problem, es ist vor allem ein Sicherheitsproblem für Europa. Daher habe ich auch einige Fragen an Sie: Ist eine europäische Evaluierungsstelle ab 2027 nicht zu spät?
Technologische Entwicklung wartet nicht auf unsere EU-Zeitpläne. Und wie stellen wir sicher, dass Europa bereits jetzt über die notwendigen Fähigkeiten verfügt, Risiken zu bewerten und gleichzeitig Innovationen zu ermöglichen? Zweitens: Der Entwurf reagiert auf die Abhängigkeit von außereuropäischen KI-Modellen. Reicht ein europäischer Blueprint aus oder braucht Europa nicht vor allem eigene leistungsfähige KI-Modelle und Rechenkapazitäten? Und gerade die KMUs liegen mir sehr am Herzen.
Sie verfügen aber nicht über große Rechenzentren oder über große Budgets. Und wie werden wir sicherstellen, dass auch KMU einfachen Zugang zu vertrauenswürdigen europäischen KI-Sicherheitslösungen erhalten? Für mich ist klar: Digitale Souveränität entsteht nicht nur durch Ankündigung, sondern vor allem durch Geschwindigkeit und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit.
Muchas gracias. Europa ya ha demostrado que sabe regular la tecnología, ahora tiene que demostrar que también sabe construirla. Si en el siglo XX la soberanía se defendía con tanques y cañones, en el siglo XXI también se defiende con algoritmos, semiconductores o datos.
Laura Ballarín Cereza
Hace apenas unos días, la empresa estadounidense Palantir, proveedora de tecnologías de inteligencia y defensa, afirmaba que politizar la tecnología es un error. Pero decidir quién desarrolla la inteligencia artificial que protege nuestras infraestructuras críticas, hospitales, parlamentos, bancos, no es una cuestión técnica, es profundamente política y existencial. Pero mientras todavía debatimos la soberanía tecnológica de Europa, muchos de nuestros gobiernos financian con dinero público muchas tecnologías críticas desarrolladas fuera de la Unión Europea. Nadie construiría una casa para darle las llaves a otro. Europa tampoco puede hacerlo con su seguridad digital.
Por eso damos la bienvenida al plan de acción de ciberseguridad e IA presentado por la Comisión, pero necesitamos muchos más recursos. Gastar más, pero sobre todo gastar europeo, apoyar a empresas europeas, gigafactorías para construir nuestra soberanía digital. Muchas gracias.
Georg Mayer
Paldies. Vārds Georg Mayer kungam uz pusotru minūti.
Ja, danke schön, Herr Präsident, geschätzte Kollegen. Wir haben ja erst letztes Mal in Straßburg hier über die Elektrifizierungsinitiative gesprochen von der Kommission, die ja auch ähnliche Ausmaße annimmt wie das, was wir jetzt sehen. Und wir sagen ganz klar: Ja zum Schutz, aber Nein zu einer Brüsseler Bürokratiekrake. Und die KI macht Cyberangriffe smarter und gefährlicher, das wissen wir.
Doch dieser Aktionsplan der Kommission droht wieder einmal ein Monster an Formularen, Berichtspflichten und Gebühren zu werden. Das schützt keinen Server und hilft vor allem den kleinen Betrieben nicht, geschätzte Kollegen. Statt echter Hilfe gibt's einmal mehr Verwaltung und Zentralisierung. Und wir müssen wachsam sein. Cybersicherheit darf keine Hintertür für Massenüberwachung und Meinungskontrolle werden.
Unser klarer Kurs in dieser Sache heißt: Ja zu realer Sicherheit, Nein zu Papierkram und Machtkonzentration in Brüssel und zu Freiheitsabbau für die Bürger. Danke schön.
Claudiu-Richard Târziu
Mulțumesc, domnule președinte, stimați colegi. O dronă maritimă ucraineană a fost aproape să distrugă recent portul Constanța din România, iar noi nu am avut capacitatea tehnică de a o opri. Un model de inteligență artificială controlat de forțe rău intenționate poate paraliza o întreagă economie. Acestea sunt vulnerabilități reale ale Uniunii Europene, nu lipsa de reglementare. Securitatea cibernetică se construiește prin investiții, prin competențe și prin tehnologii proprii.
Nu putem vorbi despre suveranitate digitală câtă vreme tehnologiile critice rămân controlate din afara Uniunii. Europa trebuie să-și dezvolte propriile capacități, iar România, cu unul dintre cele mai performante ecosisteme IT din Europa, poate și trebuie să contribuie. Singura condiție este ca fondurile europene să ajungă și în estul Uniunii. Statele membre trebuie să rămână actorii principali în securitatea națională și, nu în ultimul rând, combaterea criminalității cibernetice nu poate deveni pretext pentru supravegherea generalizată a cetățenilor. Vă mulțumesc.
Svenja Hahn
Thank you. Next speaker, Svenja Hahn.
Liebe Kollegen, von Großbanken über Mittelstand bis zur kritischen Infrastruktur, Europas Sicherheit hängt davon ab, ob KI-Technologie hier entsteht und skalieren kann. Deshalb muss das Cybersecurity and AI Action Plan vor allem eins: Bürokratie abbauen, Investitionen ermöglichen und neue Technologien schneller in die Anwendung bringen. Wenn in den USA und China in rasantem Tempo neue KI-Modelle entstehen, schreibt Europa nach wie vor vor allen Dingen Regeln. Aber Cyberangriffe und technologische Abhängigkeit bekämpft man eben nicht mit Berichtspflichten, sondern mit technologischem Vorsprung.
Europa wird sicherer, wenn die besten Technologien von hier kommen. Dafür brauchen wir weniger Bürokratie, mehr Kapital, günstigere Energie und einen echten europäischen Binnenmarkt, damit unsere klügsten Köpfe einfach mal machen können. Denn digitale Souveränität wächst nicht aus Abschottung und Cybersecurity entsteht nicht in Gesetzestexten, sondern durch Innovation. Hören wir auf, die Welt regulieren zu wollen, zeigen wir der Welt endlich wieder, dass Europa sich verändern kann. Vielen Dank.
Jutta Paulus
Vielen Dank, Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, eine Quizfrage: Wie viele Ressourcen benötigt eine Minute KI-generiertes Video? 200 Kilowattstunden. Das ist der Stromverbrauch einer Durchschnittsfamilie in zwei Tagen. Sieben Liter Wasser, sauberes Trinkwasser, das unseren Bürgerinnen und Bürgern und auch unserer Landwirtschaft nicht mehr zur Verfügung steht. Die Tech-Konzerne haben nicht nur extremen Hunger nach Daten, sondern auch extremen Durst nach Wasser.
Und deshalb ja, die EU muss im Digitalsektor unabhängiger werden, aber es kann nicht sein, dass knappe Ressourcen für die Profite weniger geopfert werden, wenn diese auch noch obendrein keine Arbeitsplätze schaffen, sondern eher welche vernichten. Kluge Menschen lernen aus ihren Fehlern. Weise lernen aus den Fehlern anderer. Der wachsende Widerstand gegen Datenzentren in den USA wegen steigender Strompreise, wegen Wasserfrage, wegen Luftverschmutzung, daraus müssen wir lernen. Deshalb, wir brauchen Datenzentren, ja, mit klaren Regeln, effiziente Technologie, erneuerbare Energien, Abwärmenutzung, Transparenz, Beteiligung der Bevölkerung, dann wird daraus was.
Per Clausen
Jeg synes det er ærgerligt, at Kommissionen ikke fremlægger sine forslag i så god tid, at vi har mulighed for at læse dem, inden vi skal diskutere dem. Det synes jeg er særligt ærgerligt, fordi der også i det her forslag faktisk er positive ting omkring udviklingen af open source og en strategi for det. Men hvis vi for alvor tager EU's cybersikkerhed alvorligt, hvorfor skulle vi så ikke starte med at lukke helt åbenlyse huller? Hvorfor skifter vi ikke hurtigt EU væk fra programmer som Outlook, Webex og Teams og bytter dem ud med europæisk forankrede open source-programmer, der sikrer vores data og digital suverænitet?
Og jeg vil også sige, at vi hører også advarsler om, at Cloud and AI Development Act risikerer at ende som en Continued American Dependency Act. Og vi er vel enige om, at fortsat afhængighed af USA på det her område er et alvorligt problem for vores cybersikkerhed.
Paulius Saudargas
Thank you, President, Commissioner, dear colleagues. The action plan on cybersecurity and AI is a welcome step in supporting our Member States and companies to navigate the digital transition. But regulation alone will not solve our innovation deficit or mitigate the threats we face. In 2024, the United States produced 40 notable AI models, China produced 15, while Europe produced only three. We are heavily dependent on foreign cloud and other digital technologies.
To bridge this gap, we need aggressive public-private investment in European computing capacity and critical digital infrastructure: cloud computing, data centers, and advanced connectivity. We have built a robust regulatory foundation with AI Act, Digital Markets Act, Cyber Resilience Act, etc. Now we must ensure these frameworks are enforced effectively and our own tech gets adequate financing. We should become creators, not only regulators.
Cybersecurity and AI are our security issue too. Last year, Europe recorded thousands of major cyber incidents, largely traced back to actors in Russia and China. In my home country, Lithuania, we recorded nearly 4,000 incidents, averaging 10 attacks every single day. Advanced AI is now making these threats exponentially more dangerous. So let me stress this: Europe's security and competitiveness are only as strong as the technology we control.
Thank you.
Kristian Vigenin
Commissioner, we cannot protect our hospitals, energy grids, public administrations, and elections with tools that can disappear because of a decision taken in Washington or somewhere else outside the EU. Of course, we should cooperate with United States, with companies, and with other partners. But cooperation should never mean dependency. I hope the action plan could answer three concrete questions. First, what does guarantee that the case with ENISA and Anthropic will not happen again?
Second, what is the timeline for building real European AI capability for cybersecurity, including for EU and national authorities, municipalities, and companies?
And third, where is the money? Some member states speak every day about security, defense and geopolitical threats, but then want to limit the EU budget when Europe needs the capacity to act. That is undermining our security while pretending to be sovereign. Digital sovereignty means public investment, democratic control and accountability, not simply subsidizing a few private companies to build data centers in Europe. We need an action plan with deadlines, funding and enforcement, not another strategy that sounds strong in Brussels but leaves Europe vulnerable when the next crisis comes.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you very much. Next speaker, Mélanie Didier, for one and a half minute please.
Mélanie Disdier
Chers collègues, chaque apport à l'innovation technologique, chaque progrès humain s'est toujours accompagné de son lot de risques et de nouvelles vulnérabilités. L'intelligence artificielle n'en fera pas exception. Motivée par des siècles d'expérience en matière de risques technologiques, il est donc sain de s'assurer que l'IA ne devienne pas une nouvelle source de dépendance de nos nations. L'Europe, berceau de la révolution industrielle, fut à la pointe des grandes découvertes qui a façonné le monde moderne.
Aujourd'hui néanmoins, nous avons raté le virage numérique, dépassés par les nouveaux géants que sont les États-Unis et la Chine. Et nous ne rattraperons pas notre retard sans retrouver cet esprit européen qui fut jadis notre moteur. Or, nous connaissons tous ici la formidable capacité de la Commission européenne à innover dans un seul domaine, celui de générer toujours plus de normes qui étouffent cet esprit créatif européen. Alors oui, la prudence est de mise, mais pas à n'importe quel prix. Rien ne servira à imposer des normes contraignantes à des entreprises que nous n'aurons jamais réussi à développer.
Rien ne servira de parler de résilience si nous dépendons toujours de pays tiers dans les domaines des nouvelles technologies. Nous resterons donc vigilants à ce que la Commission ne se serve pas de la cybersécurité pour justifier son inaction, d'autant plus qu'en risquant d'étouffer nos entrepreneurs, la Commission pourrait aussi écraser les innovations européennes en matière de cybersécurité. Je vous remercie.
Thank you, Mr. President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues. Always in those difficult times, I talk about good news. So it's good news there's an action plan for cybersecurity and the AI. The good news, we had a very interesting debate here. And the next good news, I think most of us have understood, it's not true that always the Americans invent and we have regulation.
Helmut Brandstätter
But yes we have too much regulation so please less regulation. That's important. And the next thing we really have to do and you said it also Commissioner, this Capital Investment Union. We have understood it everybody. So please tell us are there any states who don't want it?
So let's blame them and then let's talk about here why we still don't have that. That's necessary for especially for AI and for investments. And one more thing of course we relied too long on the American States, on the United States. But finally in this football soccer VM now we understood they don't play fair. So we can't trust them.
And we can't trust the Chinese, that's also true. But one more thing this technology independence is basic for our democracy. People have to understand that. And also we only have common European policy together. It has nothing to do with centralism.
It has to do that only as Europe together we can make it. Thank you very much.
Damian Boeselager
Thank you. Thank you very much. Next speaker Damian Boeselager. Floor is yours.
Vice-President, colleagues, Europe is becoming a colony of the US and China. That is the clear message of the Europe 2031 simulation and similar ones looking into our immediate future.
They claim that all companies and governments will have to use frontier models to stay competitive and safe. That all labor is replaceable by the mix of AI and robotics, meaning that a significant part of our people will lose their jobs. That all the savings from the firings will be expatriated to the US-based models and Chinese robotics, and that the US government will at some point soon redistribute AI gains to the workers that have been laid off in the US. And that Europe, without access to this redistribution, will fall into bankruptcy, poverty, and despair before becoming fully bought by the US or China. So my question to you is, Commissioner, first, on a scale from zero to ten, how likely do you think that this scenario is true?
Second, how come we only spend 50 billion euros of the ECF of a seven-year industrial program on AI? And third, what will we do to develop frontier models or at least very good copycats here in Europe? Thank you.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you, colleagues. Before I will give the next speaker the floor, I would like to say that we are closing catch-the-eye procedure, otherwise we will be out of time completely. And now we have Regina Doherty.
Thank you, Chair. I'll talk fast. Commissioner, for the first time, human activity has become the minority on the internet. More than half of all web traffic is now generated by bots, with almost 40% of that traffic coming from malicious bots designed to scam, steal, manipulate, or attack.
Regina Doherty
Maybe the dead internet theory is no longer so far-fetched. AI-powered bots are mimicking human behavior, spreading disinformation, stealing personal data, carrying out sophisticated cyberattacks, and generating explicit sexual material, which is endangering our children. Because behind every fake account and every AI-powered scam, we have to remember there's a real person, a real victim being exploited. We also must stop AI being weaponized against our systems, and that includes Microsoft's AI systems, which now risks becoming a global security threat. We also must accept that if Europe doesn't develop its own AI capabilities, we're also going to be, we're always going to be at the mercy of other countries that can shut off our access to AI software in a moment, as we have recently seen.
But we must remember that strong cybersecurity systems do not mean centralizing bureaucracy, and it's not about who gets to use what software and when in a supply chain framework. We must detect and remove malicious bots. We require clear labeling of AI-generated content, and we have to hold platforms when automated networks are allowed to operate unchecked, or we can't, apology. Because if people can no longer tell what's real online, the internet becomes the perfect place and the perfect weapon for criminals, hostile states, and scammers.
And Europe can't afford to let that happen.
Roberts Zīle
Paldies, tagad vārds Elenas Sančo Murilo kundzei, vienai minūtei, lūdzu.
Elena Sancho Murillo
Gracias, presidente, querida vicepresidenta, gracias por la presentación de este plan de acción en un momento en el que los acontecimientos en torno al modelo Mistral ponen de manifiesto otra vez el grado de dependencia de la Unión Europea respecto al acceso externo a sistemas de IA críticos. Dado que vemos que no es solo Anthropic quien decide conceder o denegar el acceso a modelos avanzados, ¿por qué la Comisión no pregunta ya directamente a la Casa Blanca cuál es la estrategia política a seguir? Parece una locura, ¿no? Entonces me gustaría saber cuál ha sido la conclusión de las discusiones del G7 sobre inteligencia artificial y qué ha aportado exactamente la Unión Europea en términos de cooperación para definir normas comunes sobre la inteligencia artificial y los nuevos modelos de frontera. Teniendo en cuenta que hoy no existen normas internacionales, ¿cómo afecta esto a la aplicación de la Ley de Inteligencia Artificial que ya se ha retrasado su aplicación en casos de alto riesgo?
La gobernanza de IA debe desarrollarse con colaboración internacional, pero sin sustituir y priorizando nuestra capacidad para garantizar acceso, evaluación independiente y seguridad jurídica. Gracias.
Fabienne Keller
Monsieur le Président, cher Robert Sīle, Madame la Vice-présidente, chère Henna Virkkunen. Les récents blocages d'accès aux modèles d'intelligence artificielle les plus avancés ont été un signal d'alarme pour l'Europe. En quelques heures, nous avons découvert à quel point notre sécurité, nos administrations, nos entreprises dépendent de technologies que nous ne contrôlons pas. Le plan d'action européen sur la cybersécurité qu'on est ravi de découvrir, mais j'ai pas d'intelligence artificielle pour le lire, j'ai pas encore tout pu lire, doit donc intégrer une véritable stratégie de souveraineté. Cela signifie investir dans des capacités européennes, soutenir des modèles de confiance, garantir un accès sécurisé aux technologies les plus avancées et renforcer nos infrastructures de calcul.
Cela signifie un besoin de réponse à une question essentielle : comment l'Union peut-elle faire face au risque qu'un pays tiers puisse du jour au lendemain restreindre l'accès de l'Europe à des technologies d'IA essentielles ? Notre objectif n'est pas de nous isoler, mais de faire en sorte que la protection de nos citoyens, de leurs données, de leurs droits fondamentaux ne dépende jamais de décisions prises en dehors de l'Union. Je vous remercie.
Sven Simon
Next speaker, Sven Simon.
Thank you.
Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren, wir reden heute über künstliche Intelligenz, aber in Wahrheit reden wir über Europas Zukunft. Und diese Zukunft entsteht gerade woanders. Europa verfügt über lediglich rund 5 % der weltweiten KI-Rechenkapazität. Die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika liegen bei fast 75 %. Amerikanische Digitalkonzerne investieren Hunderte Milliarden in Rechenzentren, Chips, Netze und Energie.
Was macht Europa? Wir prüfen, regulieren, wir verzögern. KI braucht nicht nur gute Absichten. KI braucht Strom, Flächen, Glasfaser, Genehmigungen und Tempo. Aber genau dort scheitern wir, und wir haben auch in der Debatte schon gehört, dass das teilweise gewollt ist von dem politischen Mitbewerbern.
Der KI-Akt, denke ich, steht für diese europäische Krankheit. Erst kommen die Auflagen, dann vielleicht irgendwann die Wertschöpfung. So wird Europa nicht souverän werden. Wir brauchen disruptive Entscheidungen, den konsequenten Abbau jener Partikularinteressen, die wir über Jahre in Gesetze gegossen haben und die heute fast jede Zukunftsinvestition blockieren.
Brando Benifei
Next speaker, Brando Benifei.
Thank you.
Grazie, Presidente. Il kill switch non è più un'ipotesi, è stato premuto. A giugno, con una firma, Donald Trump ha chiuso l'accesso al modello di intelligenza artificiale più potente al mondo, anche all'Agenzia per la cybersicurezza europea che l'aveva appena ottenuto. Le nostre regole decidono come possiamo usare l'intelligenza artificiale in sicurezza. Oggi altri decidono se possiamo usarla.
Questa è la dipendenza. Quindi bene il piano sulla cybersicurezza, ma senza fondi e scadenze vincolanti rischia di restare un elenco di intenzioni. Servono risorse per l'Ufficio europeo dell'intelligenza artificiale, che avrà sempre più responsabilità, e una legge su cloud ed AI davvero ambiziosa, capacità pubblica europea e non sussidi ai giganti da cui già dipendiamo. E nessuno si azzardi a pensare di comprare l'accesso ai modelli americani allentando in segreto l'applicazione delle nostre leggi. La sicurezza digitale europea non va più affittata a nessuno, va costruita con apertura ma con determinazione per difendere i nostri interessi.
Grazie.
Engin Eroglu
Thank you.
Next speaker, Engin Eroglu, please.
Ja, sehr geehrter Herr Vorsitzender, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin, ich danke Ihnen ausdrücklich für Ihren Bericht zur Sicherheit im Cyberraum und künstlicher Intelligenz, weil die Sicherheit im Cyberraum sich massiv verändert durch den Einsatz von künstlicher Intelligenz. Und selbstverständlich haben die Sicherheitsbehörden dort ihre Aufgabe, so wie auch im öffentlichen Raum. Und natürlich muss die Politik den Rahmen gestalten, damit Sicherheitsbehörden arbeiten können. Zu dem, was Sie aber nicht gesagt haben, Frau Kommissarin, Sie haben nichts zu Quantencomputer gesagt. Was ist die Strategie der Europäischen Union bei Quantencomputern?
Wie schützen wir unsere Infrastruktur in Quantencomputertechnologie, die auf uns zukommt? Sie haben auch nichts dazu gesagt, dass ja neben den vielen Kriminellen, die unternehmerisch tätig sind, um andere Unternehmer zu betrügen, auch Drittstaaten ganz konkret Hacker dafür einsetzen, um die Europäische Union und ihre Mitgliedstaaten anzugreifen. Ganz konkret die Bundesregierung Deutschland, die Regierungsbehörden werden täglich mit 800 Hackergriffen, Hackerangriffen angegriffen. Und da dürfen wir nicht nur reparieren, sondern müssen auch agieren. Wir müssen Hackerangriffe von Drittstaaten angreifen, zurückangreifen.
Und da ist meine Frage, was tun Sie dort? Haben Sie konkrete Gespräche mit GCHQ geführt?
Roberts Zīle
Thank you, colleague.
So, I don't see in the hemicycle the colleague De Meo, that's why I will give a floor to Nicola Zingaretti.
Nicola Zingaretti
Cara Commissaria, l'action plan che la Commissione ha appena presentato rappresenta un passaggio non risolutivo, ma certo importante nel percorso verso la sovranità tecnologica europea. Autonomia non è autarchia, certo, ma è protagonismo, perché l'Unione non può continuare a dipendere da processi opachi e decisioni unilaterali di paesi terzi. E i recenti episodi legati proprio alle restrizioni sull'accesso a modelli di frontiera dimostrano quanto questa vulnerabilità sia oggi una questione di sicurezza ancora prima che di competitività. L'Europa quindi deve costruire una propria capacità tecnologica autonoma nell'intelligenza artificiale di frontiera e questo richiede una scelta politica chiara. Oltre i provvedimenti però che si stanno finalmente adottando, servono investimenti adeguati, pubblici e privati, capaci di colmare il divario con Stati Uniti e Cina.
Per questo la scelta dei governi su un bilancio previsionale per l'Europa che hanno fatto è un errore, è timido, è sbagliato, è in parte in contraddizione con le scelte giuste che stiamo facendo. Senza risorse concrete non si va da nessuna parte.
Sophia Kircher
Thank you, colleague. Thank you very much. Next speaker, Sophia Kircher.
Vielen Dank, Herr Präsident, geschätzte Frau Vizepräsidentin der Kommission, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. KI und Quantencomputing entscheiden darüber, ob wir wirtschaftlich erfolgreich sind. Cybersicherheit entscheidet darüber, ob wir in Zukunft überhaupt noch handlungsfähig sind. Deshalb müssen wir dringend die Weichen für die Zukunft stellen. Und es ist positiv, dass die Kommission nun diesen Aktionsplan vorgestellt hat.
Allerdings geht es jetzt um die Umsetzung. Und eines ist klar: Unsere KMU brauchen mehr digitale Sicherheit, schnelle Hilfe im Ernstfall und vor allem keine neuen Bürokratielasten. Europa muss digital souverän und wettbewerbsfähig werden, mit europäischen Cloud-Lösungen, einer eigenen digitalen Infrastruktur und Exzellenz beim Quantencomputing. Denn wer die Schlüsseltechnologien entwickelt, der sichert Wohlstand, Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, Arbeitsplätze und setzt auch die Spielregeln für unsere Zukunft. Und Cyberkompetenzen müssen auch in unsere Klassenzimmer.
Sie müssen dort so selbstverständlich unterrichtet werden wie Lesen, Rechnen und Schreiben. Denn die wichtigste Firewall, die sitzt vor den Bildschirmen. Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, die Botschaft ist klar. Digitale Souveränität und Sicherheit sind keine technische Frage.
Sie sind die Grundlage unserer Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, unserer Sicherheit und unserer Freiheit.
Maria Guzenina
Dear Chair, dear Commission, in Europe, in cybersecurity, our biggest vulnerability is believing that we are protected and that we have time, which we are not and which we do not have. As the rapporteur for IMCO on the Cybersecurity Act 2, I welcome the action plan Commissioner Virkkunen has presented today. European society needs to be defended from all angles. Our cyber ecosystem needs to be protected urgently, but my worry is that the funding is not adequate. Experts speak already of Q-Day, the day quantum computing becomes powerful enough to break the encryption that protects our banking system, critical infrastructure, weapon systems, communications, and data.
Hostile actors are already collecting our encrypted data, hoping to decrypt it as soon as possible. So cybersecurity is not a matter just of national security, it's about economic resilience and finally democracy itself.
Sofie Eriksson
Thank you, Chair. Things are going so fast. A lot of people feel like we are losing control. And billionaire oligarchs act like there is no choice, but to me, they sound like: "We are Borg. You will be assimilated.
Resistance is futile." This endless race, catch up, keep up, don't fall behind. Okay, but the only question worth asking cannot be how fast we can plug ourselves into someone else's system. Our hospitals, our power grids, our most sensitive government data are dependent on systems we do not own and do not control. The line must be drawn here.
We welcome the action plan. We need our own public, accountable, democratically controlled capability, even if it's harder. Because unlike the humanoids assimilated by the Borg, we still get to choose our way forward, with technology, with democracy, with humanity. Thank you.
José Cepeda
Muchas gracias, presidente.
Muchas gracias, señora Virkkunen. Comparto este plan y fundamentalmente sus tres objetivos, que hablan de promover, fomentar, animar, pero mientras en ese plan se utilizan estos verbos, la realidad es que la amenaza está ya ejecutando en tiempo real, ¿no? Por lo tanto, me gustaría decirle que creo que es muy importante implementar la NIS2 en el conjunto del sistema europeo. Hay que exigir, financiar y también sancionar, ¿por qué no decirlo? ENISA, que es el gran pilar en el que usted se basa, tiene un gran déficit, y es que plantea 341 millones en siete años, ¿no?
Y lamentablemente, prácticamente en año, año y medio, la computación cuántica va a estar aquí, ¿no? Y eso va a ser una gran amenaza, ¿no? Fíjense, yo creo que aparte de hablar de infraestructuras críticas, también tenemos que hablar de personas. Y por ejemplo, el ejemplo que dio ayer el Gobierno de España con mi querido amigo Óscar López, implementando una gran coalición con Francia, Kenia, bajo Naciones Unidas, va en esa dirección, en precisamente proteger también de la IA a nuestros menores, que es un reto muy importante para el futuro. Muchas gracias.
Salvatore De Meo
Thank you.
Grazie. Grazie Presidente, signora Commissaria. Il piano d'azione europeo sulla cybersicurezza e l'intelligenza artificiale rappresenta una scelta strategica per rafforzare la sicurezza, la competitività e la resilienza dell'Unione. Perché proteggere reti, infrastrutture critiche e i nostri dati significa tutelare le nostre imprese e garantire la continuità dei servizi essenziali ai cittadini. L'intelligenza artificiale è una leva decisiva per l'innovazione, per l'autonomia strategica e per la nostra sicurezza.
Allo stesso tempo, se utilizzata da attori ostili, può trasformarsi in uno strumento capace di colpire i nostri sistemi, le nostre economie e persino le nostre democrazie. Per questo l'Europa deve governare questo processo e non aspettarne l'evoluzione. Come autorevolmente richiamato dalla lettera enciclica Magnificas Humanitas di Papa Leone XIV, il progresso tecnologico acquista il suo pieno valore solo quando è al servizio della persona umana e ne custodisce la dignità. Per questo l'intelligenza artificiale deve restare uno strumento nelle mani dell'uomo e mai un sostituto del suo giudizio e della sua responsabilità. Solo così l'Europa saprà vincere le sfide della cybersicurezza costruendo un futuro più forte, protetto e profondamente libero.
Grazie.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you. Now I would like to ask to take floor for the Commission, Vice-Executive President Virkkunen.
Thank you very much, honorable chair, honorable members.
Henna Virkkunen
Thank you for your interventions and very valuable comments. And I think it's important to underline that really this action plan is not end of our discussion because this is now the really beginning of European effort to ensure that AI becomes a strategic asset for our security, not the systematic vulnerability. And this is the European way for AI and cybersecurity, built on trust, transparency and safety. And these are the conditions for ensuring that the most advanced AI models can be deployed in Europe safely, used for cybersecurity responsibly and also turned into instruments of our security rather than weapons against our societies. Many of you were underlining very much the importance of tech sovereignty and it's a crucial pillar on our action plan, really to scale and boost our own capabilities in this area.
But as you said also and I underlined, massive investments are really needed now and urgently to this area. And also second priority in our action plan and important pillar is of course to prepare our cybersecurity environment and also be able to fix the vulnerabilities fast. And here we will work very closely with our industries and member states.
And then third pillar is about evaluating, testing and having access to these capable models and there we are also working with the blueprint. So we will need to move quickly and it's important to underline that now the key actions we have like nine key actions we have identified here and seven of them we will implement now already during the autumn. And we will work very closely with our member states, with this house, with our industry, with the open source community and with our international partners of course, because this is a challenge Europe cannot afford to face alone or too late.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you very much, Executive Vice-President. So colleagues, we have a catch-the-eye procedure. I will give the floor for those who will be here at present in hemicycle or most of the time of the of the debate. So the first would be Sunčana Glavak.
Sunčana Glavak
Hvala lijepa, poštovana povjerenice. Digitalna suverenost nije pitanje protekcionizma nego otpornosti. Cilj nije zamijeniti jednu ovisnost drugom, već smanjenje strateške ovisnosti i povećanje europske konkurentnosti.
Stoga pozdravljam akcijski plan Komisije jer umjetna inteligencija više nije samo pokretač inovacija, već i novi čimbenik europske sigurnosti. Danas već više od 80 % phishing kampanja koristi elemente generativne umjetne inteligencije, a kibernetičke prijetnje razvijaju se nažalost brže od naših obrambenih sustava. Pred nama su ključna pitanja. Hoćemo li dovoljno ulagati? Imamo li stručnjake za koordinaciju i za zaštitu kritične infrastrukture i jesmo li spremni na prijelaz za postkvantnu kriptografiju prije nego što kvantna računala ugroze današnje sustave enkripcije i činimo li na kraju dovoljno da bismo zaštitili djecu i naše osobne podatke?
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Vicepresidente, OpenAI, Mistral, Anthropic, inteligencia artificial de frontera, ¿por qué se revuelven contra el poder regulatorio de la Unión Europea? Porque lo temen. Por tanto, una estrategia de ciberseguridad en inteligencia artificial que sea netamente europea tiene que abundar en lo que la distingue y exactamente en lo que los mastodontes temen, que es su transparencia, su dación de cuentas, su sujeción a derechos fundamentales.
Y explicar, además, que no lo hacemos por pánico a una revolución tecnológica imparable, sino porque nos importa la supervisión humana, que es la que las hace consistentes con nuestro estándar de derechos fundamentales. Estamos dispuestos, claro que sí, a reconvertir nuestro mercado de trabajo sabiendo que la inteligencia artificial tendrá un impacto tremendo sobre muchos empleos que ahora existen y no existirán pasado mañana. Pero a lo que no estamos dispuestos es a que un veredicto de culpabilidad en la justicia lo imponga un algoritmo. Eso es lo que diferencia el modelo europeo y es lo que tiene que preservar la ciberseguridad en inteligencia artificial distintivamente europea. Gracias, presidente.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Arvoisa puhemies. Tuon esille muutamia tilastoja tekoälystä. Suomessa tekoälyä käyttävien yritysten osuus on noussut melkein 38 prosenttiin. Se on lähes tuplat verrattuna EU:n keskiarvoon. Mutta mikä Euroopan tekoälykehitystä oikein kuristaa?
Luvut tarjoavat vastauksen. EU-tasolla isoista yrityksistä tekoälyn käyttöprosentti yltää jopa 55 prosenttiin. Sitten tulee mutta. EU-tasolla vain 30 prosenttia keskisuurista ja vain 17 prosenttia pienistä yrityksistä käyttää tekoälyä. EU:n tekoälysääntelyn noudattamiseen tarvitaan suuria resursseja, joita pienemmillä yrityksillä ei yksinkertaisesti ole.
Euroopan rooli tulevaisuuden kansainvälisellä näyttämöllä on kiinni siitä, kuinka hyödynnämme uusinta teknologiaa. Ja tämä rooli lähtee rakentumaan, kun lakkaamme olemasta sääntelyn suurvalta. Kiitos.
Lukas Sieper
Hey Mistral, what do you think about the action plan on cybersecurity and AI? One second please. The European Commission's action plan on cybersecurity and AI unveiled today tackles AI's dual role, both as a cyber threat and a defense tool. By Q4 2026, it will deliver a European blueprint for structured access to advanced AI models, a secure testing platform with ENISA, practical guidelines for AI-based threat protection, and a EU grand challenge for homegrown solutions. Strengths: proactive, holistic, collaborative.
Risks: uncertain access to US frontier models, ENISA's capacity to execute. With the AI Act's cybersecurity rules starting 2nd of August, this plan is Europe's practical playbook. Verdict: bold and necessary. Execution speed will decide if Europe can lead on safe AI cybersecurity. Well, now of course everything in that is true except for the fact that this was pre-prepared because European AI is way too slow to deliver this result within 10 seconds.
Thank you very much.
Next speaker, Petras Gražulis.
Thank you.
Petras Gražulis
Gerbiamieji, vis tik turite pripažinti, kad Europa reguliuoja, Jungtinės Amerikos ir Kinija investuoja. Mes nesugebame investuoti, negaminame kompiuterių, negaminame telefonų, negaminame programinės įrangos, bet reguliuot reguliuojame geriausiai. Šiandien du reguliavimai. Mes, Putinas, primena man Rusijos situaciją, Putinas, diktatūra, uždraudžia TikToką, ir mes reguliuojame TikToką, WhatsAppą, Telegramą, jam tai kelia pavojų. Jums kelia pavojų TikTokas, dirbtinis intelektas.
Tai kuo jūs skiriatės nuo Rusijos? Ogi niekuo. Tik pas jus reguliavimas demokratinis, pas Putiną diktatūrinis. Šiandien uždraudėte, pradėjote procedūrą uždrausti vieną iš partijų, kuri netinka jums, o Putinas seniai uždaręs partijas, kurios nepritaria jo politikai. Nu kuo jūs skiriatės?
Jūs niekuo kitiokie. Dar šiandien priėmėte vieną sprendimą, pasiklausysite visi.
Ondřej Dostál
Thank you. Next speaker, Ondřej Dostál.
Thank you, Chairman. Dear Commissioner, in the ASEAN delegation of European Parliament, we discussed the issue of cyber scamming in Myanmar. There are non-state actors, mafias, who run basically slave factories on cyber scam targeting people all around the world, including in Europe. So I spoke to diplomats from the region and received very positive replies from China, Cambodia, and Myanmar itself, who has now a stable government, and they are genuinely willing to work on this issue with us. But the Commission told us we will not cooperate, we will not even speak to Myanmar because they are not democratically elected government.
So I ask you, is it better to do virtue signaling and let grandmas in Europe get scammed, or is it better to work together on resolving this important problem? Thank you.
Roberts Zīle
Thank you, next speaker Michał Szczerba. And we are closing catch-the-eye procedure, you are the last, yeah.
Szanowny panie przewodniczący, AI, sztuczna inteligencja to jest z jednej strony narzędzie wzmacniające cyberbezpieczeństwo, ale również to również źródło nowych wyzwań.
Michał Szczerba
To co jest ważne to to przede wszystkim współpraca, to wymiana informacji, to wspólne mechanizmy reagowania i koordynacja działań. I panie przewodniczący Zīle, możemy dzisiaj wspólnie powiedzieć: nasze zadanie zostało wykonane. Mamy stanowisko Parlamentu Europejskiego w sprawie ważnego rozporządzenia jakim jest mobilność wojskowa i w przyszłym tygodniu rozpoczniemy wspólnie negocjacje międzyinstytucjonalne. Ale to z czego się szczególnie cieszę i co czym chciałbym się przed wysoką izbą pochwalić to przede wszystkim to, że uwzględniliśmy tę problematykę, problematykę bezpieczeństwa systemów, problematyka bezpieczeństwa łączności w naszej regulacji. To jest bardzo ważna podstawa do wspólnych dalszych działań.
Dziękuję bardzo.
Thank you colleagues. We are closing catch-the-eye procedure and we are closing also debate on this point in agenda. Thank you.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Good afternoon colleagues. It is my honor to chair the next point.
Următorul punct de pe ordinea de zi este raportul domnului Gahler, raportul Comisiei din 2023 privind Ucraina. Aș dori să amintesc vorbitorilor că, având în vedere măsurile de testare, va fi necesară respectarea strictă a timpului aferent luărilor de cuvânt. Just to make myself clear, I will be very respectful of the time so that we can allow also for blue cards and catch the eye. I think there's a lot of value in those. Welcome Commissioner.
Let's start the debate. I invite Michael Gahler to the roster.
Michael Gahler
Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, Frau Kommissarin. Die Ukraine und die Ukrainer sind auf dem Weg in die Europäische Union. Dieser Weg ist unwiderruflich, weil die Ukrainer das wollen und weil auch wir das wollen. Es ist im beiderseitigen Interesse, dass diese europäische Nation ihren Platz in der Gemeinschaft der freien Völker Europas findet. Das imperialistische Russland, das von einem Mann geführt wird, der nach Hitler und Stalin die drittgrößten Verbrechen der europäischen Neuzeit begeht, an Ukrainern und am eigenen Volk, der wird das nicht verhindern.
Russland wird historisch scheitern, während die Ukraine auf dem Weg in die EU ist. Das erste Cluster von Verhandlungskapiteln ist eröffnet. Ich finde, es wäre ein gutes Signal, auch die anderen idealerweise beim nächsten Europäischen Rat mit zu eröffnen. Das kürzt nichts ab, das ersetzt nicht die Notwendigkeit, die Voraussetzungen für den Beitritt inhaltlich zu erfüllen.
Es wäre aber ein weiteres deutliches Signal an Ukrainer, EU-Bürger und den Aggressor Russland, dass es keinen Weg zurück in den sowjetischen Gulag, sondern vorwärts in eine gemeinsame europäische Zukunft gibt. In diesem Bericht, der im Wesentlichen von fünf Fraktionen und darüber hinaus einer Anzahl weiterer Abgeordneter getragen wird, machen wir deutlich, wo die Ukraine auf dem Weg in die EU steht. Wir haben hierzu eine Vielzahl von Quellen genutzt, vor allem aber auch den Dialog praktiziert mit den politisch Verantwortlichen in Kiew, in den Regionen bis hin zur kommunalen Ebene und natürlich mit unseren eigenen Vertretern vor Ort und in Brüssel und mit der stark und beeindruckend kompetenten ukrainischen Zivilgesellschaft. Daraus ergibt sich ein klares Bild, was zu tun ist. Alle Institutionen, die für den Rechtsstaat relevant sind, müssen gestärkt bzw. reformiert werden.
Das heißt, die Antikorruptionsbehörden müssen ihre Arbeit unabhängig verrichten können. Die obersten Gerichte müssen nach einem transparenten Auswahlprozess besetzt werden. Absolventen der Universitäten, die die Befähigung zum Richteramt erworben haben, müssen von unten die Richterschaft erneuern. Die Generalstaatsanwaltschaft hat nicht die Aufgabe, Weisungen an die Antikorruptionsbehörden zu erteilen. Der Geheimdienst muss Staatsfeinde bekämpfen.
Die Antikorruptionsbehörden sind keine Staatsfeinde, sondern bekämpfen diejenigen, die ein falsches Staatsverständnis haben.
Es kann daher nicht Aufgabe des Geheimdienstes sein, Antikorruptionsbehörden auszuforschen. Ein State Bureau of Investigation sollte nicht ein Bezirksgericht anrufen, um zu verhindern, dass das Ergebnis einer journalistischen Investigativrecherche veröffentlicht wird, die den Bruder des Direktors betrifft. Gewählte Politiker sind keine öffentlichen Angestellten. Für sie gilt kein Beamtenrecht. Sie können daher auch nicht mit Maßnahmen des Beamtenrechts sanktioniert werden.
Die freie Mandatsausübung ist auch in Kriegszeiten ein hohes Gut. Da für alle Parteien in der Werchowna Rada neben dem EU-Beitrittsprozess die Bekämpfung des Aggressors Russland an erster Stelle steht, rate ich an, innenpolitische Auseinandersetzungen oder taktische Spielchen auf die Zeit nach dem Ende der Kampfhandlungen und die Vorbereitung auf Wahlen zu konzentrieren und stattdessen gemeinsam gegen den Aggressor zu stehen. Und hier kommt noch mal der Beitrittsprozess ins Spiel. Wir müssen uns klarmachen, dass neben dem traditionellen merit-based approach, also einem Fortschritt entsprechend der Erfüllung des Acquis, eine geopolitische Dimension hinzutritt. Und die ist zunehmend auch in unserem Interesse.
Es ist die Ukraine, die uns die Zeit verschafft, gegenüber der Bedrohung durch den Aggressor Russland verteidigungsfähig zu werden.
Die Ukrainer sind derzeit die einzigen, die Russland aufhalten können. Daraus ergibt sich eine Gesamtschau, die die Ukrainer und uns zusammenführt in dem Interesse, gemeinsam nach dem Ende des Kriegszustands beide Prozesse zu gestalten: den EU-Beitritt und eine gegenseitige Sicherheitsgarantie, dass wir auch vor einer EU- oder NATO-Mitgliedschaft füreinander einstehen. Keine direkte, aber eine entsprechende Anwendung des Artikels 42.7, die nicht nur für uns gegenüber der Ukraine, sondern auch der Ukraine uns gegenüber gilt. Nur gemeinsam sind wir stark genug. Slava Evropi, Slava Ukraini!
President, honorable members, thank you, dear rapporteur Michael Gahler, for your report and for your engagement on Ukraine. At a time when Russia is intensifying its attacks against Ukraine as it struggles to achieve its objectives on the battlefield, it is important to remember what this war is ultimately about. This is not only a war over territory.
Marta Kos
It is a war about Ukraine's right to choose its own future, a sovereign nation that has chosen democracy, has chosen Europe, and has chosen the path towards membership of the European Union. That is a choice Moscow does not accept. Ukraine's European future is about the security, stability, and prosperity of our entire continent. Just a week ago at the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Gdansk, I met with Ukrainian defense companies. I saw firsthand an industry that is producing some of the world's most advanced drones at remarkable speed and with an extraordinary capacity for innovation.
This is why we are deepening cooperation between the European and Ukrainian defense industries. Ukraine is already facilitating exports of military technologies to the European Union, and this cooperation will continue to expand. For example, through the Ukraine Investment Framework, we have also started promoting joint projects with member states by providing guarantees that support dual-use production, helping to integrate our industrial basis and strengthen Europe's defense readiness. Ukraine has become a fundamental pillar of Europe's security architecture.
The courage of the Ukrainian people and their military innovation are already strengthening Europe's security today. And this brings me to the enlargement. Security and enlargement cannot be seen as two separate agendas. They are two sides of the same coin. A stronger, more secure Europe requires a credible enlargement policy.
And a credible enlargement policy strengthens our collective security. We must get this right. That is why the accession process will remain rigorous, fair and firmly merit-based. This principle is not negotiable. Over the past years, Ukraine has maintained a consistent reform trajectory and continued aligning with EU acquis.
Across all the negotiating chapters, we have seen no backsliding or stagnation. Good or some progress has been recorded in 27 out of 33 chapters assessed. This reflects sustained political commitment under exceptionally difficult circumstances. At the same time, further efforts remain necessary, particularly on the fundamentals.
Ukraine must continue strengthening the fight against corruption, as you have said, upholding the rule of law, ensuring the effective functioning of democratic institutions and advancing public administration reform. I have made this clear in all my exchanges with Ukrainian authorities, parliament and also civil society. The interim benchmarks for the rule of law for the cluster one, together with the roadmaps adopted last year, provide a solid framework to guide these reforms. The Commission will continue to monitor progress closely and provide the support needed to maintain reform momentum. The opening of the first cluster on June 15 was an important milestone and for many in the hall at that time very emotional.
It demonstrated the actual progress is possible when reforms deliver results. Our objective should now be to open the remaining negotiating clusters as soon as possible, building on the extensive preparatory work already undertaken.
At the same time, while Ukraine advances on its accession path, we should continue exploring every possible avenue for gradual integration, for instance under the Association Agreement, enabling Ukraine and its citizens to benefit progressively from closer integration with the Union even before accession is completed. Honorable members, we shouldn't forget the bigger picture and have it all the time in sight. Ukraine's accession is an investment in a stronger, safer and resilient Europe. It is not just about the Ukraine, it is also about us. So let us remain united and continue walking this path together with Ukraine.
This can only be for the benefit of Ukraine, for the benefit of the EU and for the security of all us Europeans.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Thank you, Commissioner. We now open with the political groups on behalf of the EPP, Andrzej Halicki.
Andrzej Halicki
Szanowna pani komisarz, szanowni państwo, wszyscy chcemy, żeby Ukraina wygrała z Putinem. Zbrodnicza rosyjska armia napadła na Ukrainę dlatego, że Ukraińcy chcą europejskiej przyszłości dla swojego kraju. I my chcemy Ukrainy europejskiej. Chcemy i wierzymy, że to może się zdarzyć.
Do tego potrzebne są oczywiście konsekwentne działania. Dlatego tak ważne są reformy, tak ważne jest oparcie państwa na praworządności, na prawdziwej, realnej, konsekwentnej walce z korupcją, bo żadne euro nie może być przekazane i zdefraudowane. Ale także niezbędnym jest poszanowanie wspólnych europejskich wartości. Bo nie można w ramach wspólnoty gloryfikować tych, którzy opierali swoją przeszłość, swoją aktywność na walce z mniejszościami, na również działaniach o charakterze ludobójczym. Jeżeli przypominamy to ten fakt jako Parlament Europejski, to przypominamy to po to, by jeszcze raz powiedzieć jedno przesłanie: to wy wybieracie swoją przyszłość.
Ale jeżeli chcecie być we wspólnocie, musicie szanować te wartości, które opisane są w artykule drugim i rzeczywiście promować to, co jest naszą wspólnoeuropejską zasadą. Nie ma miejsca na gloryfikowanie zbrodniarzy. Żadne euro nie może być wydane na te oddziały, które mają imię zbrodniarzy odpowiedzialnych za ludobójstwo.
Przyszłość europejska leży w waszych rękach.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Dziękuję bardzo. Urmează domnul Thijs Reuten on behalf of the S&D.
Thijs Reuten
Thank you, President, Commissioner, dear colleagues. Ukraine is squeezing the Russian economy. It regains territory despite dire frontline conditions. Putin is lashing out with deadly strikes on cities where air defense ammunition has run out. Europe needs four things now more than ever: vigilance, focus, unity, and resolve.
Vigilance. We need vigilance because Russia wants to break our support for Ukraine. Further probing, a false flag, stoking bilateral disputes to split our unity, even a minor incursion. Let us signal clearly that the cost of any probe or incursion will be catastrophic, almost non-European, and it will only bring more backing for Ukraine. Focus.
We need focus because member states must stop ignoring accession non-papers and start empowering Ukraine's EU membership. That means backing reforms, making accession a truly credible perspective with immediate interim steps, proving there's no turning back, and also a clear trajectory to the finish line. It also includes building a security architecture with Ukraine rooted in our shared future. Unity.
Because Europe must act and speak as one on accession, on defense support, on the shadow fleet, on banning any dual-use exports, on peace talks. Our report calls for a European negotiator to protect our interests and help defend Ukraine and end Russia's war, not to normalize relations. There can be no normalization without respect for Ukraine's territorial integrity, without justice, accountability, and reparations, and without an end to Russia's hybrid war on Europe. And finally, resolve. As long as our response to Russia killing civilians is broken, allow me to be a broken record.
Air defense, deep strike capabilities, and jointly operated sky shields, they save Ukrainian lives, our statements do not. Europe must be unwavering in words and in deeds. Thank you.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Mulțumesc. Urmează Antonio Tânger Corrêa, on behalf of the Patriots for Europe. Please.
António Tânger Corrêa
Mr. Chairman, Commissioner, I'm speaking Portuguese.
Estamos seis iterações ao lado do povo ucraniano, ao lado das mães que perderam filhos, de um povo que viu a sua terra invadida, as suas cidades destruídas e o seu futuro suspenso. A agressão russa deve ser condenada com toda a clareza, como a condenaríamos se se tratasse do nosso próprio país. A soberania e independência da Ucrânia não podem ser moeda de troca e nenhuma paz pode ser negociada sem a Ucrânia. Mas estar com a Ucrânia é também dizer a verdade. O melhor para a Ucrânia não é uma guerra sem fim.
O melhor é uma paz justa, segura e duradoura, uma paz que chegue o quanto antes. E também temos de dizer a verdade aos portugueses. Esta guerra entrou nas casas portuguesas pela fatura de energia, pelo preço dos combustíveis, pela inflação, pela perda do poder de compra e pela erosão silenciosa da sua qualidade de vida. O dinheiro europeu para a Ucrânia tem de ser escrutinado, não pode ser um cheque em branco. Já se descobriram desvios de fundos europeus na Ucrânia de mais de 90 milhões de euros.
Temos o dever de proteger os nossos contribuintes e garantir que cada euro chega ao seu destino. Mas o problema não é apenas o mérito na entrada da Ucrânia para a União Europeia, é também o impacto. Qual será o impacto na vida da coesão, nos pequenos países como Portugal, na agricultura, nos transportes, na energia, na indústria, no mercado interno e nos setores críticos das nossas economias?
Não pode haver exceção, os critérios de Copenhaga têm que ser absolutamente cumpridos. A Europa deve apoiar a Ucrânia sim, mas deve fazê-lo com seriedade, não com irresponsabilidade. Ninguém tem o direito de decidir isto com leviandade. Ninguém tem o direito de sacrificar a coesão europeia nem de fragilizar os pequenos Estados para alimentar gestos simbólicos ou calendários políticos. Muito obrigado.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Muito obrigado, urmează Michal Dworczyk on behalf of the ECR Group.
Michał Dworczyk
Panie Przewodniczący, Koleżanki i Koledzy. Od pierwszego dnia rosyjskiej agresji wspieramy Ukrainę politycznie, militarnie i humanitarnie, ponieważ jej niestrudzona walka z rosyjskim reżimem stanowi dzisiaj ważny filar bezpieczeństwa całej Europy. Polacy pozostają w tym procesie narodem, który okazał największe zaangażowanie i wsparcie. Z drugiej strony europejskie aspiracje Ukrainy oraz rozpoczęte negocjacje akcesyjne są niewątpliwie źródłem nadziei milionów Ukraińców na europejską przyszłość Ukrainy.
Należy docenić reformy i zmiany w prawie implementowane na Ukrainie, których celem jest realizacja europejskich standardów. Jednak europejska integracja oznacza nie tylko dostosowanie prawa krajowego, lecz także wierność podstawowym wartościom, na których zbudowana jest Unia Europejska, w tym na prawdzie historycznej, szacunku do ofiar oraz odwadze w zmierzeniu się z własną, nawet najcięższą przeszłością. Dlatego absolutnie nieakceptowalną, jako nieakceptowalną przyjęliśmy decyzję o nadaniu elitarnej jednostce sił zbrojnych Ukrainy imienia bohaterów UPA, formacji odpowiedzialnej za wymordowanie około stu tysięcy cywilów, głównie polskich kobiet i dzieci, choć wśród ofiar znaleźli się również Żydzi, Czesi oraz Ukraińcy ratujący swoich sąsiadów. Nie może być zgody na gloryfikację i nawiązywanie do organizacji oraz środowisk odpowiedzialnych za zbrodnie wojenne, takich jak czternasta dywizja grenadierów SS Galizien, batalion Nachtigall czy batalion Roland. Decyzja prezydenta Zełenskiego zbezcześciła pamięć wszystkich ofiar ludobójstwa dokonanego na terenie południowo-wschodnich województw drugiej Rzeczpospolitej przez ukraińskich nacjonalistów.
Pojednanie wymaga prawdy. Ukraina powinna jednoznacznie potępić ideologię UPA, która doprowadziła do masowych zbrodni oraz umożliwić pełne ekshumacje i godny pochówek wszystkich ofiar. Prawda historyczna nie jest przeszkodą dla pojednania. Nie jest przeszkodą w drodze do Europy. Wręcz odwrotnie, jest jej fundamentem.
Tylko na fundamencie prawdy i wzajemnego szacunku możemy budować wspólną europejską przyszłość.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
The next speaker is Mr. Petras Auštrevičius on behalf of the Renew Europe Group.
Dziękujemy.
Petras Auštrevičius
Mr. Chair, Madam Commissioner, colleagues. Ukraine's integration into the EU offers guarantees for its sovereignty and endurance. Ultimately, it would significantly reinforce Europe's security. It is a mutually beneficial win-win situation. Negotiations on Ukraine's membership should begin as soon as possible, covering all six negotiation chapters and clusters, while maintaining high standards and ensuring compliance with all conditions.
Russia, the aggressor, is doing and will continue to do everything in its power to weaken Ukraine, terrorize its brave people and delay the prospects of a European future. As partners and allies, we must support Ukraine in its fight for survival. Europe's support for Ukraine is the ultimate test for European leadership today. The recent tensions between Poland and Ukraine, rooted in complex historical grievances, must be resolved as soon as possible, while avoiding the rise of nationalism and historical hegemony. Europe's strength lies in unity.
Thank you.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Thank you. The next speaker is Mr. Ville Niinistö on behalf of the Greens.
Villy Søvndal
Thank you, chair, dear commissioner, I'm going to speak in Danish. Jeg og kollegerne fra parlamentet er netop kommet hjem fra et besøg i Ukraine, hvor vi så og hørte om konsekvenserne af de massive terrorbombninger af civilbefolkningen. Men samtidig er Ukraine også et land, hvor vi ser glimt af håb, jeg ikke har oplevet i løbet af krigens forløb. Vi ser det ved fronten, hvor ukrainerne vinder initiativet mod syd, mens russerne stadigvæk presser på mod øst. Vi ser det, når det ukrainske militær slår tilbage mod energi- og militærstrategiske mål langt inde i Rusland, og dermed svækker både den russiske økonomi, men også deres militær.
Vi ser det også, når Putins regime mister fodfæste. Putins løgne om krigens årsag og krigens gang er begyndt at sætte spor i den russiske befolkning. Vi er ved et afgørende øjeblik, derfor skal EU og medlemslandene ikke alene fastholde, men styrke hjælpen til Ukraine, så Putin tvinges til at respektere de internationalt anerkendte grænser. Tyrannen og vanviddet må og skal stoppes. Tak.
Özlem Demirel
Dankeschön, Herr Präsident. Es ist wieder soweit. Der Jahresbericht zur Ukraine. Alle Jahre wieder sprechen Sie hier vor allem über Waffen, Aufrüstung und geopolitische Interessen. Aber viel zu selten sprechen Sie über die Menschen, über eine Friedensperspektive.
Seit über vier Jahren leben Millionen Menschen in der Ukraine im Krieg. Arbeiterinnen und Arbeiter verlieren ihre Existenz. Soziale Rechte und Gewerkschaften stehen unter Druck. Die Regierung Selenskyj steht wegen Korruption und Angriffen auf soziale Rechte in der Kritik. Gleichzeitig wird der Ausverkauf des Landes vorangetrieben.
Doch über diese Realitäten reden Sie nicht gerne. Stattdessen feiern Sie neue Waffen und Drohnentechnologie, als wäre Krieg ein Spiel. Aber die Folge dieser Eskalation tragen nicht Sie hier. Die tragen die Menschen vor Ort. Ihre Antwort bleibt immer dieselbe: mehr Waffen, mehr Aufrüstung, mehr Militarisierung.
Und dieser Bericht spricht erneut über Taurus-Lieferung. Und während immer mehr Menschen in der Ukraine und in Russland versuchen, diesem Krieg zu entkommen, soll nun sogar der Schutz ukrainischer Geflüchteter der Kriegsfähigkeit der Ukraine untergeordnet werden. Männer im wehrfähigen Alter sollen zurückgewiesen werden. Männer sollen damit zur militärischen Ressource gemacht werden. Das ist zynisch.
Menschen sind keine Waffen. Kriegsdienstverweigerung ist ein Menschenrecht. Auch der Beitrittsprozess, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, wird mitten im Krieg geopolitischen Interessen untergeordnet. Solidaritt bedeutet nicht, einen Krieg endlos zu verlngern. Solidaritt bedeutet Schutz fr Menschen, soziale Rechte und ein Wiederaufbau im Interesse der Menschen.
Europa braucht keine Eskalation, sondern den Weg zum Frieden.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Vielen Dank. Es folgt jetzt Petar Volgin on behalf of the European Sovereign Nations Group.
Petar Volgin
Уважаеди аааеги, рааавадитеаите в Аиев дасст гаавдата атгавардаст за тава, Уарайда да де е изасадиаа дита едид ат асдавдите аритерии за ваизаде в Еврааейсаис сраз. Дай-баизаите аристеаи и сртруддици да Ваадидир Зеаедсаи са абвидеди, че са срздади ааруациадди схеди за арисвасвадета да аградди суди аари. Аредставсте аи се ааава ще дааравст тези хара иаи други аадабди с еврааейсаите средства, ааа страдата ид все ааа ваезе в Еврааейсаис сраз.
Властите в Киев в момента провеждат активна политика по възвеличаването на хора, които активно са участвали в нацистките престъпления през Втората световна война. Личности и организации, отговорни за престъпления срещу човечеството, днес там се честват като герои. А Евросъюзът винаги категорично е осъждал подобни чудовищни деяния. Ето защо държавни ръководители, които се прекланят пред нацистки престъпници, няма как да преговарят за членство в Европейския съюз. А напоследък властите в Киев правят всичко възможно, за да забранят официално и Украинската православна църква, просто защото тя не желае да се подчинява на диктата им.
Изобщо днешната власт в Киев е олицетворение на всичко това, срещу което Европейският съюз твърди, че се бори. Тя е корумпирана, унищожава свободата, величае нацизма и принуждава милиони украинци да търсят спасение в чужбина. Ако Брюксел допусне такива управляващи в Европейския съюз, той без съмнение ще спечели световното първенство по лицемерие. Благодаря.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Благодаря. Colleagues, we've finished the round of political speakers. Madam Commissioner, may I invite you for a short comeback after this first round?
Thank you so much.
Marta Kos
When I was in Kyiv, once the government asked me, Madam Commissioner, what is your priority? What we do here now is being part of the accession process. We have to do the reforms under the Ukrainian plan and we are fighting the war, meaning we are fighting to survive. Can you tell us what is your priority? Whatever we do in the evaluation, what Ukraine is doing today and how long it will take, please don't forget, these are not normal circumstances.
But in spite of this, Ukraine is advancing in the accession process. Ukraine is doing the reforms. We cannot expect that everything will be done in one week, in one month, in one year. It will not be done. But it will remain merit-based.
I'm the guardian of the merit-based process, but merit-based doesn't necessarily mean slow. So I will use these your words. Let's stay vigilant, focused and united. Only this we can help Ukraine.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Thank you so much. We continue the rounds of discussions. Colleagues, I will now close the round for catch-the-eye so that you have as many possibilities for blue cards. And we open with Pekka Toveri.
Pekka Toveri
Madam, Mr. President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues. This motion for EU Parliament resolution is a very good paper. It lists carefully most of Russia's heinous crimes against Ukraine and Ukrainians.
It also delivers a very comprehensive list of actions that EU and EU member states should take to support Ukraine and punish Russia. In the end, the ESN group gives its minority position to the commission report. Most of the position is usual Putin-supporting nonsense that we are used to hearing from the ESN. However, there is one point where I must agree. ESN opposes the continued endorsement of open-ended financial and military support without a clear objective and measurable conditions.
This is true. We need a clear EU strategy on how we will end this war and secure Russia's defeat as soon as possible. As this Parliament report states, we need a comprehensive long-term strategic approach to support Ukraine, not just ad hoc assistance. A strategy that tells Russia that it has already lost. This paper tells us the tools.
Now Commission and Council need to make a real comprehensive strategic plan. Slava Ukraini.
Marta Temido
Na madrugada da passada quinta-feira, as forças russas lançaram drones e mísseis sobre Kiev, num ataque que o presidente da câmara descreveu como o mais massivo contra a capital. Alguns de nós tinham acabado de regressar da Ucrânia, de mais uma reunião da Comissão Parlamentar de Associação. Também por isso hoje quero deixar aqui uma nota pessoal.
O relatório que discutimos não é só sobre um país que há mais de uma década escolheu um futuro europeu. É sobre um processo de adesão de um país que tem territórios ilegalmente ocupados e se defende de uma guerra de agressão enquanto progride no processo de reformas. Um país que não compreende porque é que os seus aliados não reforçam o apoio de meios de defesa aérea, ou porque é que o Conselho não lhe permite a abertura de todos os capítulos temáticos de uma reforma. Um país perante o qual eu hoje coraria de vergonha com as palavras de alguns deputados nesta casa que invocam os pequenos interesses dos seus países e os seus medos. Apesar da lei marcial, mais de 80% dos ucranianos defendem que o país deve continuar a reforma judicial e mais de 65% desejam maior exigência externa nesse sentido, mostra um estudo.
Este é um sinal claro de que a via de integração é uma escolha de toda a sociedade. Saibamos estar à altura.
Muito obrigado, urmează Michiel Hoogeveen.
Voorzitter, commissaris. De Nederlandse bevolking wil niet dat Oekraïne toetreedt tot de EU. Dat werd tien jaar geleden al duidelijk.
Michiel Hoogeveen
Meer dan 60% van de Nederlanders sprak zich toen in een referendum uit tegen het EU-associatieverdrag met Oekraïne. De Nederlandse regering negeerde de uitkomst van het referendum en tekende uiteindelijk toch, nadat de EU in een juridisch bindende verklaring had bevestigd dat dit verdrag geen opstap zou zijn naar EU-lidmaatschap. Vandaag handelt de EU in strijd met die bindende verklaring door de toetreding van Oekraïne juist te versnellen. De EU spreekt zich graag uit over democratie en rechtsstaat, maar trekt zich niets aan van de Nederlandse kiezer of van haar eigen afspraken. Voorzitter, Oekraïne is een door en door corrupt land.
De Commissie erkent dan ook zelf dat ingrijpende hervormingen nodig zijn. Toch worden de onderhandelingen voortgezet. Bovendien is Oekraïne een land in oorlog. De wederopbouw van dat conflict zal naar verwachting meer dan 507 miljard euro kosten. En iedereen weet wie dat uiteindelijk zal moeten betalen: de Europese belastingbetaler.
Onze kiezers hebben daar nooit mee ingestemd. We hebben de afgelopen jaren al genoeg miljarden naar Oekraïne gestuurd. Voorzitter, commissaris, Nederland kan niet blijven opdraaien voor de rekening van anderen. Genoeg is genoeg. Bescherm Europa, stop de uitbreiding van de EU.
Ik dank u.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Herr Gahler, falls Sie eine Frage stellen wollen, bitte melden Sie sich. Alberico Gambino.
Alberico Gambino
Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, è nei momenti più difficili che si misura la credibilità dell'Europa. E oggi essere credibili significa sostenere l'Ucraina, ma anche lavorare con determinazione per una pace giusta, duratura e fondata sul rispetto del diritto internazionale. Sostenere Kiev significa ribadire la sicurezza dell'Europa e dell'alleanza atlantica, che è una responsabilità comune da assumere secondo le capacità di ciascun Stato membro nel pieno coordinamento con la NATO. Significa anche rafforzare la pressione sulla Russia, rendendo più efficaci le sanzioni e contrastando ogni forma di elusione, a partire dalla cosiddetta flotta ombra che continua ad alimentare lo sforzo bellico di Mosca. Allo stesso tempo, il percorso di adesione dell'Ucraina all'Unione Europea rappresenta una prospettiva che sosteniamo ovviamente con convinzione.
Ma proprio perché crediamo nel progetto europeo, questo percorso dovrà rispettare integralmente i criteri di adesione, le riforme richieste e i tempi necessari. Accelerazioni dettate dalla contingenza politica e dal cuore piuttosto che dalla mente non rafforzano l'Unione. Rischiano al contrario di indebolirne la credibilità. La libertà non è mai un bene acquisito per sempre, va difesa ogni giorno con responsabilità, coerenza e coraggio. Ed è questo il compito che oggi spetta all'Unione Europea.
Grazie.
Helmut Brandstätter
Danke Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Wir wollen nicht Sklaven Putins sein. Das ist der Satz, den ich in der Ukraine am häufigsten gehört habe. Ja, die Menschen in der Ukraine reden von Freiheit, sie wollen in Freiheit leben wie wir und natürlich gehören sie deswegen auch in die Europäische Union. Da muss noch viel gemacht werden.
Und wenn hier ausgerechnet von rechts, wo es schon wieder Korruptionsskandale gibt, von Korruption gesprochen wird, ja, das weiß man auch in der Ukraine, aber es gibt eine starke Zivilgesellschaft. Das gefällt Ihnen auch nicht. Die Leute sind auf die Straße gegangen, als ihnen ein Gesetz nicht gefallen hat. Wir haben mit den Chefs der Antikorruptionsbehörden gesprochen. Sie haben uns das alles erklärt.
Das hat gezeigt, was das für ein lebhafter Staat ist und ein demokratischer Staat, der natürlich zu uns passt. Vor kurzem war Garri Kasparow in Wien und ich habe ihn gefragt, warum reden diese Rechtsextremen immer wie Putin? Hat er gesagt, na er kann sich gar nicht vorstellen, dass die nicht von dort finanziert werden.
Bitte, sagt Kasparow, ist aber interessant, weil die Desinformation natürlich genauso läuft. Wir stehen auf der Seite des ukrainischen Volkes, weil das ukrainische Volk auch auf unserer Seite steht. Slawa Ukrajini! Und eines möchte ich noch, ich weiß, ich darf keine Fotos zeigen, aber jeder kann sich das im Internet anschauen. Und wenn Sie diese Bilder gesehen haben, dann hören Sie denen auch nicht mehr zu.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Herr Brandstätter, bleiben Sie noch eine Minute bitte, weil Sie haben eine blaue Karte. Herr Bystron, nehmen Sie das an?
Petr Bystron
Ja, lieber Kollege Brandstätter, vielen Dank für Ihren Einsatz für die Demokratie und Freiheit in der Ukraine. Mich würde interessieren, haben Sie dafür auch gekämpft ein Jahr vor dem Krieg, als Selenskyj die demokratische damals die stärkste Partei in den Umfragen verbieten ließ, als er vier Fernsehsender verboten hat und zehn Radiosender? Was haben Sie damals gemacht?
Helmut Brandstätter
Das war wann? Ich kann mich nämlich nicht erinnern, wann soll das gewesen sein?
Helmut Brandstätter
Also wissen Sie, wenn Sie damit anfangen, dass irgendjemand wo was verboten hätte, wenn ich mir anschaue, was die AfD macht, was ich vor kurzem wieder gesehen habe.
Das sind diejenigen, die sagen, sie sind das freundliche Gesicht des Nationalsozialismus. Bitte hören Sie mit diesen Geschichten auf. Und egal was auch immer, es geht um das, was jetzt ist. Putin, zu dem Sie auch gefahren sind, er mordet täglich. Ich kann Ihnen das Foto jetzt bringen, das werde ich jetzt machen.
Hängen Sie sich das zu Hause auf, gehen Sie auf Ihre Wahlversammlungen damit und sagen Sie den Menschen, was in der Ukraine stattfindet, dann sind Sie glaubwürdig.
Petr Bystron
Ich nehme zur Kenntnis, dass Sie meine Frage nicht beantwortet haben, dass Sie nichts für die Opposition in der Ukraine getan haben, dass Sie nichts getan haben...
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Sorry, but you can only make the follow-up if the speaker accepts to continue the dialogue. So we continue the round of discussions with Mr. Mārtiņš Staķis.
Mārtiņš Staķis
Thank you, Mr. President. It was Monday night, while many of us woke up early to catch up the flight to Strasbourg, the Kyiv was hit again. The Russian missiles and drones killed 28 people, dozen wounded, and true horror. So some in Europe is tired of the war, it's fair enough. But what gives Ukrainians strength to keep fighting even they are so tired of this horror?
And I have asked this question to Ukrainians in Ukraine and also those who are in my hometown in Riga.
And the answer is always the same. It's Europe. That one day they belonging here among us. So Ukraine must be part of European Union. And we will walk through the difficult issues.
They are many and they are real. But the promise itself cannot be doubt. Because the promise is exactly what gives Ukrainian the strength to keep fighting for their country and for all of Europe. Thank you and Slava Ukraini.
Jonas Sjöstedt
Tack herr talman. Det här är ett bra betänkande som kommer att få stort stöd i denna kammare i omröstningen. Och särskilt positivt att flera av våra ändringsförslag är med om arbetsrätt och fackliga rättigheter, om förnybar energi, om hälsovård. Men det kan fortfarande bli ännu bättre. Skrivningarna om skuggflottan i Östersjön bör skärpas.
Nu försöker länderna var och en för sig stoppa trafiken. Vi behöver samordning. Vi behöver handlingskraft. Vi behöver stoppa denna sanktionsbrytande trafik som finansierar det blodiga kriget. Herr talman, den ryska propagandan låter allt mer ihålig.
Ukraina inte bara försvarar sig. Man slår idag ut raffinaderier och installationer i Ryssland. Den ryska imperialismen är på väg mot nederlag. Det nederlaget är också vägen till fred. Slava Ukraini.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Mr. Verhofstadt, Mr. Verhofstadt, will you accept a blue card from Karin Karlsbro?
Karin Karlsbro
Herr talman, jag välkomnar engagemanget mot den ryska skuggflottan och instämmer också i att vi måste göra mer gemensamt. Men jag vill fråga dig Jonas Sjöstedt om du är beredd att jobba för att Nato och EU tillsammans med Nato ska få större muskler, fler resurser för att agera för vi har ju två utmärkta organisationer i Nato och EU som redan är på plats och behöver agera och göra mer. Tack.
Jonas Sjöstedt
Ja, jag tror att det finns två olika strukturer som kan samordna arbetet mot skuggflottan. Det ena är den Europeiska unionen och då måste EU-kommissionen ta ett initiativ i första hand. Det andra är att länderna runt Östersjön gör det tillsammans. Och bägge de vägarna ligger öppna som jag ser det. USA kan vi inte riktigt lita på i NATO.
De, Trump har ju i praktiken svikit Ukraina. Så att jag tror att vi får räkna med att göra detta själva i Europa att stoppa skuggflottan. Och då handlar det om väldigt praktiska saker som att samordna kustbevakning, att införa liknande regler och att faktiskt konsekvent ingripa mot de ryska fartygen.
Petras Gražulis
Sveiki, aš esu iš tos frakcijos, kurios ne visi nariai palaiko Ukrainą. Iš Alternatyva Vokietijai, jų dauguma mūsų frakcijoje yra nariai.
Tačiau pas mus frakcijoje yra demokratija. Aš balsuoju asmeniškai visada palaikydamas Ukrainą. Ir manęs frakcija niekada neišpeikė elgtis pagal savo sąžinę. Man atrodo, kad jūs dešinieji tokių teisių čia neturite Europos Parlamente, nors laikot save demokratais. Taip pat aš, jeigu Ukraina ir jūs, kurie šiandien, jeigu Europa būtų vieninga ir suteikus didelę finansinę ir karinę paramą Ukrainai nuo pat pirmų dienų, karas būtų pasibaigęs.
Jūs kaltinkite ir save, kad per mažai rėmėte Ukrainą. Europos Sąjunga taiko Ukrainai, kuri kariauja, tokias pačias sąlygas, kad jinai būtų narė. Ar jūs neturit gėdos? Jau turėjo būti Europos Sąjungos narė Ukraina. Ar jūs turit nors kiek supratimo, ką kalba komisarė?
Jūs mažiau kalbėkit, o daugiau darykit. Ne Trumpas, ne Putinas kaltas, kad Ukraina ne Europos Sąjungos narė. Jūs esate kalti. Jūs turėjote padaryti išimtines sąlygas Ukrainai. Jeigu jinai būtų Europos Sąjungos narė, jinai būtų ir stipresnė finansiškai, ir taip pat kariniu atžvilgiu.
Prisiimkite atsakomybę.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Paldies, Mr. Gražulis, there's a blue card for you from Mrs. Glavak.
Sunčana Glavak
Hvala lijepa što ste prihvatili moju plavu karticu. Dragi kolega, samo da pronađe kanal. May I? Yeah, yes, it's okay. Yeah.
Hvala što ste prihvatili moju plavu karticu.
Dragi kolega, zar je jednoumlje da se agresija nagrađuje teritorijem? Zar je jednoumlje... You can't hear me?
Speaker 330
I must repeat or... It's working. Now it's working. You can repeat. You can start again, please.
Sunčana Glavak
Okay, I will start again. Dragi kolega, zar je jednoumlje da se agresija nagrađuje davanjem teritorija? Zar je jednoumlje stotine tisuća poginulih i ubijenih? Zar je jednoumlje deseci odvedene djece u Rusiju? Zar je to jednoumlje?
Jeste li ikada vidjeli poginulog na ratištu? Jeste li ikada čuli za Hrvatsku? Jeste li ikada čuli i za moju zemlju koja je bila zadnja u Europskoj uniji koja je imala ratnu agresiju? Ne, to nije jednoumlje. To je poštenje, to je humanost i to je ljudskost.
Za to se mi zalažemo u Ukrajini.
Petras Gražulis
Aš sutinku, kad nėra vieno būdo. Bet aš kalbu apie tai, kad Europos Sąjunga turi būti ryžtingesnė, principingesnė, mažiau kalbėti, o daugiau daryti realių veiksmų Ukrainos atžvilgiu.
Štai kame yra dalykas. Jūs rezoliucijų priėmėte tiek, kad mylit Ukrainą, jau man atrodo visus Briuselio stogus galima nuklijuoti, bet tai nieko nepadeda. Daugiau darbų.
Ľuboš Blaha
Už tu konečne musí zaznieť pravda. Ukrajina na čele so Zelenským sa správa ako fašistický štát. Opozičných politikov posielajú do pracovných táborov. Oslavujú banderovcov, ktorí masovo vraždili ľudí v Poľsku aj na Slovensku. Zelenský sa priamo vyhrážal bývalému maďarskému premiérovi.
Ukrajina spáchala teroristický útok na Nord Stream. Menšiny na Ukrajine sú šikanované a Zelenský vládne bez volieb. Navyše Ukrajina je nekonečne skorumpovaná. Za ukradnuté európske peniaze Zelenského kumpáni stavajú haciendy so zlatými záchodmi. Kľúčová otázka je, prečo, pani Lehnová, pani Kalasová, futrujete zbraňami a miliardami fašistický režim?
Sú len dve možnosti. Buď ste aj vy presvedčení nacisti a nenávisť voči Rusku ste povýšili nad všetky európske hodnoty, alebo tam posielate miliardy a oni vám posielajú vratky. My Slováci nechceme vašu vojnu proti Rusku.
My Slováci chceme mier.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Mr. Blaha, will you accept the blue card? We have Madame Karvasova. Please quiet in the room. Karvasova.
Ľubica Karvašová
Ďakujem pekne. Pán Blaha, toto choďte prosím prednášať na MGIMO do Moskvy. Tam vás určite budú radi počúvať. Kedy sa už konečne presťahujete do Ruska, keď tam je to všetko také skvelé, keď tam tak rád chodíte a tu všetko len kritizujete, tu sú všetci fašisti? Kedy sa tam už konečne presťahujete, je moja otázka, a dáte nám konečne pokoj v Európe?
A druhá otázka, podpora členstva Ukrajiny v Európskej úniis je v našom záujme. Je aj v záujme tých Slovákov, ktorí žijú na hraniciach s Ukrajinou a ktorým vy vašou rétorikou ponúkate viete čop, iba strach a chudobu.
Pani Karvašová, a ja sa pítam, kedy vy pôjdete bojovať na Ukrajinu, keďže teraz nechávate za seba umierať Ukrajincov? Kedy vy pôjdete na Ukrajinu, kedy sa konečne presťahujete a dáte pokoj Slovákom? Nie, Slováci nechcú vojnu proti Rusku. Nechcú eskaláciu. Nechcú, aby tu bola tretia svetová vojna.
Nechceme, aby vaše deti a moje deti jedného dňa umierali kvôli týmto vojnovým štváčom.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Just so you know, Mr. Blaha, there were five blue cards questions on your name, but we have to be efficient with the time, so it's Pasquale de Laparte Nicolas.
Nicolás Pascual de la Parte
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to the Commission for the good report on Ukraine and thank you to my colleague Michael Gahler for the opinion paper. I think that here we have to be clear. The accession of Ukraine as a full member to the European Union is a balance exercise. We have to bring together the demands of geopolitical and strategic order that invite for a fast track for the accession and at the same time to respect the technical criteria of Copenhagen.
We have to advance in parallel in both in both in both lines. At the same time, we have to start thinking about the day after. What will happen once there is a ceasefire and a negotiating process? There will be more than one million or around one million of demobilized people coming back home. Some millions of displaced people and exile in Europe coming back home.
There will be elections and there will be a fragmented political landscape with a different scenario. Europe has to be prepared for this and to start thinking about this now, not tomorrow, but today. Thank you.
Krzysztof Śmiszek
Szanowny panie przewodniczący. Nacjonalizm zabija. Nacjonalizm zabija, kiedy żołnierze przeprowadzają czystki etniczne w imię swojej ideologii, ignorując prawa człowieka, na których zbudowana jest współczesna Europa. Nacjonalizm zabija, kiedy wiele dekad później cyniczni politycy wykorzystują politykę historyczną do grania na emocjach swoich wyborców, rozbijając w ten sposób europejską jedność wobec śmiertelnego niebezpieczeństwa ze strony Rosji. Cóż za ironia, że ci sami politycy, którzy najgłośniej mówią o bezpieczeństwie i potrzebie chłodnego kalkulowania, dają się tak łatwo sprowokować i popaść w histerię, podczas gdy na froncie w Ukrainie toczą się losy naszego kontynentu.
To nie pierwszy raz, kiedy skrajna prawica udowadnia, że to ona jest największym sprzymierzeńcem Rosji, a zarazem największym niebezpieczeństwem dla Europy. Zauważyliście, że cały czas mówią o Ukrainie, a prawie w ogóle o Rosji? Przypadek? Apeluję do władz ukraińskich, ale także polskich, aby dołożyły wszelkich starań w celu rozwiązania tego sporu. Dobre relacje pomiędzy naszymi krajami to podstawa dla bezpieczeństwa Europy.
W przeciwnym razie w przyszłości będziemy musieli kontynuować tę debatę, ale po rosyjsku. Dziękuję.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Mr. Śmiszek, there is a blue card on your name from Mr. Piotr Müller. No? Thank you, sir. Then the next speaker is Anna Bryłka.
Anna Bryłka
Dziękuję, panie przewodniczący. Pani komisarz. Od kilku lat obserwujemy proces, w którym Ukraina, nie będąc członkiem Unii Europejskiej, korzysta z praw i przywilejów państwa członkowskiego, nie ponosząc jednocześnie żadnych kosztów. Dodatkowo z europejskiego wspólnotowego długu finansujemy Ukrainę. W tym samym czasie obserwujemy niekończącą się serię przestępstw korupcyjnych, które wybuchają w otoczeniu samego prezydenta Zełenskiego.
Pieniądze naszych podatników finansują bogactwo ukraińskich oligarchów. To rodzi fundamentalne pytanie o zasadę równego traktowania. Polscy rolnicy, przewoźnicy, przedsiębiorcy, a także zwykli obywatele od lat ponoszą koszty dostosowania do unijnych regulacji, norm środowiskowych i wymogów administracyjnych. Jeżeli jednocześnie otwieramy rynek dla podmiotów funkcjonujących w odmiennych warunkach regulacyjnych, trudno mówić o uczciwej konkurencji. Jest również kwestia polityki historycznej.
Polska ma prawo, ma pełne prawo oczekiwać od władz Ukrainy jednoznacznego potępienia zbrodni popełnionych przez organizacje odpowiedzialne za ludobójstwo na ludności cywilnej oraz prowadzenia polityki pamięci opartej na prawdzie historycznej. Gloryfikowanie banderyzmu na Ukrainie przez obecne władze nie tylko nie pozwala myśleć o konstruktywnej współpracy, ale stawia Ukrainę poza nawiasem cywilizacji europejskiej. Dalsze faworyzowanie Ukrainy kosztem państw członkowskich, szczególnie Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, jest niedopuszczalne, a członkostwo Ukrainy w Unii Europejskiej nie jest w polskim interesie. Dziękuję.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Pani Bruka, will you accept a blue card from Sergey Lagodinsky? Schade, aber nicht. Adam Bielan.
Adam Bielan
W Unii Europejskiej nie ma miejsca dla czcicieli morderców spod znaku UPA. Nie możemy milczeć, gdy gloryfikowana jest Ukraińska Powstańcza Armia, zbrodnicza organizacja, która odpowiada za brutalne mordy na ponad stu tysiącach Polaków i wszystkich mniejszościach nieukraińskich na Wołyniu i ówczesnej Małopolsce Wschodniej. Nie możemy pozwolić, aby w Europie mitologizowano Stepana Banderę i rozsiewano kłamstwa na temat zbrodni wołyńskiej. Polska od samego początku wspiera Ukrainę w walce z Rosją.
Jako naród otworzyliśmy swoje domy dla milionów ukraińskich uchodźców. Nikt w Polsce nie ma wątpliwości, że wróg jest w Moskwie. A to nie jest apel przeciwko narodowi ukraińskiemu, tylko polityce jego władz. Tym bardziej jako Polacy mamy moralne prawo powiedzieć veto. Z Banderą Ukraina do Unii Europejskiej nie wejdzie.
Ukraina ma z kogo być dumna. To bohaterscy obrońcy Ukrainy, którzy od 2014 roku walczą z Rosją o niepodległość. To nie zbrodniarze, którzy nabijali polskie dzieci na widły. Jeśli Ukraina chce zostać częścią naszej wspólnoty, musi odrzucić kult UPA, a nasz sojusz musi zacząć opierać się na historycznej prawdzie i wzajemnym szacunku. Stop banderyzmowi.
Sergey Lagodinsky
Thank you very much, and thanks for accepting the blue card, as opposed to many others.
How do you react to what Kremlin is saying? And the Kremlin is saying that your president and you yourself have finally seen the light. And everything that Kremlin has been saying all along, that these are Nazis in Kiev, now you have recognized it and you agree with the Kremlin.
Adam Bielan
Jestem bardzo zasmucony tym, że Putin cieszy się z decyzji pana prezydenta Zełenskiego, ale w otoczeniu prezydenta Zełenskiego poszukałbym agentów Kremla, którzy podpowiedzieli mu, żeby gloryfikować morderców z UPA, nazywając jedną z jednostek armii ukraińskiej właśnie mianem UPA. To było oczywiste, że to oburzy opinię publiczną nie tylko w Polsce. Przypomnę, że kult UPA, kult zbrodniarzy z UPA potępia również Izrael i wiele innych nacji, których mniejszości były mordowane w latach czterdziestych przez tę organizację.
Vielen Dank, Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin. Wir haben heute Damen und Herren hier zu Besuch, die unserer Debatte zuhören, und ich bin sicher, manche glauben, sie hören hier nicht richtig. Wir sind im Herzen Europas, dem größten Friedensprojekt der Welt nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, und erleben seit über vier Jahren einen vollen Angriff auf die Ukraine, streng genommen seit 2014 mit der Annexion der Krim.
Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann
Und hier sind tatsächlich Kolleginnen und Kollegen auf der linken Seite, wie üblich, die die Schuld der Ukraine geben, dass sie überfallen worden ist, auf der rechten Seite, wo irgendeine Geschichte erzählt hat. Meine Damen und Herren, dieser Angriff auf die Ukraine, das Ermorden, Zerstören, Vergewaltigen, Verschleppen, Foltern, wenn wir die Ukraine nicht unterstützen, wird eines Tages dieses vor unserer Haustür stehen. Und wer glaubt, dem ist nicht so, der soll nächstes Mal früher aufstehen. Das ist die Realität, und deswegen werden wir die Ukraine weiter unterstützen, wirtschaftlich, humanitär und ja, auch mit Waffen, damit Russland diesen Krieg nie und nimmer gewinnt. Das ist unsere Aufgabe, und jeder, der hier eine andere Geschichte erzählt, ist nicht auf der Seite der Freiheit, sondern auf der Seite der Aggressoren.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Frau Strack-Zimmermann, es gibt eine Frage von Herrn Mularczyk. Würden Sie das annehmen, ECR?
Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann
ECR is okay. It depends, it depends. Die AfD nehme ich nicht, die wollen nämlich immer was für ihren Content.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Szanowna pani poseł, moja rodzina w 1944 roku mieszkała w Małopolsce Wschodniej, to jest region, który przed II wojną światową należał do Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. I w 44 roku zostali ostrzeżeni, że Ukraińska Powstańcza Armia będzie mordowała Polaków mieszkających w wiosce, w której mieszkali, niedaleko Czortkowa. Mój dziadek i moja babcia uciekli przed mordercami z UPA. Niestety kilkudziesięciu mieszkańców tej wioski, niewielkiej, zostało zamordowanych. W mojej rodzinie pamięć o zbrodniarzach z UPA jest taką samą pamięcią jak o niemieckich nazistach.
I w dniu dzisiejszym, kiedy prezydent Zełenski zbrodniarzy z UPA honoruje jako bohaterów Ukrainy, w nas Polakach budzi to sprzeciw i to musi pan zrozumieć.
Sie sprechen von einer Zeit im Zweiten Weltkrieg, dem grausamsten nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg dessen, was in Europa geschehen ist. Darauf bauend ist Europäische Union aufgebaut worden. Das sind persönlich tragische Geschichten. Ich will Ihnen das gar nicht absprechen.
Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann
Jeder hier hat tragische Geschichten in der Familie bei Eltern und Großeltern erlebt und deswegen ist es unsere Aufgabe, hier in Frieden und für Freiheit zu kämpfen. Und Ihre Aufgabe ist es, in Polen und der Ukraine einen Weg zu finden, denn Sie gefallen nur einem und das ist Wladimir Putin, der wartet nur darauf, dass Sie und die Ukraine sich gegenseitig an die Hälse gehen, damit Russland Erfolg hat. Und deswegen, wir sind hier im Europa, um genau das Gegenteil zu machen, um eine Herzlichkeit... Meine Herzlichkeit, bitte hören Sie auf mit diesen Geschichten und kümmern Sie sich um ein gemeinsames Europa.
Sergey Lagodinsky
Colleagues, Madam Brilka was standing here and saying Ukraine is not paying the cost. Ukraine is not paying the cost? Ukraine is doing an extraordinary thing, and this is what this report is about. Ukraine is mastering both. On the one hand, can you please stop talking over there?
What's going on there? I would like to have a new speaking time here. I'm sorry, but if I'm disrupted, I cannot speak.
So the extraordinary thing, as opposed to those people who are living here in peace, is that they are getting bombs on their heads while they are preparing for membership, while they are doing their homework, while they are doing reforms, while they are doing anti-corruption reforms. And yes, not everything is perfect. But before you make accusations like those against those who are fighting against bombs, fighting for the lives of their children, you should make your homework. And you should prepare the facts. And I think it's very clear that in extraordinary times and with extraordinary victims that we're seeing, we need to be extraordinary and out of ordinary in our support for Ukraine.
The best accession help is the defense help. And this is what the NATO meeting is about. And nothing will justify not helping Ukraine now. We're not talking about the victims from the past. We're talking about the victims from now that are killed by Russia and by Kremlin.
And it's not just about the past. It's about protecting them in the present.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
There is a blue card from Mr. Piotr Müller on your name, would you accept it?
Sergey Lagodinsky
Whoever Piotr Müller is, I will accept because I respect freedom of asking questions.
Piotr Müller
Szanowny panie pośle. Szanowny panie pośle, zaskakuje mnie pana postawa, bo przypominam sobie stanowisko Niemiec na początku, gdy wybuchła w 2022 roku wojna. I wtedy pamiętam doskonale, bo byłem na spotkaniu z Olafem Scholzem w Berlinie, jak reagował i jak Niemcy były wtedy absolutnie bierne, jeżeli chodzi o pomoc dla Ukrainy. Dlatego jak słyszę dzisiaj pana wypowiedź i pouczanie Polski w tym zakresie, to niestety przychodzą mi złe myśli. Natomiast pan nie rozumie jednej rzeczy.
Prezydent Zełenski dokonał błędnej prowokacji, dokonał błędu, nazwał jednostkę wojskową imieniem UPA, czyli zbrodniarzy wojennych, którzy mordowali Polaków. Jak pan się odniesie do tego? Dlaczego on to zrobił i czy pan to potępi?
Sergey Lagodinsky
Colleague, I don't need lessons from you on how to support Ukraine. I and my party have been supporting Ukraine in Maidan since 2014 and since the occupation in Crimea. We were against Nord Stream 2 as one of the few parties. I was for arms sales before, long before anyone in Poland was talking about arms sales to Ukraine. So I don't need lessons on that.
What I do understand, the grievances of the Polish people. I do understand that and I do agree that this is maybe not the most smart thing to do, what President Zelenskyy is doing.
And if I were his advisor, I would advise him otherwise. But I am not his advisor. We are not sitting in Kyiv. We're not getting bombed and we're not getting raped. And that's why I don't think we have a moral right to teach anyone in the middle of a war.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
The next speaker is Merja Kyllönen who will speak from her chair. So please provide the microphone. 808.
Merja Kyllönen
Nyt on okei. Arvoisa puhemies, tänään käsiteltävä kollega Gahlerin Ukraina-raportti lähettää selkeän viestin. Euroopan tuki Ukrainalle on horjumaton ja sen on pysyttävä sellaisena. Tuki Ukrainan EU-jäsenyyspolulla, uudistusten tukemisen edistäminen sekä pitkäjänteinen taloudellinen, sotilaallinen ja poliittinen tuki sodan keskellä on kriittisen tärkeää. Ukrainan puolustustaistelu ei koske vain sen omaa tulevaisuutta.
Se on myös taistelua Euroopan turvallisuuden, demokratian ja kansainvälisen oikeuden puolesta. Siksi meidän on varmistettava, että Ukrainalla on edellytykset puolustaa itseään tänään ja rakentaa tulevaisuuttaan huomenna. Samalla on tärkeää, että Ukrainan tie kohti Euroopan unionia perustuu oikeusvaltion vahvistamiseen, korruption torjuntaan ja tarvittavien uudistusten johdonmukaiseen toteuttamiseen. Laajentuminen on ansioihin perustuva prosessi, mutta minulle on selvää, että Ukrainan paikka on Euroopan perheessä. Yhtenäinen ja määrätietoinen Eurooppa on paras vastaus Venäjän hyökkäyssodalle.
Slava Ukraini!
Ruth Firmenich
Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren. Die Ukraine droht immer mehr zum Sargnagel der EU zu werden. Mit der Eröffnung von Beitrittsverhandlungen ist der Weg für weitere Milliarden an die korrupte Ukraine bereit. EU-Studien zufolge soll ein EU-Beitritt Kiews 186 Milliarden Euro kosten. Wer soll das bitte bezahlen?
Die Bevölkerung in Europa und insbesondere in Deutschland wird für diesen Wahnsinn zur Kasse gebeten.
Während in Berlin Schulen und Straßen verfallen, vergolden sich die ukrainischen Oligarchen ihre Toiletten mit unserem Steuergeld. Doch das ist nicht das einzige Problem. Die Beistandsklausel in den EU-Verträgen bedeutet, dass bei einem Beitritt der Ukraine die EU umgehend im Krieg mit Russland stünde. Wer kann das wollen, außer denen, die sich an den Rüstungsaktien dumm und dämlich verdienen? Die Menschen in Europa wollen Frieden, keinen Krieg mit Russland.
Sie wollen, dass ihr Steuergeld für soziale Sicherheit, Bildung und Gesundheit ausgegeben und nicht dazu verwendet wird, dass sich die ukrainische Elite neue Villen an der Côte d'Azur kaufen kann.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Frau Firmenich, Frau Firmenich, es gibt eine blaue Karte. Nehmen Sie das an? Nein? Sorry, the next speaker is Madame Rasa Juknevičienė. Please quiet in the room.
Dear colleagues, very good report, thanks to all the hard work. But I am very worried about the sharp clash between Ukraine and Poland due to their painful common history. I will not attempt to assess which side, Ukrainians or Poles, is now contributing more to stoking the fire.
Rasa Juknevičienė
But I have one request: to assess the context in which we all live and to take the side of a constructive path. The Polish-Lithuanian example shows that old enemies can sit down at the same table, not to force each other to adopt the other side's view, but to evaluate history honestly. This may be the only way forward in this conflict as well. Armia Krajowa will never be heroes in the memory of Ukrainians. The UPA will never be heroes in the memory of Poles.
And this must simply be understood and accepted. I think there is no other way than open recognition of history and agreement. However, the sharp war on history that has broken today is very dangerous and beneficial only to one side: Putin's Russia.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Thank you, Mrs. Juknevičienė. No? Okay. Good. The next speaker is Tobias Cremer.
Tobias Cremer
Colleagues, I hope you listened well to the naysayers, the defeatists, and the Putin-purists, including those sitting in this chamber. And let's remember what they said just a few weeks ago.
They insisted that Ukraine stood no chance, that Kyiv had no cards, that Russia was unstoppable and Europe should appease the aggressor. And yet, look at the situation today. Today Russia's offensive has not just stalled, but there's smoke rising over Moscow, and even the most desperate Russians are no longer willing to sign away their lives for a war that they know has no purpose and no prospect of victory. Colleagues, against all the odds, Ukrainians have created a new strategic reality on the ground. And why?
Because Ukrainians never stopped believing in their European future and the strength of this European project. So let us finally do the same and create the conditions of peace through strength by locking in long-term financial support, by delivering urgently needed air defense, and most importantly by making Ukraine's path to the European membership credible, irreversible, and clear, because only then will Putin understand that Ukraine will never again become a Russian colony, but that it was, is, and will forever remain a free European nation. Thank you.
Viktória Ferenc
Tisztelt képviselők! Én Kárpátalján születtem magyar családban, jól ismerem az ottani magyar közösséget, tagjai lojális és törvénytisztelő állampolgárai Ukrajnának.
Elítélik az orosz agressziót és a háború terheit is viselik. Magyar ajkú katonák szolgálnak a fronton, közülük pedig már több mint százan életüket adták Ukrajna védelméért. Mégis ez a közösség 2017 óta folyamatosan kisebbségi jogait korlátozását szenvedi el. Önök szinte egy évtizeden át tétlenül nézték, ahogy ezeket a jogokat fokozatosan leépítették, és figyelmeztetéseinket közönnyel fogadták. Ma pedig ebben a jelentésben üdvözlik a jogok helyreállításáról szóló megállapodást.
De ne tegyenek úgy, mintha ez a kisebbségi jogokról szólna, sokkal inkább arról, hogy pusztán ígéretekért cserébe megnyílhatott az első csatlakozási klaszter Ukrajnával. Ha valóban fontosak önöknek a nemzeti kisebbségek, akkor azért dolgozzanak, hogy Ukrajna kisebbségi akcióterve egyértelmű, nyilvános és számonkérhető vállalásokat tartalmazzon a kisebbségi jogok teljes helyreállítására, hiszen a jelenleg elérhető verzióban ez nincs így. A kisebbségek nem ígéreteket, garanciákat kérnek, valódi jogokat kérnek, amelyek a mindennapokban is érvényesülnek. Hogy senki se mondhassa meg nekik, hogy az anyanyelvüket még az iskolai szünetekben vagy a sporteseményeken sem használhatják.
A jelentés kimondja, hogy a bővítésnek szigorúan érdemalapúnak kell lennie, ezzel a ponttal egyetértek. A koppenhágai kritériumok nem ajánlások, hanem kötelező csatlakozási feltételek, és ezeknek Ukrajnának is maradéktalanul meg kell felelnie.
Cristian Terheş
Dear colleagues, dear Commissioner. If we truly want to help Ukraine win the war, first we need to publicly say that more often. So it's not only about helping Ukraine defend itself, but about winning the war that was started by Russia. Second, in order to win the war against Russia, we must strengthen the economic and strategic pressure on Russia. And for that reason, EU and member states must work together to close the so-called northern corridor.
Even today, four years after Russia attacked Ukraine, millions of tons of goods from China and Central Asia are coming to Europe through Russia. So they still make a lot of money because those goods are transiting the Russian territory. Third, the Russian aggression extends far beyond the battlefield. The Kremlin uses the Moscow Patriarch and the Russian Orthodox Church as instruments of political influence and propaganda, both in Ukraine and abroad.
I therefore welcome the Ukrainian legislation allowing Orthodox parishes to freely disaffiliate from the Moscow Patriarch. I also call on the Ukrainian authorities to register without delay a religious association called Romanian Orthodox Church in Ukraine, ensuring that the Romanian Orthodox communities in Ukraine can freely organize their religious life outside of the jurisdiction of the Russian Orthodox Church. Thank you.
Nathalie Loiseau
Dimanche soir, une fois encore, une pluie de missiles russes s'est abattue sur Kiev, causant la mort d'au moins quatorze civils. Ce n'est pas juste la guerre, ce sont des crimes de guerre. Une fois encore, les chancelleries européennes ont déploré, condamné, regretté, mais elles n'ont pas agi. Pas même pour élargir les sanctions contre la Russie, parce qu'à peine Orban parti, le président bulgare devient le nouveau maillon faible européen. Pourtant, ce qu'il faut faire, nous le savons, c'est protéger le ciel ukrainien des drones et des missiles russes, comme nous avons protégé le ciel des Émirats, du Qatar ou du Koweït des drones et des missiles iraniens.
Ce n'est pas escalatoire, car seuls des engins sans pilote survolent et frappent l'Ukraine. Augmenter les défenses anti-aériennes de Kiev, participer à abattre missiles et drones avec nos propres forces ne fera pas de nous des cobelligérants.
C'est notre inaction qui risque à force de faire de nous des complices. N'imaginons pas que quiconque à Moscou salue aujourd'hui notre prudence bien mal placée. Le régime de Vladimir Poutine nous a rangés depuis longtemps au rang des adversaires et nous le prouve sans relâche. Si nous agissons enfin pour protéger le ciel ukrainien, la Russie saura qu'elle doit compter avec nous, l'Ukraine saura qu'elle peut compter sur nous et le monde verra enfin ce que veut dire la puissance européenne.
Alice Kuhnke
Tack herr talman. Jag fick frågan av en journalist tidigare idag, en polsk journalist, han frågade om vi verkligen har ett problem med Putins inflytande här i Europaparlamentet och bland medlemsländerna. Och efter att ha lyssnat till flera av er idag så är det ju enkelt att konstatera att vi har ett problem. Jag kan också konstatera att det är en skam vad många av er ger uttryck för. Vi har Ukraina att tacka för att Ryssland inte lyckats ta sig längre in i Europa och Ukraina hör hemma i EU.
Så vi måste fortsätta göra allt vi kan, allt i vår makt, använda hela verktygslådan för att se till att de blir, att Ukraina blir en del av vår union så snart som möjligt. Slava Ukraini.
Danilo Della Valle
Grazie Presidente, Commissario. Ditelo chiaramente, avete deciso di mandarci tutti in bancarotta e in guerra perché state trasformando il processo di adesione dell'Ucraina in una cieca corsa verso l'Armageddon bellico per la necessità impellente di fare entrare nell'Unione Europea un paese il cui governo ha elevato a eroi nazionali i collaborazionisti dell'UPA, autori delle stragi in Volinia e Galizia. In questa relazione emerge di fatto come l'Ucraina sia un paese quasi fallito che ha grossi problemi di corruzione, una corruzione che divora i vertici di settori chiave come l'energia e l'industria militare. Pensare in questo momento all'ingresso dell'Ucraina nell'Unione Europea sarebbe una sciagura, soprattutto per il bilancio europeo, un impatto devastante sull'agricoltura e sui fondi in generale. Volete i numeri?
Vi do qualche numero. Per le regioni del sud Italia, ad esempio, secondo un recente studio significherebbe dal 40 al 60% di fondi in meno. Insomma, una condanna a morte per i nostri territori.
Ecco, invece di spingere per allargamenti insostenibili e soffiare sul vento della guerra da utili idioti della NATO, iniziate a occuparvi delle milioni di famiglie e di lavoratori e lavoratrici europei vessati e umiliati dalle vostre fallimentari politiche neoliberiste. Grazie.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Signor De Valle, there's a blue card on your name, Mr. Sieper. Accept?
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Please. Colleague Sieper, wait for the translation. Do you have it? Okay.
Lukas Sieper
Herr Kollege, wissen Sie, wer sich jeden Tag für die einfachen Bürgerinnen und Bürger in Europa einsetzt? Ukrainische Soldaten an der Front. Aber ich habe eine Frage. Sie haben ja gesagt, Sie wollen ein Land aufnehmen, was die OUPA da irgendwie verherrlicht. Haben Sie sich mit den Reaktionen der Europäischen Union und der Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union auf diese Entscheidung der Selenskyj-Regierung wirklich auseinandergesetzt?
Weil dann verstehe ich nicht, wie Sie zu diesem Punkt kommen. Und zweitens, glauben Sie, dass die vielen, vielen Nachrichten über Korruptionsermittlungen nicht ein Erfolg der Antikorruptionsarbeit in der Ukraine sind, statt ein Anzeichen von Misserfolg? Dankeschön.
Danilo Della Valle
Guarda, guardi, le dico molto brevemente. La il problema della corruzione in Ucraina c'è ed è evidente.
E oggi qui alla fine si parla comunque si parla come se niente fosse, anzi si parla di accogliere l'Ucraina. C'è un problema anche sui fondi, c'è un problema sul bilancio, proprio perché è importantissimo, ripeto, impatta tantissimo sulle regioni, ad esempio, del del Sud Italia. Ma io dico una cosa, in quattro anni finora non siamo stati capaci di di di scegliere un inviato un inviato per la pace, ma si continua a a soffiare sul fuoco della guerra, che in realtà non ha portato a nessun nessun effetto. A me sembra piuttosto che a qualcuno piace giocare con i soldatini chiusi nella cameretta. Però il problema vero è che a morire sono i figli del popolo ucraino e non di certo i figli degli oligarchi che stanno in giro per il mondo.
Mi dispiace, ma è finito il tempo. Mister Della Valle, sorry, but the time is up. Sorry, sorry, Mister Ziper, the time is running behind, so we would like to continue with Ivo Stier.
Davor Ivo Stier
Hvala predsjedniče, Ukrajina je danas naša glavna tema ovdje u Strasbourgu, kao što je i glavna tema u Ankari na samitu NATO-a. Jako sam dobro razumio svog prethodnika, on je ponovno išao s tom argumentacijom lažnom da je logika proširenja EU-a, a i NATO-a, ta koja je izazvala sukob, odnosno rusku agresiju. Nije. Bio sam čak i u Bukureštu na tom samitu NATO-a, znam da ključni saveznici nisu htjeli tada primiti Ukrajinu, iako je Ukrajina to željela.
Ne, pravi razlog agresije jedan drugi je i bio i ostao ruski imperijalizam. I stoga, ako ne želimo pobjedu tog imperijalizma, ako ne želimo pobjedu ruskoga svijeta, a mi na jugoistoku Europe ne želimo niti njegove kopije u formi nekog srpskoga svijeta, e ako ne želimo to, onda moramo podržati Ukrajinu i moramo Ukrajini omogućiti jednu europsku perspektivu. Ona se neće odmah ostvariti, potrebne su reforme i u Ukrajini i u Europskoj uniji, ali je ključno da se Ukrajini više ne postavljaju blokade na njezinom europskom putu. Hvala vam.
Hvala lijepa. The next speaker Jean-Marc Germain.
Jean-Marc Germain
Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, souvent l'Europe désespère tant elle est paralysée par des règles qui l'empêchent d'agir. Mais parfois, elle prend des décisions à la hauteur de l'histoire. C'est ce qu'elle vient de faire en décidant d'ouvrir les négociations d'adhésion de l'Ukraine à l'Union européenne. Par cette décision, nous répondons à l'appel européen de toute une nation et ses martyrs, tout autant que nous envoyons un message clair à Poutine. Sa guerre d'agression est vouée à l'échec.
L'Ukraine a besoin de nous, mais l'Europe a aussi besoin de l'Ukraine pour assurer la paix et la stabilité de notre continent, pour renforcer économiquement et militairement notre union face aux nouvelles rivalités géopolitiques, et pour poursuivre le projet européen qui est avant tout un projet de reconstruction et de solidarité entre les peuples. Malgré la guerre, l'Ukraine a fait preuve d'un engagement déterminé dans le processus vers l'adhésion. Bien sûr, nous devrons prendre très au sérieux les inquiétudes des Européens, et à cet égard, le processus d'adhésion devra aussi prévoir toutes les protections et les transitions nécessaires. Mais de l'adhésion de l'Ukraine, l'Europe n'a rien à craindre, elle a tout à espérer. Je vous remercie.
Csaba Dömötör
Úgy kezdték meg a csatlakozási tárgyalásokat Ukrajnával, hogy az alapvető kérdéseket sem tisztáztuk. A választókat meg végképp nem kérdezte meg senki. Először is, makacsul kerülik azt a kérdést, hogy vajon milyen biztonsági kockázatai vannak annak, hogy egy háborúban álló országról van szó. Azt már megszoktuk, hogy a kisebbségi jogok helyzete nem nagyon érdekli senkit itt. De úgy látszik, az sem zavar sokakat, hogy hét éve nem voltak választások, ami persze a háború kóvetkezménye, de akkor is egy jogállamiságot érintő tény.
Azzal, hogy az úgynevezett geopolitikai megközelítést alkalmazzák az érdemalapú megközelítés helyett, valójában azt is mondják, hogy ebben az esetben nem is számítanak azok a jogállamisági feltételek, amelyeket más esetekben számonkérnek. És ami a legfontosabb, nincs érdemi vita a költségvetési következményekről. Mindez úgy, hogy a költségvetési átalakítások azok már elkezdődtek. Csökkentik a kohéziós és az agrártámogatásokat, hogy helyet csináljanak az új alapoknak. És egyáltalán nincs vita arról, hogy ha a bővítés bekövetkezik, akkor melyek lesznek a nettó haszonélvező és a nettó befizető országok, jó pár tagállam átléphet majd az utóbbi körbe.
És hogyha ezek miatt megjelennek a kritikus hangok, akkor mi erre a válasz? Az, hogy megpróbálják ezeket kiiktatni, például úgy, hogy szűkíteni akarják az egyhangúsággal hozott döntések körét. Azt értjük, hogy vaskos üzleti érdekek fűződnek ehhez a bővítéshez, de ez az eljárás minden, csak nem demokratikus. Arra kérem önöket, hogy kérdezzék meg a választóikat is arról, hogy mit gondolnak erről az egészről. Mégiscsak ők állják majd a számlát.
Megmerik tenni? Köszönöm.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Mr. Dömötör, there is a blue card from Mr. Toveri. Will you accept?
Pekka Toveri
Thank you, very interesting views. I wonder what you mean by saying that there's no budgetary discussion about the cost of the war because Hungary has clearly stated that they want to support Ukraine in any possible way. We in Finland, in Denmark, in many other countries have put several percent of our GDP to support Ukraine's fight for existential fight for Europe's security. And you claim that that's a problem. The main payers are the Finnish, Dutch, German taxpayers.
Hungary is not touched about it. So what's the big problem in this case, in this, that EU is supporting Ukraine?
Csaba Dömötör
Azt hiszem, hogy összekever két különböző dolgot. Ön arról beszél, hogy eddig mennyi pénzt költöttek a háborús finanszírozásra. Ez az összeg egyébként az Európai Tanács honlapján ellenőrizhető, nyilvános. Amiről én beszéltem, az az, hogy a bővítés költségeiről nincsen érdemi és részletes vita. Tehát miközben egyfajta hitvallásként azt várják el a többségtől, hogy feltétel nélkül támogasson egy csatlakozási eljárást, egyáltalán nincsen szó ebben a vitában sem ennek a költségvetési vonatkozásairól, hogy mibe kerül a bővítés, és hogyan kell majd átalakítani az uniós programokat, a kohéziós forrásokat vagy éppen az agrártámogatásokat ahhoz, hogy a bővítést lehetővé tegyék.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Raport pana sprawozdawcy, niemieckiego posła Michaela Gahlera, słusznie i stanowczo potępia bestialski charakter agresji Rosji na Ukrainę. Odnotowuję także z satysfakcją, że niemiecki poseł podkreśla, że słuszne są roszczenia reparacyjne Ukrainy wobec Rosji. Ta informacja pada trzy razy w sprawozdaniu. To słuszne i sprawiedliwe, panie pośle. Jednak sprawiedliwość historyczna nie może być selektywna.
Jako autor raportu o polskich stratach wojennych chcę podkreślić, że Polska 80 już lat czeka na reparacje wojenne od Niemiec, panie pośle, za skutki II wojny światowej. To nie kwestia pieniędzy, to kwestia elementarnej sprawiedliwości i uczciwości. Dlatego dziwi mnie też optymizm pana posła co do postępów Ukrainy w zakresie drogi do Unii Europejskiej, skoro prezydent Zełenski honoruje niedawno pamięć zbrodniczych jednostek UPA, które dokonywały czystek etnicznych na Małopolsce Wschodniej.
To kuriozalne działanie, zwłaszcza że Putin wykorzystuje kult banderowców jako pretekst do agresji na Ukrainę. Chcę powiedzieć jasno: Polska nie wyrazi zgody na wejście Ukrainy do Unii Europejskiej z Banderą i z UPA na czele. Dziękuję.
Karin Karlsbro
Alldeles nyss medan den här debatten började så kom ett besked. Ryssland släpps in i den olympiska värmen. IOK ger Putin den propagandaseger han drömt om. Det här, det här är ett hån, inte bara mot Ukraina, det är ett hån mot hela Europa, mot vår demokrati, och låt oss tillsammans fördöma detta felaktiga, fruktansvärda besked. Nu ska jag prata om något helt annat, lyssna noga.
EU hjälper Ukraina att försvara sig, och det är väldigt bra. Men på samma gång så försvårar vi just nu för landet att själva finansiera sitt försvar. Ja, ni hörde rätt.
Och därför så måste vi öppna upp för en frihandel igen. Sen en tid tillbaka så har det gått alldeles för mycket protektionistiska vindar mot Ukraina. Gör om, gör rätt. Låt handeln med Ukraina vara fri. Tack.
Anna Strolenberg
We often talk about how impressive it is that Ukraine defends itself against Russian aggression, and rightly so. But what is also impressive is Anastasia. She's a Ukrainian woman who built a life for herself in the EU. She's a real powerhouse. She even started a foundation that connects Ukrainian women from all over Europe, from Bulgaria to the Netherlands.
They exchange on how it is to build a life in the EU and how to contribute to society. And they don't passively sit around. They have jobs, they learned languages, they pay taxes, they have seen their children grow up in the EU. And they made sure that they can proudly call these new places their homes. But they face one big issue: uncertainty.
Upcoming March, the temporary protection status of these people will end, and it is unclear what's gonna happen next.
They deserve certainty. Granting them a form of long-term residence will give them that certainty. So I ask you, let's do everything we can for a victory in Ukraine, but let's also look after the Ukrainians living in the EU, because all of them, hopefully, will soon be part of our EU family. Thank you.
Mirosława Nykiel
Dziękuję bardzo, panie przewodniczący, panie komisarzu. Polska uznała niepodległość Ukrainy jako pierwsze państwo na świecie 2 grudnia 1991 roku. Zrobiliśmy to, bo wiedzieliśmy, że nie ma bezpiecznej Polski i Europy bez wolnej Ukrainy. Ale nie ma też wolnej Ukrainy bez wsparcia Polski i całej Unii. Dlatego mówimy jasno: tak dla członkostwa Ukrainy w Unii Europejskiej.
Jednak ten proces musi opierać się na wzajemnym szacunku, demokratycznych zasadach i prawdzie historycznej, podkreślam, prawdzie historycznej. Bez prawdy nie będzie pojednania, bez pojednania nie będzie trwałej współpracy.
Drodzy Ukraińcy, do Unii Europejskiej nie ma drogi na skróty. Przechodziliśmy tę drogę wcześniej i mówimy wam to z całą odpowiedzialnością, jaką rolę powinni odgrywać odpowiedzialni politycy. A ci, którzy próbują nam wmówić, że bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy jest sprzeczne z bezpieczeństwem Polski, powielają narrację rodem z Kremla. Ten, kto tego nie rozumie, jest ignorantem albo głupcem. Jedno i drugie pcha nas wprost w ogień Putina.
Dziękuję.
André Franqueira Rodrigues
Obrigado, senhor Presidente. Estive há poucos dias em Kiev. Vi um país em guerra que não para. O Parlamento reúne, as instituições reformam-se, a sociedade civil fiscaliza. Mas trago um alerta.
Cuidado com a gestão de expectativas. Prometer datas que não cumprimos mina a confiança. E é essa confiança que precisamos de reforçar: a dos ucranianos em nós e a dos cidadãos europeus neste processo. Ora, esta confiança constrói-se com equilíbrio: exigência nas reformas, Estado de direito, combate à corrupção, independência judicial e apoio inequívoco, sem hesitações, sem meias palavras. Exigir sem apoiar é abandono.
Apoiar sem exigir é ilusão. A credibilidade da União está neste equilíbrio. A Ucrânia resiste e com ela temos que transformar palavras em ações, ações em reformas, reformas em adesão. Muito obrigado.
Tomasz Buczek
W czasie II wojny światowej na Wołyniu i w Małopolsce Wschodniej bandy UPA dokonały jednego z najbardziej okrutnych ludobójstw w historii Europy. Niewinni Polacy, cywile, w tym starcy, kobiety i dzieci, byli mordowani w sposób przekraczający ludzką wyobraźnię. Palono ich żywcem w zamkniętych stodołach i kościołach. Przecinano ich żywcem piłami. Ciężarnym matkom rozcinano brzuchy, wyrywając dzieci, a w ich miejsce zaszywano koty, aby kobiety konały w niewyobrażalnym cierpieniu.
Małe dzieci przybijano nożami i gwoździami do drzwi domów. Ofiarom wyłupywano oczy, skalpowano głowy i rozrywano ciała siekierami oraz widłami. Całe polskie wsie, rodziny były mordowane przez ukraińskich sąsiadów. Rabowane i palone były ich domostwa.
To było bestialskie, to była bestialska czystka etniczna. Ze zwierzęcą brutalnością Ukraińcy, którzy w tamtym czasie byli sojusznikami Hitlera, wymordowali ponad sto tysięcy Polaków. Do dziś państwo ukraińskie nie pozwala ich pochować. A dzisiaj prezydent Zełenski honoruje oddziały armii ukraińskiej, nadając im imię bohaterów UPA. A przecież to zwykli barbarzyńcy.
Ta skandaliczna prowokacja nie może przejść bez potępiającego głosu płynącego z Parlamentu Europejskiego. Precz z kultem morderców. Z Banderą, Szuchewyczem i UPA, z kultem ludobójstwa i czystek etnicznych Ukraina nigdy nie będzie częścią cywilizowanej Europy.
Grazie colleghi, ben ritrovati. Vi chiedo di rispettare i tempi perché siamo già in ritardo e, come sapete, con le nuove regole è necessario rispettare rigorosamente i tempi. Onorevole Kobosko, prego. Ah, Veryga, chiedo scusa.
Aurelijus Veryga
Dėkoju, gerbiami kolegos. Šiandien Europos Sąjungos plėtra nėra tik bendros ekonominės ir politinės erdvės plėtra. Tai taip pat ir kova dėl to, į kieno įtakos sferą pasibaigus narystės procesui pateks ar nepateks kandidatės šalys. Kariaujanti Ukraina vykdo reformas, kurias kitos kandidatės turėjo prabangą vykdyti taikos sąlygomis.
Skaitant ataskaitą kartais susidaro įspūdis, kad Ukraina yra stumiama siekti tikslų, dėl kurių pradeda abejoti pati Europos Sąjunga. Sutikite, kad kariaujančioje valstybėje, kurioje agresorius kasdien bombarduoja strateginius objektus ir žudo civilius, labai sunku kalbėti apie žaliąją darbotvarkę ir klimato kaitos mažinimą. Todėl reikia blaivaus situacijos vertinimo. Valstybė, kuri priešinasi agresorei Rusijai ir sugeba priversti jos piliečius pajusti jų pačių šalies sukelto karo kainą, kartu daro didžiulį progresą siekdama narystės Europos Sąjungoje. Stebint pastarųjų savaičių ir mėnesių politinius procesus, norisi palinkėti mums visiems šalto proto ir politinio įžvalgumo, kad principingumas netaptų dovana Europos priešams.
Ačiū.
Michał Kobosko
Pani przewodnicząca, pani komisarz. Trudne, najboleśniejsze kwestie historyczne, takie jak zbrodnia UPA dokonana na polskich cywilach, istnieją i nie wolno ich ignorować. Bez ich przepracowania nie pójdziemy nigdzie dalej. Odpowiedzialność za wzrost napięcia leży po obu stronach, zarówno w działaniach prezydenta Zełenskiego, który podsycił narrację nacjonalistyczną, jak i w działaniach prezydenta Nawrockiego.
Położono na szali wielki dorobek zaufania zbudowanego między naszymi narodami, w tym ogromny polski wkład w pomoc Ukrainie. Z ubolewaniem obserwuję, że w chwili historycznej szansy, jaką jest przyszła akcesja Ukrainy do Unii Europejskiej, coraz więcej uwagi poświęcamy podziałom. Przez to nie skupiamy się na największym zagrożeniu, jakim jest Rosja, oraz na pozytywach, jakie może przynieść rozszerzenie wspólnoty. Wraz z kolegami od dwóch miesięcy pracowaliśmy nad poprawkami do niniejszego raportu, które dotyczyły rozwoju inwestycji w drogi, koleje, energetykę, także w państwach granicznych, takich jak Polska. Potrzebujemy dziś przede wszystkim odpowiedzialności i wyciszenia emocji.
Polska i Ukraina mają wspólny interes: bezpieczeństwo, stabilność i rozwój Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. To jest realna europejska perspektywa. Razem wygramy albo razem przegramy wszystko.
Onorevole, abbiamo la richiesta di due blue card, ma non possiamo accettarle perché non abbiamo tempo, quindi non saranno più accettate blue card nel corso di questo dibattito. Onorevole Haltola, prego.
Puheenjohtaja, arvoisa komissaari, kello käy. Venäjä ei siirrä yhtä nappulaa kerrallaan, se katsoo koko lautaa, ja juuri nyt se näkee aukon. Amerikan tuki ohenee, oma yhteinen puolustuksemme on vasta raakile. Siihen rakoon Venäjä työntää parhaillaan kätensä ja testaa valmiuttamme.
Mika Aaltola
Meillä on yksi liittolainen, joka voi ratkaista pelin: Ukraina. Se ei pyydä turvaa, se antaa sitä. Ukraina osaa jo sen, mitä me vasta tapaamme, ja se on maksanut oppinsa verellä. Sillä on tietoa, taitoa ja rohkeutta. Emme saa jättää sitä lojumaan.
Siksi Saksan liittokanslerin esitys liitännäisjäsenyydestä on oikea siirto oikealla hetkellä. Se ei ole kevennetty jäsenyys vaan välivaihe. Se sitoo Ukrainan tiiviimmin osaksi puolustustamme juuri silloin, kun me tarvitsemme sitä eniten. Passiivisuus on siirto, jonka annamme vastustajalle, ja Venäjä lukee jokaisen empimisen heikkoutena.
Grazie onorevole Gori, prego.
Giorgio Gori
Presidente, colleghi, la Russia non sta vincendo la guerra in Ucraina, anzi. Forte della sua resilienza morale, Kiev ha saputo trasformare la sua inferiorità in strutturale capacità di innovazione. Per la Russia doveva essere una dimostrazione di potenza, è invece una carneficina da cui deriva l'erosione del prestigio su cui poggia il potere di Putin.
È anche il fallimento di chi ha continuato a dare l'Ucraina per spacciata, ha contrastato l'invio di aiuti militari e propugnato una pseudo pace equivalente ad una sottomissione. La Russia non sta vincendo, ma questa non è una ragione per allentare il sostegno europeo. L'incapacità di ottenere una vittoria sul campo porta Mosca a intensificare i bombardamenti sulle città ucraine e le azioni ibride contro i paesi dell'Unione e della NATO. La vera posta in palio del vertice di Ankara è dunque la tenuta dell'alleanza e della sua capacità di deterrenza, il sostegno strutturale all'Ucraina e il consolidamento di un pilastro europeo della difesa. Sono obiettivi anche nostri che dobbiamo sostenere con grande determinazione.
Grazie, onorevole Zajączkowska-Hernik, prego.
Ewa Zajączkowska-Hernik
Ponad 360 sposobów mordowania ludności cywilnej: piłowanie ludzi żywcem, rozpruwanie brzuchów ciężarnych kobiet, nadziewanie dzieci na widły. Tak UPA mordowała Polaków, Żydów, Czechów, Ormian i samych Ukraińców. A dziś Zełenski nadaje jednostce wojskowej imię bohaterów UPA, buduje państwowy panteon i ogłasza, że Ukraina sama będzie sobie wybierać bohaterów.
Szkoda, że wybiera ich spośród nazistów. Gdyby Niemcy nazwali jednostkę bohaterami SS i stawiali pomniki Hitlerowi, Himmlerowi, Goebbelsowi czy Eichmannowi, czy zaprosilibyście ich do Unii? Nie, nazwalibyście ich neonazistami i słusznie. Nie ma moralnej różnicy między czczeniem SS a czczeniem UPA. Ten sam kult siły, ta sama nienawiść etniczna.
Raport o Ukrainie milczy na ten temat. To cisza, która morduje pamięć ofiar ludobójstwa na Wołyniu i Kresach Wschodnich po raz drugi. Marsz Ukrainy do Europy z ludobójcami na sztandarach to hańba. Jako Polacy nigdy nie powinniśmy zgodzić się na wejście Ukrainy do Europy. Precz z banderowskim nazizmem.
Dziękuję.
Thank you. Dżosjeska, prego, onorevole Dżosjeska. Dżosjeska, chiedo scusa.
Małgorzata Gosiewska
Rosyjskich zbrodni wojennych na Ukrainie. Pytam jednak, co ze zbrodniami ukraińskich nacjonalistów z okresu II wojny światowej? Co z dziećmi, kobietami, starcami wymordowanymi tylko dlatego, że byli Polakami? Wrzuconymi do bezimiennych dołów bez krzyża, nazwiska, szacunku.
Ludobójstwo dokonane przez OUN i UPA w imię nacjonalistycznej ideologii wzorowanej na niemieckim nazizmie. Ponad 100 tysięcy Polaków, ale także Żydów, Czechów, Białorusinów i szanowni państwo Ukraińców ratujących swoich sąsiadów, tacy byli. Symbolami tych zbrodni są Bandera i Szuchewycz, bohaterowie Zełenskiego, a faktycznie bestie odpowiedzialne za te zbrodnie. Dziś Ukraina głosi, że to formacje walczące z Sowietami. Fakty są jednak bardziej złożone.
W latach 1944-53 z rąk ukraińskiego podziemia życie straciło około 3 tysięcy żołnierzy i funkcjonariuszy sowieckich. Szanowni państwo, 8 tysięcy, 8 tysięcy Sowietów, a z drugiej strony ponad 100 tysięcy Polaków. Tak więc szanowni państwo, tak dla pomocy Ukrainie, ale zdecydowanie nie dla członkostwa Ukrainy w Unii Europejskiej bez uznania prawdy historycznej i z Banderą na sztandarach.
Lukas Sieper
Liebe Menschen Europas, ich war letzte Woche in einem ausgebombten Haus in Kiew und da musste ich an einen Song denken. Und der geht so: Meine Freunde sind Iraner, meine Freunde sind aus Gaza, meine Freunde sind Ukrainer, Russen und Amerikaner. Meine Freunde sagen Politik macht diese Welt kaputt. Meine Freunde empfinden die Gier nach Macht nur als Schmutz.
Ihre Feinde sind die Trumps, Netanyahus und Khameneis. Ihre Feinde sind die Hamas, Putins alle mit Raketen. Ihre Feinde haben mit normalen Menschen nichts zu tun, säen auf die Erde Hass und vergießen darauf Blut. Meine Freunde schreien Free Palestine and Free Iran. Meine Freunde hassen Krieg, doch sie sind nicht radikal.
Ihre Feinde sind nicht Juden und Muslime oder Christen. Ihre Feinde sind Diktatoren und Faschisten, die uns aufeinander hetzen. Guck, wir drehen uns im Kreis. Wie oft in der Geschichte zahlten wir denselben Preis? Ich habe es leid, denn ein Mensch hat Emotionen, doch wozu sie fähig sind, macht sie eher zu Dämonen.
Dankeschön, Slava Ukraini.
Grazie, onorevole Tonin.
Matej Tonin
Ukraine is not only writing its history today, it's writing our shared European future. Ukraine has already reached 84% implementation of the Association Agreement. Yet some still play games with vetoes instead of building common Europe. EU enlargement is not a charity, it is a strategic necessity.
A bigger Europe is a stronger Europe, but the process is not just one way. We, the existing member states, must also keep our words. We cannot demand everything from Ukraine while hiding behind vetoes and excuses ourselves. Promises we do not keep destroy our credibility. The time has come for courage, the time has come for determination, the time has come to say it clearly: Ukraine belongs to the EU.
Grazie onorevole Fritzon, prego.
Heléne Fritzon
Fru talman, ja, Rysslands brutala krig mot Ukraina kräver vårt fortsatta och solidariska stöd, men samtidigt måste vi göra mer för att försvaga Putins krigsmaskin. EU:s länder måste sluta köpa den ryska gasen och EU måste också sätta stopp för den ryska skuggflottan som kringgår sanktionerna och den är ett hot mot både säkerheten och miljön i våra hav. Och vi får aldrig, aldrig glömma krigets mest oskyldiga offer, barnen.
Tiotusentals ukrainska barn har tvångsdeporterats från sina hem och vi kräver att Ryssland omedelbart och säkert återför alla kidnappade barn till sina hem. Slutligen, Ukraina visar en imponerande framtidstro. Trots kriget pågår ett målmedvetet arbete för en grön återuppbyggnad och en uppbyggnad av förnybar energi. Där ska EU vara, där ska vi stödja dem och välkomna dem i den europeiska gemenskapen. Slava Ukraini.
Anna Zalewska
Sto tysięcy pomordowanych Polek i Polaków to nie jest kwestia polsko-ukraińska, w dodatku historyczna. Uhonorowanie morderców Polaków nie jest konfliktem polsko-ukraińskim. To prowokacja. Prowokacja nie tylko wycelowana w Polskę, która przecież zawsze była orędownikiem i wsparciem dla Ukrainy, ale prowokacja w stronę wartości europejskich. Bo to wartości europejskie zapisane w traktatach.
Nikt na takich wartościach nie może budować relacji z Unią Europejską. To tak jakbyśmy Niemcom pozwolili na to, by gloryfikowali z powrotem Hitlera i jego zbrodniarzy. Chcemy zakończenia wojny, bo przecież to warunek podstawowy do tego, żeby wejść do Unii Europejskiej.
Chcemy uregulowania granic, bo to kolejny warunek, żeby przystąpić do Unii Europejskiej. Wreszcie chcemy realnych negocjacji. A co proponujemy? Powiedzcie to Europie. Punkt 102.
Otwieracie granice i wolny handel. Mówicie o tym, że CBAM, czyli podatek graniczny, przestał być ważny. Wyrzućcie go do kosza, bo produkty z całego świata przez Ukrainę dotrą do Europy bez żadnych obostrzeń.
Grazie. Thank you. Thanks. Onorevole Terlak.
Ingeborg Ter Laak
Voorzitter. Het is makkelijk om Oekraïne een toekomst in Europa te beloven. De vraag is: hoe gaan we samen met Oekraïne die belofte ook waarmaken? Oekraïne is een land in oorlog. Juist daarom vraagt het toetredingsproces om urgentie.
Wij hebben Oekraïne nodig voor onze veiligheid. Tegelijkertijd moet het toetredingsproces zorgvuldig om de stabiliteit van Europa te waarborgen. Oekraïne is geen doorsnee kandidaat-lidstaat. Het beschikt over een landbouwgebied groter dan dat van Frankrijk. Kansrijk voor onze toekomstige bio-economie van Europa.
Tegelijkertijd ligt het bruto binnenlands product per inwoner ver onder het Europees gemiddelde. Toetreding van Oekraïne betekent een modernisering van Europa. Anders blijven onze beloften precies dat, beloften maar zonder inhoud. Dank u wel.
Grazie onorevole Magidlis.
Liudas Mažylis
Dėkoju pirmininke, komisare, kolegos. Tebevykstant precedento neturinčiam karo spaudimui, Ukraina sėkmingai stiprina demokratines institucijas, vykdo teismų reformas, siekia kovoti su korupcija ir įrodo, kad geba atsakingai įsisavinti kiekvieną paramos eurą. Tuo tarpu Europos Sąjunga privalo, jau privalėjo, atverti likusius derybų klasterius, toliau teikti finansinę paramą ir dar griežtinti sankcijas Rusijai, įskaitant kovą su sankcijų apėjimu. Šiandien ukrainiečiai vėl atakavo kelis sankcionuotus šešėlinius rusų tanklaivius, bet iki sisteminio užkardymo vis dar toli. Rusijos šešėlinis laivynas vis dar perveža du trečdalius Rusijos naftos eksporto.
Privalome didinti spaudimą, užtikrindami nuolatinį sistemingą Rusijos ekonomikos, jų bankinės sistemos ardymą, iššaldyto turto konfiskavimą, kad rusai pagaliau nutrauktų agresiją. Dėkoju.
Grazie, onorevole Kelly.
Seán Kelly
Is maith liom an seans a fháil labhairt anseo inniu libh. And therefore our support for Ukraine must continue to be unconditional and unwavering. This support must remain unconditional even where this brings economic or political challenges for all of us. Ukraine is defending all of Europe and we must take every single measure possible to choke the Russian economy and ensure nothing we do in the EU enhances its ability to maintain this war. I support the strongest possible sanctions against Russia and we must build on this in the 14th package and also on our energy independence.
Yesterday we saw more deadly missile and drone attacks in Kyiv, another stark reminder of the horrors that Ukrainian people must live with. On Ukraine's accession, reforms are needed, enlargement is and must remain merit-based, but we should applaud Ukraine for the work it is doing to make reform after reform whilst under constant bombardment from Russia.
As regards peace, I will quote for you what Warren Buffett senior said: "You can't do good business with a bad person." Go mairfidh bua don chogadh agus go mbeidh scaoileadh cogaidh agus síocháin buan. Go raibh maith agat, a Uachtaráin.
Jan Farský
12 years ago Putin attacked Ukraine. He wanted to stop Ukraine from joining the EU. Since then, hundreds of thousands of people have died, millions of lives are broken. But Putin has not defeated Ukraine. He has made it stronger.
With EU and US support, Ukraine is not just resisting. It is growing stronger in security, in industry, in technology. Since the war began, the EU has given Ukraine over 200 billion euros. Ukraine needs this money to defend itself. But the EU needs Ukraine too, to keep Europe safe.
If we are not safe, money means nothing. The question is not who needs whom more.
We need each other, and Ukraine should join the EU as soon as possible.
Grazie, onorevole Teodorescu Mave.
Alice Teodorescu Måwe
Tack talman. Ukraina har bevisat att det går att slå mot Rysslands hjärta. Genom precisionsattacker mot raffinaderier, militärbaser och annan strategisk infrastruktur så höjs kostnaden för Putins krig. Europa har en skyldighet att ge Ukraina fler av de långdistansrobotar och vapensystem som gör skillnad. Vår plikt är inte bara att hjälpa Ukraina att överleva, utan att göra Ryssland för svagt för att kunna fortsätta sitt anfallskrig.
Gripensamarbetet mellan Sverige och Ukraina visar att enskilda länder kan gå före. Nu måste politiska begränsningar av attacker mot legitima militära mål i Ryssland avskaffas. Och samtidigt så måste vi övergå från att skicka materiel till att bygga en gemensam försvarsindustri med Ukraina och att göra ukrainska företag till en självklar del av Europas försvarsmarknad. Ledarskap handlar inte om att inte visa vägen när andra tvekar. Det handlar om att agera kraftfullare för att säkra freden i Europa.
Pina Picierno
Grazie colleghi, passiamo ora al catch-the-eye. Ah, chiedo scusa, c'è l'ultimo intervento, onorevole Szczerba, prego, chiedo scusa.
Michał Szczerba
Wysoka Izbo, przyjmujemy bardzo ważny raport dotyczący relacji Unia Europejska-Ukraina. Oceniamy kandydata. Rozpoczął się formalnie proces negocjacji akcesyjnych z Ukrainą. Został po długim okresie odblokowany. Ta decyzja była jednością i również ma pełne nasze wsparcie.
Ale Unia, Wysoka Izbo, to nie tylko wspólny rynek, to nie tylko Schengen, to nie tylko budżet, to przede wszystkim wartości. I musi to wybrzmieć wprost. Rozmawiając o wspólnej przyszłości, jedna sprawa pozostała niezałatwiona. Unię Europejską tworzą państwa i społeczeństwa, które potrafiły przezwyciężyć demony przeszłości i stanąć w prawdzie wobec zła. I zawsze fundamentem do pojednania i współpracy była prawda.
Ukraina i jej elity muszą tę sprawę rozwiązać. To nie jest sprawa między Polską a Ukrainą. Tu chodzi o europejskie wartości. Nie ma zgody na odwoływanie się do osób i formacji odpowiedzialnych za zbrodnie ludobójstwa. Ta sprawa musi wybrzmieć również w tym raporcie.
Grazie, passiamo ora al Catch-the-eye. Hanno fatto richiesta di intervento diversi colleghi. Iniziamo con l'onorevole López Aguilar, prego.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Gracias, presidenta, comisaria Kyriakides. Este debate intenso y prolongado sobre Ucrania pone de manifiesto dos evidencias que necesitan ser expresadas. La primera es que la conexión entre el apoyo a la defensa de Ucrania frente a la agresión de Rusia y las negociaciones de la futura adhesión es tan estrecho, la conexión es tan estrecha que no podrá resolverse si la Unión Europea no madura lo bastante y crece lo bastante para ser sentada en la mesa de la negociación que decida el futuro de Ucrania y establezca una paz digna y honorable para este país vecino que aspira a la adhesión.
Pero la segunda es que esa adhesión no basta sencillamente con resolverla con una cuestión de examen de sus méritos individuales en Estado de derecho y lucha contra la corrupción, sino que hará falta más pronto que tarde traer también al debate las reformas institucionales que permitan crear el espacio para acomodar a todos los candidatos a la adhesión y particularmente a un país tan enorme, con una agricultura tan significativa y con problemas de Estado de derecho y lucha contra la corrupción tan importantes como los que presenta Ucrania. Gracias, presidenta.
Piotr Müller
Szanowni państwo, oczywistym jest, że Rosja jest ogromnym zagrożeniem dla Europy, również dla Ukrainy, co widzimy w działaniach wojennych, które prowadzi ten kraj przeciwko Ukrainie. Natomiast musimy też zdawać sobie z tego sprawę, gdy dyskutujemy dzisiaj tutaj o raporcie w sprawie Ukrainy, że wszelkie ruchy ze strony Ukrainy w kierunku europejskim muszą być poprzedzone prawdą. I jestem niestety zszokowany tą decyzją, którą podjął prezydent Zełenski, decydując się na taki krok, który poczynił, to znaczy nazwanie jednej z jednostek ukraińskich imieniem UPA, czyli zbrodniarzy wojennych, którzy wymordowali ponad sto tysięcy Polaków w czasie drugiej wojny światowej. Bez jasnej deklaracji Parlamentu Europejskiego, że było to ludobójstwo, bez jasnej deklaracji Parlamentu Europejskiego, że nie ma zgody na czczenie takich osób jak Bandera, nie możemy mówić w przyszłości o integracji europejskiej głębszej z Ukrainą.
Musi to dzisiaj wybrzmieć i dlatego apeluję do moich kolegów ze wszystkich frakcji politycznych, również do kolegów z Polski, aby poparli poprawki, które zgłosiła grupa EKR.
Onorevole Zalimas.
Dainius Žalimas
Dear colleagues, I'd like to address the deplorable tensions between Poland and Ukraine over historical memory, and it echoes today as well. We must not fall into this trap. I would recall the example set by Lithuania and Poland in their treaty on friendly relations and good neighborly cooperation. The treaty openly acknowledged that our two nations could hold different interpretations of their shared history. Yet it also affirmed that awareness of both the good and bad chapters of our past should strengthen mutual understanding.
More than 30 years later, this formula continues to guide relationship between Lithuania and Poland. I also believe it offers the approach we need today: the courage to accept that history may be interpreted differently while choosing reconciliation over resentment. We must not allow Russia to divide us. Thank you.
Reinier Van Lanschot
Yes, thank you, colleagues. Dear Commissioner. The EU is a unique geopolitical force, the only one that doesn't grow through conquest. We grow because countries freely decide to join. Ukraine chooses the EU for its promise of democracy, freedom, and dignity.
Grazie, onorevole Van Lanschot.
Reinier Van Lanschot
But sometimes this can create a wrong perception. Just because countries aspire to join our Union doesn't mean that we are the only side with something to offer. Ukraine does not come to the EU empty-handed. On the contrary, since the start of the war, the script has flipped. Ukraine has shown us extraordinary innovation, courage, and above all, resilience.
Right now, Ukraine has the strongest army in Europe and is the world leader on drone technology. Guess who we ask for help when drones are flying over Europe? Especially with Ukraine, people mistake a decision of geopolitical survival for charity work. So let's make it clear: both Ukraine and the EU are stronger together. Thank you.
Alvise Pérez
Hello, sorry, ellos me acaban de decir que tenía que hacerse al final de la sesión, no ahora, en ampliación de voto, o sea que no, gracias.
Lazarus, okay, please.
Luis-Vicențiu Lazarus
Mulțumesc doamna președinte, dragi colegi, eu știam că atunci când o țară aderă la Uniunea Europeană trebuie să îndeplinească niște criterii și să ne gândim logic fără niciun fel de probleme colaterale. Îndeplinește Ucraina aceste criterii? De pildă, Ucraina respectă drepturile minorităților? Am auzit aici de la toți colegii că nu. Vă pot spune și eu despre minoritatea românească, ce este a doua minoritate din Ucraina după minoritatea rusă, că a pățit tot felul de nenorociri și că preoții noștri au fost acolo bătuți, arestați și acuzați de toate prostiile din lume, nu este niciunul astăzi condamnat pentru nimic pentru că nu era nimic adevărat.
Respectă Ucraina libertatea de exprimare?
Era un coleg aici care spunea că nu este adevărat că ar fi închis Zelenski niște televiziuni în 2021. Vă spun eu că le-a închis și se numesc ZIK, NewsOne și 112. Erau televiziunile opoziției de la acea vreme, care opoziție mai avea puțin și ajungea pe primul loc. Sigur că da, putem să spunem orice dorim, dar Ucraina nu este pregătită.
Honorable Andrius Kubilius, please.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Thank you, Madam President, dear Commissioner, colleagues. European Union proposed clear possible timelines in Ukraine's accession to the EU. I can tell you, in June 2026, opening of all six chapters clusters. Until the end of 2026, substantial progress in all negotiating chapters. Beginning of 2027, start of closing all chapters.
And where we are now? Only one cluster was opened. It's shame on Council. And members, today we see certain member states in the Council which find new reasons to stop Ukraine's accession. Council must stop to do this.
It is a rotating veto dressed up as national interest defense. It is our promise to press Council to fulfill obligations and to follow timelines.
Grazie, grazie a tutti i colleghi e concluso così il Catch-the-eye, diamo la parola appunto al relatore Gahler per una replica.
Michael Gahler
Grazie, Presidenta. Colleagues, I thank you for all the contributions. I think the message to Ukrainians is clear. The commitment for your country stands firm from a large majority in this House. And that is also because Ukraine has already achieved so much on the reform path.
There is no comparison to 2014. I regret that the focus of the debate was partly diverted from the accession-related issues to the designation of a Ukrainian special forces unit as heroes of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. Let me be clear. I think this was a wrong move, a political mistake, as it hurts the feelings of Polish citizens and the descendants of other victims. And the fact that these UPA groups were fighting also against Stalin and in favor of Ukrainian statehood can by no means balance, neutralize, or even justify the atrocities that have been committed.
No person, no organization can be selectively judged for what they have done. But what is more important than assessing the tragic past is the shared will to address the common future. In this regard, I welcome the statement from Prime Minister Tusk from the outset and also later during the Ukraine Recovery Conference in Gdańsk and on other occasions, and the meeting of the Foreign Ministers Sikorski and Sybiha showing the will to resolve the existing tensions. Steps in this regard had already been taken earlier. And I call on all concerned to refrain from further verbal or political escalation.
Such verbal radicalism from the extreme right only makes Putin happy and serves no constructive purpose. We cannot change the past, but we have to assess it in full, especially each nation's painful periods, and promise ourselves for the future: never again. It is good to leave the historical assessment to historians, perhaps not only from the two countries concerned, but add experts from third countries who are sometimes more independent in their findings. Coming from the country that inflicted the most atrocities on other nations in the 20th century, I am grateful that the European Union's purpose and legacy is that those who are inside will never again inflict such horror on each other.
So it is good to be all together for a better future and stand together against our real enemies, which are not inside but outside. Thank you.
Pina Picierno
Bene. La discussione è chiusa. La votazione si svolgerà nella giornata di domani. Dunque, conformemente all'articolo 251, paragrafo 4 del regolamento, informo l'aula che non è pervenuta richiesta di mettere ai voti le rettifiche annunciate in plenaria lunedì 18 luglio, per cui le rettifiche si considerano approvate e saranno pubblicate sulla pagina web della plenaria. E ora il nostro ordine del giorno reca la relazione dell'onorevole Mixser, relazione 2025 della Commissione sulla Moldova.
Ricordo agli oratori che siamo in un regime, appunto, di prova in vigore e quindi la conclusione dell'orario è stabilita e per questo è necessario rispettare rigorosamente il tempo di parola. Ha facoltà di intervenire l'onorevole Mixser. Prego.
Commissioner Cos, dear colleagues, as tonight's debate precedes the vote on this year's EP report on Moldova, I'd like to stress that while a few of Moldova's fellow travelers among the EU candidate countries may have started the journey earlier and covered more ground by today, Moldova's progress over the past year has definitely been among the most impressive.
Sven Mikser
Moldova's government has set for itself an ambitious timeline. In order for it to be met, the pace of reforms must not only be maintained, but further increased in many areas. And the reform effort must continue through all domestic political hiccups. We on behalf of the EU must also live up to our end of the bargain. I welcome the start of formal accession negotiations, the opening of cluster one, and I urge the Council to take merit-based approach seriously and open next negotiation clusters without any unnecessary delay.
Colleagues, when assessing Moldova's progress, it is particularly remarkable given the extraordinary geopolitical pressure the country is experiencing. During the parliamentary elections last year, we saw how this pressure manifests itself. The Russians orchestrated an unprecedented campaign of information manipulation and interference in order to destabilize Moldova and derail its European path. Russia weaponized significant resources, spending an estimated equivalent of 2% of Moldova's GDP on illicit financing, disinformation, and other malicious operations. I do believe that EU assistance and advice played an important role in beating back those hideous designs.
Furthermore, we cannot discuss Moldova's current situation without recognizing how profoundly the country has been affected by the ongoing Russian war of aggression against Ukraine. Moldova has been hit by the security, economic, and social fallout of the war. Russian attacks on Ukrainian energy infrastructure have had a direct impact on Moldova, threatening energy stability and water security and triggering environmental emergency. It is of utmost importance that the EU and its member states provide necessary financial resources, technical assistance, and specialized equipment to support Moldova. We must accelerate investments in critical energy infrastructure, such as the recently completed Vulcănești-Chișinău high-voltage power line, in order to eliminate Moldova's reliance on Russian energy sources and reduce vulnerabilities.
Obviously, besides helping to defend the country against external adversaries, Moldova's European integration must deliver concrete, tangible benefits to its citizens. Institutional reforms are at the core of this process. Moldova has made significant strides in reforming its justice sector and fighting corruption, though I must emphasize that these efforts demand a sustained, depoliticized commitment to completely dismantle entrenched oligarchic structures and interests. Economically, Moldova is deepening its integration into the EU single market.
The recent review of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area terms, alongside Moldova's successful inclusion in the Single Euro Payments Area and the EU's Roam-like-at-home initiative, are good examples of how our partnership improves livelihoods and stimulates growth. To sustain the momentum and help Moldova meet its target of concluding negotiations by 2028, robust and predictable financial backing by the EU is indispensable. We welcome the timely disbursement of 270 million euro in pre-financing under the Reform and Growth Facility, as well as the additional 207.9 million delivered following the successful achievement of key reform milestones. As we provide this support, we must also continue to champion the vital role of civil society and independent media, ensuring they have the tools and protections to hold institutions accountable. We also reiterate our firm commitment to a peaceful, comprehensive resolution of the Transnistria situation, a solution that will have to be based on Moldova's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
In conclusion, Moldova's goals are ambitious, and its European path is not without challenges, but the Moldovan citizens have repeatedly proven their dedication to our European values.
Let us stand firmly by their side, providing the guidance and solidarity needed for a secure, vibrant European future for Moldova and indeed for our own continent. Thank you.
Pina Picierno
Grazie. Ha facoltà di intervenire ora a nome della Commissione la Commissaria Cos. Prego.
Marta Kos
Madam President, honorable members, thank you, dear rapporteur Sven Mikser, for your report on Moldova and on your work for and in Moldova. You have painted the picture of a nation transforming itself as it advances on its European path. Moldova delivering on reforms is seen all over Europe. Over the past years, we have seen a nation that stood up against foreign interference and hybrid attacks and made its choice for Europe and their path towards membership of our Union. This sovereign choice deserves our full support.
We have seen a country that is moving against corruption and organized crime, putting people in jail that once seemed untouchable. Moldova has also delivering on enlargement reforms at record speed. In the 2025 enlargement report, the Commission assessed that Moldova made progress across all negotiating chapters. This includes important advances on the fundamentals, energy alignment, and digital transformation. Since then, Moldova has continued moving forward.
We have also seen impressive numbers in the implementation of the growth plan reforms. With 93%, Moldova is ahead of all other EU candidates that have growth plans. These reforms build trust.
Moldova's European future is an investment in the security and stability of our continent as a whole. I was in Chișinău last month, discussed the next steps on the accession process. And once again, I could see strong determination to deliver reforms despite the immense pressures they continue to face. In line with our recommendations, it has implemented key reforms supported by the guidance provided by member states during the front-loading exercise in December 25 and March 26. Therefore, I share your opinion, we should call on the Council to open all the clusters as soon as possible.
I hope that we will reach this goal. At the same time, Moldova should continue delivering reforms, particularly on justice, the fight against corruption, and economic governance. These reforms are essential to meet the interim benchmarks needed to start closing chapters. As you have stressed, Moldova has joined the Single Euro Payments Area in October last year and also being part of Roam Like at Home. At the same time, we are also advancing together on energy integration, trade liberalization, and connectivity.
Much has been achieved, but the work is not finished.
I count on your continued support in accompanying Moldova on its European path. Supporting Moldova is an investment in a stronger, safer and more united Europe. Thank you.
Grazie, onorevole Alizki, prego.
Andrzej Halicki
Madam President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues. First of all, I would like to thank Sven Mikser and our colleagues for excellent and very smooth cooperation. It's a real pleasure to work as a team. And I would like to confirm in the name of EPP Group the four amendments tabled by the rapporteur we support. For the report, I have, because of the report, I have three messages to our Moldovan friends.
First of all, the EU should open negotiation clusters with Moldova without any delay. My personal perspective and also in the name of EPP I can confirm all the clusters should be open because of the number of reforms and the implementation of the reforms. Moldova is ready to to continue this negotiations very effectively.
So we should do it this our obligation not to postpone it. Second message is political one because bigger and more integrated Europe is also safer Europe. But we have to take into account that we can learn how to fight effectively against disinformation, against Russia activity. Moldova did it. So we should learn from Kyiv how to be effective in the fight against disinformation.
We should take into account that issue also. The third message is about the progress, economic progress. This is huge success and I think also personal success of the leadership, Maia Sandu's leadership and the PAS party. But of course important is also the European help. It is not a huge one but very effective.
We can mention 1.2 billion in in grants this is last five years. Another 1.7 for private sector also during last five years. But now very important is growth plan for Moldova close to 2 billion in this year and the coming year and also additional 2.5 billion for the private sector.
The fourth last message for the Moldovans in the conclusion: we are waiting for you in common Europe. Thank you.
Grazie, onorevole Ros Sempere, prego.
Marcos Ros Sempere
Gracias, presidenta. Comisaria, en las elecciones de septiembre, el pueblo moldavo dio una lección y dijo claramente que quiere avanzar junto a la Unión Europea y hacia la Unión Europea. Y además lo hizo en un contexto difícil, marcado por injerencias externas, por presiones, por desinformación y por mucha intoxicación. Por eso, el mensaje que lanzaron los ciudadanos y ciudadanas de Moldavia tiene todavía más valor político. Y nosotros, la Unión Europea, tenemos la obligación de responder.
La obligación de responder con responsabilidad y exigencia. Y esa responsabilidad y exigencia implica reformas, independencia de la justicia, Estado de derecho y lucha contra la corrupción. Pero también tenemos que responder con una actitud constructiva para que cada avance que dé Moldavia sea tenido en cuenta.
Y además nos encontramos en un momento en el que algunos están incluso trabajando desde dentro, desde la Unión Europea, para debilitar la Unión y sus valores. Y en ese momento Moldavia nos está recordando firmemente a todos por qué nuestro proyecto, el proyecto de Unión Europea, sigue teniendo sentido. Porque todavía hay pueblos que ven en Europa una promesa de libertad, de democracia, de seguridad y de prosperidad como nosotros la vivimos. Y ahora es el momento de ser ambiciosos y abrir todos los clúster de negociación de una vez. Porque Moldavia necesita la Unión Europea y Europa también necesita pueblos que sigan creyendo en la Unión Europea.
Muchas gracias.
Grazie, onorevole Terheş.
Cristian Terheş
Dragi colegi, doamnă comisar, o Europă mai puternică înseamnă o Republică Moldova parte a Uniunii Europene. Integrarea este un proces tehnic și politic, de aceea e important să privim în perspectivă istorică. În 20 de ani, unde vedem Moldova și Uniunea Europeană?
Atunci când lăsăm un gol de securitate la granițele noastre, acel gol este umplut de instabilitate, iar Republica Moldova se află astăzi în prima linie a acestei realități. Sprijinirea Moldovei nu este doar un act de solidaritate, ci și o investiție strategică în securitatea și stabilitatea întregii Uniuni Europene. În ciuda presiunilor externe, atacurilor hibride și încercărilor constante de destabilizare, Republica Moldova a ales democrația, statul de drept și valorile occidentale. Această alegere necesită din partea noastră un sprijin ferm și consecvent. O Moldovă în Uniunea Europeană înseamnă o frontieră estică mai sigură, o reziliență mai mare împotriva ingerințelor externe și un mesaj clar că Europa își protejează partenerii care aleg libertatea și pacea.
Extinderea europeană a fost întotdeauna unul dintre cele mai puternice instrumente ale UE pentru a consolida pacea, prosperitatea și stabilitatea în Europa. Cu fiecare extindere, toate țările UE au devenit mai puternice, mai prospere, iar Europa mai stabilă. Sprijinind Republica Moldova, consolidăm atât viitorul unui stat vecin, cât și întărim securitatea, unitatea și credibilitatea întregului proiect european.
Tocmai de aceea, viitorul Republicii Moldova trebuie să fie în Uniunea Europeană. Mulțumesc.
Dan Barna
Domnule președinte, doamnă comisar, domnule raportor, raportul pe care îl dezbatem astăzi confirmă o realitate incontestabilă: Republica Moldova avansează accelerat și hotărât spre obiectivul său de a deveni un stat membru al Uniunii Europene. Vreau să salut reziliența extraordinară a cetățenilor moldoveni. În ciuda amenințărilor hibride, a dezinformării și a interferențelor fără precedent orchestrate de Kremlin, aceștia și-au apărat democrația și au reconfirmat ireversibilitatea parcursului european al Moldovei. Progresele tehnice și reformele de la Chișinău sunt remarcabile. Faptul că am deschis recent negocierile pe primul cluster, cel al valorilor fundamentale, este o dovadă a seriozității acestui angajament.
Moldova este deja parte a spațiului european de roaming și se integrează în zona unică de plăți. De asemenea, prin planul de creștere de 1,8 miliarde aprobat, susținem tangibil și direct modernizarea școlilor, spitalelor și a întreprinderilor locale. Republica Moldova nu mai este doar un beneficiar, ci contribuie deja activ la securitatea continentului nostru.
Responsabilitatea este să renunțăm la scuze și pretexte formale și să rămânem alături de Chișinău la fiecare pas, deoarece locul firesc al Moldovei este aici, în familia europeană. Mulțumesc.
Grazie, ha facoltà di intervenire l'onorevole Somvoldel.
Villy Søvndal
Thank you, chair. I'll speak in Danish. Den 20. september 2021 var jeg sammen med andre kolleger herfra valgobservatør ved parlamentsvalget i Moldova. Der var stor nervøsitet op til valget på grund af en massiv russisk påvirkning med misinformation, med bestikkelse med videre, men heldigvis vandt de proeuropæiske demokratiske partier. Derfor kan Moldova fortsætte sin vej mod et EU-medlemskab, og vi støtter reformer, men der er stadig udfordringer med korruption, med organiseret kriminalitet.
Den største udfordring er selvsagt udbryderregionen Transnistrien, men også generelt de fortsatte russiske forsøg på hybridkrig, på misinformation, på destabilisering. Det er mit håb, at Moldova, som er et af Europas fattigste lande, vil fortsætte reformprocessen og gøre sig klar til et EU-medlemskab, så Moldova definitivt bliver en del af Europa. Vi vil gerne hjælpe dem så meget, vi kan.
Grazie, onorevole Sjostedt.
Jonas Sjöstedt
Tack så mycket fru talman. Jag ska också vilja tacka rapportören Sven Mikser för ett bra betänkande. Flera av de punkter som var viktiga för oss i Vänstern finns med, som att bekämpa fattigdomen i Moldavien, att fortsätta arbetet mot korruptionen, att stödja investeringar i förnybar energi och för ett verkligt energioberoende och att värna miljön. Som helhet är det ett bra betänkande. Just nu så skakas Moldavien av lite turbulens i inrikespolitiken.
Viktiga personer har avgått. Det finns anklagelser om korruption. Och det är naturligtvis illa. Men det hade varit ännu mer illa om det inte hade kommit fram, om man inte hade dragit fram oegentligheter i ljuset. Och på ett sätt är det ett gott tecken att även i det statsbärande partiet så avslöjas det korruption.
Det visar att arbetet mot korruptionen tas på allvar. Tack.
Grazie onorevole Stoyanov.
Благодаря госпожо председател, госпожо комисар.
Stanislav Stoyanov
Пред Молдова продължават да стоят сериозни предизвикателства в борбата с корупцията, реформата на съдебната система и укрепването на държавните институции. Именно затова призивите за незабавното отваряне на всички групи преговорни глави и ускоряването на присъединителния процес не са в интерес нито на гражданите на Европейския съюз, нито на гражданите на Молдова. Европейската интеграция е силен инструмент, който трябва да създава реални икономически ползи за бизнеса, да укрепва конкурентоспособността на икономиката и да защитава традиционните национални общности като българската. Прибързаното предвижване към членство преди изпълнението на необходимите реформи би поставило под риск именно тези дългосрочни ползи. Европейският съюз трябва да прилага собствените си критерии по еднакъв начин към всички държави кандидатки.
Само така ще запазим доверието в политиката на разширяване и ще гарантираме, че членството се основава на реални заслуги, а не на политическа целесъобразност. Благодаря.
Grazie onorevole Mureșan.
Siegfried Mureşan
Thank you, estimați colegi, doamnă comisar.
În ultimul an, Republica Moldova este statul candidat pentru aderare la Uniunea Europeană care a înregistrat cele mai semnificative progrese pe calea integrării europene. Cetățenii Republicii Moldova încep să simtă beneficiile concrete ale integrării în Uniunea Europeană deja împreună prin efortul autorităților din Republica Moldova și prin efortul instituțiilor europene reușim să integrăm Republica Moldova în tot mai multe programe europene, astfel încât cetățenii să simtă deja înainte de data aderării, înainte de data aderării avantajele integrării europene. În urmă cu puține săptămâni am reușit să deschidem și la nivel politic, la cel mai înalt nivel politic, negocierile pe primul cluster al negocierilor de aderare ca urmare a progreselor bune înregistrate la nivel tehnic. Prin raportul Parlamentului European pe care îl vom adopta mâine, solicităm trei lucruri. În primul rând, deschiderea negocierilor pe toate clusterele de negocieri la nivel politic cât mai curând posibil, nu mai târziu de finalul acestui an.
Unu la mână, doi la mână, continuarea reformelor pe calea integrării europene și trei la mână, creșterea sprijinului financiar și tehnic din partea Uniunii Europene pentru Republica Moldova, fiindcă Federația Rusă a încercat în ultimii ani să țină Republica Moldova pe loc și a eșuat. Dar Federația Rusă va continua să încerce să răspândească știri false, propagandă, dezinformare în Republica Moldova, încercând să țină Republica Moldova pe loc.
Noi trebuie să fim mai puternici, să fim solidari cu oamenii din Republica Moldova, astfel încât Republica Moldova să continue să avanseze rapid pe calea integrării europene. O Republică Moldova puternică, stabilă, reformată este bună pentru cetățenii Republicii Moldova, dar este o veste bună și pentru Uniunea Europeană în ansamblu. Vă mulțumesc.
Victor Negrescu
Thank you, honorable Negrescu.
Doamnă comisar, stimați colegi, doresc în primul rând să-l felicit pe colegul meu social-democrat Sven Mikser pentru raportul său. Noi, social-democrații, am sprijinit mereu parcursul european al Republicii Moldova. Pentru că da, locul Republicii Moldova este în familia europeană. În ciuda presiunilor externe, a atacurilor hibride și a tentativelor repetate de destabilizare, cetățenii săi au ales calea europeană. Autoritățile au datoria să facă toate reformele necesare aderării, în vederea respectării termenului ambițios fixat pentru finalizarea negocierilor, finalul anului 2028, și suntem aici pentru a sprijini Republica Moldova.
Iar pentru atingerea acestui obiectiv, consolidarea statului de drept, independența justiției, combaterea corupției și modernizarea administrației trebuie să rămână priorități.
Încurajez actorii politici de la Chișinău să gestioneze eficient actualul context politic și să-l transforme într-un impuls pentru accelerarea reformelor europene prin participarea întregii populații. Tocmai de aceea, Parlamentul European transmite astăzi un mesaj clar: Republica Moldova a făcut progrese remarcabile și merită să continue acest parcurs prin deschiderea tuturor capitolelor de negociere la Uniunea Europeană și dorim această deschidere să se întâmple de îndată, pentru că nu putem avea întârzieri. De asemenea, Uniunea Europeană trebuie să recompenseze meritul, determinarea și rezultatele concrete obținute de Republica Moldova și în sensul acesta trebuie să oferim un parcurs accelerat de aderare, un parcurs propriu și de ce nu chiar fonduri europene suplimentare. În sensul acesta, Republica Moldova, vă așteptăm aici în Uniunea Europeană.
Mariusz Kamiński
Grazie, onorevole Kaminski.
Szanowni państwo, otwarcie faktycznych negocjacji akcesyjnych Mołdawii z Unią Europejską to dobry i zasłużony krok na europejskiej drodze tego państwa. Mołdawia ma prawo i wolę wyrwania się z postsowieckiej strefy wpływów, a my chcemy jej w tym pomóc. Naszym zadaniem jest wsparcie mołdawskich partnerów w budowie silnego, nowoczesnego i demokratycznego państwa.
Oznacza to między innymi konsekwentną walkę z korupcją, z oligarchią, które są zmorą każdego społeczeństwa postkomunistycznego. Unia musi również wspierać działania na rzecz integralności terytorialnej Mołdawii. Odzyskanie przez Kiszyniów kontroli nad Naddniestrzem jest sprawą kluczową. Unia ma narzędzia nacisku, gdyż 70% eksportu towaru z Naddniestrza trafia na rynek europejski. Należy stosować twardą politykę sankcyjną i celną: albo lojalność wobec Mołdawii, albo koniec interesów z Europą.
Pani komisarz, dużym problemem dotyczącym tempa integracji Mołdawii z Unią jest połączenie jej kandydatury z kandydaturą Ukrainy. Ukraina nie radzi sobie dziś ani z korupcją, ani z oligarchizacją, ani z odradzającym się nacjonalizmem. Dlatego trzeba przyjąć zasadę, że każde państwo jest oceniane na podstawie indywidualnych osiągnięć.
Vă mulțumesc, doamnă președintă, doamnă comisar, stimați colegi, raportul pe care îl discutăm astăzi nu trebuie privit ca o simplă evaluare a progreselor Republicii Moldova în procesul de integrare. Discuția despre extindere s-a concentrat adesea pe costul aderării.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Poate că este momentul să nu mai privim totul doar în termeni ce țin de valoarea investiției, ci să ne întrebăm care ar fi costul dacă nu am aduce mai rapid Republica Moldova în Uniunea Europeană. Securitatea Uniunii Europene depinde și de securitatea Republicii Moldova, care luptă de peste 35 de ani să scape de influența malefică a Moscovei, ce menține ilegal trupe militare pe teritoriul său. Cetățenii Republicii Moldova și-au câștigat dreptul de a primi o perspectivă clară de aderare la Uniunea Europeană, iar aceasta trebuie doar accelerată. Republica Moldova, în pofida presiunii agresive și constante a Rusiei, a reușit să înceapă reformele necesare pentru a fi pregătită de aderare, iar acest drum trebuie încurajat și susținut. De aceea, cred că este important să fim cu toții alături de Chișinău în fiecare clipă.
Mulțumesc.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím pána viceprezidenta Ștefănuță. Nech sa páči.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Moldova este singurul candidat care a atins 28 din 30 de obiective de aderare și asta sub atacuri hibride, șantaj energetic, otrăvirea Prutului și multe alte scumpiri generate de război. Și eu cred că e rândul nostru să fim la înălțimea lor și nu rândul moldovenilor să fie la înălțimea noastră. Ei o fac deja de mult timp.
Eu sunt român. Știu ce înseamnă să lupți pentru Europa când alții te conving că nu meriți, că România s-a chinuit să demonstreze că trebuie să fie în Europa și iată că împlinim 20 de ani. Dar pentru oamenii ăștia care se chinuie de la o alegere la alta prin greutăți să intre în Uniunea Europeană și o fac convingător cu un guvern dedicat, trebuie să arătăm solidaritate. Așa că nu vreau să ne oprim deloc pentru că Moldova vrea, Europa vrea, Moldova poate, Europa poate. Și cred că este un moment unic, o fereastră de oportunitate care nu se deschide mereu.
Așa că chiar îmi doresc, doamnă Kos, să facem hora aia în care ați dansat și dumneavoastră la Chișinău cu Uniunea Europeană și Moldova în ea.
Sebastian Everding
Die Republik Moldau befindet sich auf ihrem europäischen Weg und das ist auch gut so, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Doch dieser Weg bedeutet nicht nur Reform auf dem Papier. Er bedeutet auch europäische Grundwerte in der Praxis umzusetzen. Und noch immer gibt es schwerwiegende Menschenrechtsprobleme. Der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte hat wiederholt Verstöße festgestellt, unter anderem wegen unmenschlicher Haftbedingungen, Gewalt und erniedrigender Behandlung.
Eine Strafe darf die Freiheit nehmen, aber niemals die Menschlichkeit. Diese Verantwortung zeigt sich auch im Umgang mit Tieren. Die Situation von streunenden Hunden in Moldau ist weiterhin besorgniserregend. Berichte über schlechte Haltungsbedingungen, grausame Behandlung und Tötungspraktiken müssen ernst genommen werden. Der Umgang mit den Schwächsten ist ein Maßstab für die Werte einer Gesellschaft.
Menschenrechte gelten universell.
Und deswegen braucht es auch im Tierschutz europäische Standards. Kastrations- und Impfprogramme, bessere Bedingungen in Tierheimen und Unterstützung für lokale Akteure. Der Schutz der Menschenrechte und der Tierschutz folgen beide derselben Grundidee. Eine Gesellschaft zeigt ihre Stärke daran, wie sie mit den Schwächsten umgeht. Vielen Dank.
Luis-Vicențiu Lazarus
Domnule președinte, dragi colegi, eu n-am să mă înscriu în corul lăudătorilor acestei chestiuni cu aderarea Moldovei și Ucrainei la Uniunea Europeană, pentru că eu știam că întotdeauna aceste țări care sunt candidate trebuie să respecte niște criterii. Și criteriul corupției, care este printre primele, nu este deloc respectat, așa cum știți probabil, Moldova nu mai are premier.
Tocmai și-a dat demisia. De ce și-a dat demisia, în ce context și-a dat demisia? În contextul în care verișoara Maiei Sandu, președinta, pseudo-președinta acestei pseudo-republici, pentru că de fapt nu e a noastră Moldova, e parte din România, mă fraptează faptul că nimeni nu spune treaba asta aici, ca și cum ar fi fost normal un pact Ribbentrop-Molotov de pildă. Deci ne-am trezit cu verișoara președintei care are salariu de 6000, peste 6000 de euro. Păi noi ajutăm Moldova, noi ducem acolo miliarde pentru reforme și ei își dau salarii de 6000?
Martin Hojsík
Thank you very much. You are over your time. You are over your time. That's what we have the timing for. A teraz poprosím kolegu Štefanca, nech sa páči.
Davor Ivo Stier
Hvala predsedniče. Moldova je kao prvo neovisna država, htio to neko priznati ili ne, i to neovisna država koja se unatoč snažnom ruskom uplitanju i pritisku odlučila za europsku budućnost.
Kada se neke zemlje zapadnog Balkana žale na navodna dvostruka pravila Europske unije, na zastoj u otvaranju nekih poglavlja ili klastera, e onda bih im preporučio da pogledaju sve što je Moldova učinila, počevši naravno od sankcija protiv ruske agresije. Ja ću ovdje podsjetiti da je općinski sud u Kišinjevu ustanovio postojanje kampova nažalost u Srbiji i u entitetu Republika Srpska u Bosni i Hercegovini u kojima se uvježbavalo ljude koji su kasnije trebali u Moldovi potkopavati proeuropsku orijentaciju te zemlje. Dakako, Moldova ima još puno posla za obaviti, prvenstveno vezano za borbu protiv korupcije, ali njezin je napredak očit i stoga Europski parlament mora joj i dalje davati snažnu potporu. Hvala vam.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Vigenina, pardon, nech sa páči.
Kristian Vigenin
Благодаря, господин председател, госпожо комисар, колеги. Молдова заслужава категорична и последователна подкрепа от страна на Европейския парламент. Въпреки войната до нейните граници, въпреки хибридните атаки и постоянния външен натиск, страната показа устойчивост и ангажимент към европейския си път. Европейската перспектива на Молдова трябва да остане надпартиен национален приоритет, основан на демокрация, социална справедливост, върховенство на закона и реални ползи за гражданите.
Когато една страна кандидат изпълнява своите ангажименти, Европейският съюз също трябва да изпълни своите. Затова приветствам напредъка на Молдова и призовавам Съвета да даде зелена светлина за следващата стъпка в подготовката и преговорите за членство. Но подкрепата за Молдова не означава да си затваряме очите за предизвикателствата. Напротив, европейската интеграция изисква реални резултати в съдебната реформа, в борбата с корупцията, в независимостта на институциите и във възстановяването на общественото доверие, особено след оставката на премиера Монтяну. Следващото правителство трябва бързо да върне стабилността, да запази европейския курс и да покаже на гражданите, че реформите не са само изискване на Брюксел, а път към повече сигурност, по-добър живот и по-силна социална защита.
Искам да подчертая и нещо особено важно. Зачитането на правата на малцинствата е основен критерий за всяка страна кандидат. Това включва и българската общност в Тараклия. Всяка административна реформа трябва да гарантира културното и езиково многообразие на общностите в Молдова и тяхното политическо представителство.
Georgiana Teodorescu
Suntem cu toții de acord că locul Moldovei este în Uniunea Europeană.
Sunt frații noștri ai românilor, vorbesc limba română, sunt creștini ortodocși majoritari și împărtășesc același trecut și aceleași valori cu România, stat membru UE. Când și cum se va face această aderare, aici este adevărata cheie a acestei dezbateri. Prima, cea mai rapidă și firească totodată, ar fi soluția germană, despre care eu și colegii mei din partid am tot vorbit. A doua variantă, aderarea propriu-zisă, trebuie făcută pe un calendar propriu, independent de Ucraina. Moldova are propriul ei drum și propria ei viteză de îndeplinire a condițiilor pentru aderarea la UE, deci nu există niciun motiv să o tratăm la pachet cu Ucraina.
În plus, Ucraina este, din păcate, o țară aflată încă în război, cu teritoriu disputat, deci nu putem vorbi de aderare efectivă în acest stadiu și ar fi nedrept să susținem și Moldova blocată la pachet cu ea.
Dar trebuie să spunem clar: Moldova se află cu mulți pași înaintea Ucrainei, deci cu mulți pași mai aproape de Uniunea Europeană.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem. Ďakujem a teraz poprosím pani kolegyňu Loiseau, nech sa páči.
Nathalie Loiseau
Ainsi donc les négociations d'adhésion s'ouvrent enfin avec la Moldavie. Il était temps. Le peuple moldave l'a dit, redit et le répète encore, il se sent européen et il veut entrer dans l'Union européenne. Il a voté en ce sens à plusieurs reprises en dépit des pressions insensées que la Russie a fait peser sur lui. Manipulation de l'information, achat de voix, oligarques à la botte de Moscou, gangs criminels, pressions économiques, la petite Moldavie a eu droit à tout et a résisté à tout.
On la regarde parfois avec condescendance. On ferait mieux d'en prendre de la graine. Parce que des manipulations de l'information, des groupes de médias étrangers bienveillants vis-à-vis de Vladimir Poutine et des tentatives d'intimidation, et bien ça ne se passe pas qu'en Moldavie. Le peuple moldave veut rejoindre l'Union européenne et ses autorités savent ce qu'elles ont à faire, les réformes qu'elles ont à mener pour y parvenir. Mais nous, est-ce que nous savons ce que nous voulons ?
Sommes-nous prêts à accueillir de nouveaux membres dans notre Union ? J'ai bien peur que nous n'ayons pas encore pris la mesure du monde qui nous entoure. L'élargissement de l'Union européenne peut être une chance, celle d'échapper à notre encerclement, mais sa réussite va dépendre aussi de nous.
Jan Olbrycht
Thank you very much. Thank you. A teraz poprosím pána kolegu Olbrychta, nech sa páči.
Dear colleagues, Russia's brutal war of aggression has shown that there are no grey zones on our continent, no place for grey zones.
Reinhold Lopatka
We must therefore continue supporting all enlargement countries who are demonstrating willingness to progress on the path of EU integration. Moldova has shown a strong determination in the implementation of reforms in the face of challenging circumstances, despite disinformation campaigns and hybrid attacks from Russia. While there are still some changes necessary, of course, we cannot allow Moscow to undermine Moldova's European course. Russia's actions remind us that enlargement is not a bureaucratic exercise, but one of EU's most important geopolitical instruments to strengthen stability, security, and prosperity across our continent. Candidate countries must deliver on reforms, at the same time the EU has to remain a reliable partner.
Maria Grapini
Doamnă comisar, domnule președinte, stimați colegi, programul ambițios al Republicii Moldova pentru a încheia aderarea la sfârșitul anului 2028 trebuie susținut. Este de salutat, dar nu va putea fi pus în aplicare dacă nu-l susținem toți. Și vreau de la bun început să mulțumesc și doamnei comisar și colegilor care au susținut acest proiect. Sunt româncă, cunosc Republica, sunt moldoveancă, cunosc foarte bine Republica Moldova, cunosc cetățenii de acolo.
Cetățenii își doresc acest lucru și trebuie să-i încurajăm pentru a avea încredere în proiectul Uniunii Europene, pentru că are nevoie administrația de la Chișinău de susținerea populară. Sigur că nu văd alt drum și trebuie să fim și realiști. Uniunea, Republica Moldova e la graniță. Cât de greu este să reziste la atacurile directe, indirecte, fake news-urile și tot ce se întâmplă acolo cu Rusia. Uniunea Europeană este un proiect la care eu ca româncă mi-am dorit să fim cu țara mea acolo.
De aceea, doamnă comisar, Consiliu, Parlamentul trebuie să înțeleagă că Republica Moldova are locul ei în Uniunea Europeană și trebuie s-o susținem. Și mai vreau să adaug un lucru. Cred foarte tare că ceea ce acum se întâmplă în Ucraina ține în loc și Republica Moldova. Trebuie să separăm. România și Bulgaria a pățit același lucru cu Schengen.
Haideți să fim corecți, obiectivi. În Ucraina nu se pot respecta termenele și jaloanele și să dăm drumul Moldovei și la terminarea anului 2028 Republica Moldova să fie în marea familie. Vă mulțumesc.
Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza
Stimați colegi, mă bucur că Republica Moldova a deschis primul capitol de negocieri pentru aderarea la Uniunea Europeană.
De acum, datoria noastră este să nu transformăm acest drum european într-o sală de așteptare fără sfârșit. Republica Moldova trebuie evaluată corect. Este firesc ca România să susțină Republica Moldova în parcursul său de aderare la Uniunea Europeană. Sprijinirea românilor de peste Prut este o datorie istorică și o necesitate strategică, cu atât mai mult cu cât aproape jumătate din ei sunt și cetățeni ai României. Integrarea sa în Uniunea Europeană reprezintă mai multă stabilitate și mai multă siguranță la frontiera estică a Uniunii.
Însă Republica Moldova trebuie să continue să se desprindă de moștenirea sa sovietică, precum și de reflexele trecutului. Iar Bruxelles-ul trebuie să-și dovedească deschiderea pentru un rezultat final, concret și neîntârziat. Dacă românii de peste ambele maluri ale Prutului nu s-au putut reunifica precum berlinezii, atunci Republica Moldova și România trebuie să se reunifice măcar prin apartenența lor la Uniunea Europeană.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you very much. Before the next speaker, just to announce that I'm closing Catch-the-Eye. There are two colleagues who asked for Catch-the-Eye, so both of you will get the floor. Now, please, Mr. Brejza, the floor is yours.
Thank you.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Szanowni Państwo, Mołdawia daje nadzieję, nadzieję tak potrzebną dziś Unii Europejskiej. Bo członkostwo Mołdawii w Unii Europejskiej pokazuje, droga do członkostwa, że te starania europejskie to coś więcej niż zabieganie o fundusze, o instytucje. To walka o wartości i ta droga europejska Mołdawii pokazuje, że można pokonać russkij mir, że można wygrać z rosyjskimi służbami. Z tym Goliatem Dawid może wygrać prawdą, konsekwencją i determinacją. I Mołdawia jest dla nas wzorcem, wzorcem w jaki sposób walczyć z oligarchami, którzy próbują destabilizować nasze społeczeństwa, jak walczyć z kłamstwem, ale też jak walczyć z takimi zjawiskami jak kryptowaluty, które nadal w niektórych państwach Unii Europejskiej używane są do niszczenia demokracji, niszczenia Unii Europejskiej.
Bierzmy przykład z Mołdawii, małego, ale wielkiego duchem państwa.
Dear President, Commissioner, colleagues. Thank you, Sven Mikser, for excellent report.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
I cannot stress enough the importance of opening all negotiation clusters for Moldova and Ukraine. Article 49 of the Treaty of European Union clearly states that unanimity is required only for the opening and closing of accession negotiations. But what the European Council is doing? The endless unanimity silos for each chapter are the sand that the Council is throwing in the gears of enlargement. The situation now is that the Member States are undermining European security, delaying enlargement process, sabotaging our strategic interest and preventing effective comprehensive negotiations on all clusters with Moldova.
Let us do our best fulfilling our promise to start closing all chapters in the beginning of 2027 as it was promised. Dear friends in Moldova and Ukraine, please continue your reforms with the same spirit as before. Please trust us and we will do our utmost to have you sitting in this Parliament among us in the nearest future. Let's do it.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Mažeilisa, nech sa páči.
Liudas Mažylis
Dėkoju pirmininke, komisare, kolegos. Moldova šiandien demonstruoja įspūdingą europinį pagreitį. Užbaigta dvišalė patikra, visi šeši narystės derybų klasteriai jau potencialiai atverti, o 24 iš 26 reformų žingsnių jau įgyvendinti. Matoma akivaizdi pažanga pamatinių vertybių, vidaus rinkos ir išorės santykių srityse. Moldova toliau bando nuosekliai judėti išteklių, žemės ūkio bei sanglaudos kryptimis.
Mums, Europos Sąjungai, tai argumentas veikti drąsiai ir atverti derybas dėl narystės, parodant, kad reformos duoda realų politinį rezultatą. Žinoma, Rusijos karinis buvimas Padniestrėje yra tarptautinės teisės pažeidimas ir tiesioginė grėsmė. Rusai privalo besąlygiškai pasitraukti, o mes privalome padėti Moldovai stiprinti atsparumą, energetinę nepriklausomybę ir pasitikėjimą europiniu keliu. Dėkoju.
Gheorghe Falcă
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Falcă.
Domnule președinte, doamnă comisar, doamnelor și domnilor.
Astăzi nu decidem doar asupra parcursului european al Republicii Moldova. Decidem și cât de credibilă este Uniunea Europeană atunci când un popor își asumă valorile noastre și are curajul să le apere. Republica Moldova nu cere favoruri. Vine cu reforme, cu sacrificii și cu o alegere democratică reafirmată de cetățenii săi. Vine cu demnitate și cu o rezistență remarcabilă în fața presiunii și amenințării Rusiei.
De aceea Republica Moldova nu este doar un stat candidat. Este dovada că proiectul european inspiră, mobilizează și oferă speranțe. Pentru România acest sprijin este o responsabilitate istorică. Pentru Uniunea Europeană este o chestiune de credibilitate. Nu putem cere curaj celor care aleg Europa și apoi să-i părăsim.
Reformele trebuie să continue în Moldova, iar noi trebuie să răspundem cu un sprijin ferm și consecvent. Astăzi votul nostru trebuie să fie direct pentru Moldova, cât și pentru o Uniune Europeană unită. Mulțumesc.
Mulțumesc, und jetzt würde ich den Kollegen Schenk bitten, bitte sehr.
Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Moldau steht erneut an einem Wendepunkt.
Oliver Schenk
Die jüngsten politischen Entwicklungen in Chișinău zeigen, wie sensibel die innenpolitische Lage bleibt und wie entscheidend Stabilität, Reformfähigkeit und ein klarer europäischer Kurs jetzt sind. Gerade vor diesem Hintergrund halte ich diesen Bericht für besonders wichtig. Er zeigt deutlich: Moldau hat trotz enormen äußeren Drucks bemerkenswerte Fortschritte gemacht im EU-Beitrittsprozess, bei Reformen im Justiz- und Verwaltungsbereich und bei der wirtschaftlichen Annäherung an die Europäische Union. Aber wir dürfen nicht naiv sein. Moldau steht unter einem anhaltenden hybriden Angriff.
Desinformation, Cyberangriffe, Energieerpressung und russische Einflussnahme zielen darauf, den europäischen Kurs des Landes zu brechen. Unsere Antwort muss klar sein: Wir unterstützen Moldau politisch, finanziell und sicherheitspolitisch. Die Beitrittsverhandlungen müssen auf Leistung beruhen, nicht auf Blockaden. Wer Reformen liefert, muss Fortschritt sehen. Moldaus europäische Zukunft ist nicht nur eine moldauische Frage, sie ist eine Frage der Glaubwürdigkeit und Sicherheit Europas.
Vielen Dank.
A teraz poprosím pána kolegu Szczerbu. Proszę, panie przewodniczący.
Vielen Dank.
Michał Szczerba
Szanowna pani komisarz. Mołdawia jest wyjątkowym krajem kandydatem. I chciałbym bardzo serdecznie podziękować również pani, pani komisarz. Od samego początku stawia pani na Mołdawię, na kraj, który również według tego raportu, który został przedstawiony, ma największe, ma największe postępy, jeśli chodzi o przygotowania do członkostwa. I chcemy to bardzo wyraźnie powiedzieć.
Ale to jest również kraj, który inspiruje i który motywuje również odpowiedzialnością za odporność społeczną, demokratyczną, za rozumienie, czym jest bezpieczeństwo, czym są zagrożenia hybrydowe, które są wokół naszego sąsiedztwa. Jako sprawozdawca do spraw mobilności wojskowej zaproponowałem, żeby Mołdawia była jednym z krajów bliskich partnerów, którzy zostali, zostaną uwzględnieni w tej regulacji, ponieważ budując mobilność wojskową, budując korytarze mobilności, chcemy uwzględnić również kraje kandydatów. Mołdawia ma tam swoje miejsce. Dziękuję bardzo.
Ďakujem veľmi pekne. A teraz prejdeme ku catch-the-eye a ako prvého poprosím kolegu Minčeva. Nech sa páči.
Nikola Minchev
Dear Mr. President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues. The 2025 report on Moldova sends a clear message. Despite an extremely challenging geopolitical and economic environment, Moldova continues to move forward on its European path. The progress is concrete.
Moldova is replacing its Soviet-era standards with European ones. These are not merely technical changes, but tangible steps improving quality, safety, and protection for Moldovan citizens. We also see progress in consumer protection. Moldova has made public services more accessible and effective. Notably, Moldova has consistently cooperated on foreign policy issues and aligns with EU's common foreign and security policy positions.
And this is done in a very hostile environment, under significant internal and external challenges, such as persistent hostile Russian interference, as correctly noted in the report. Of course, challenges remain and further work is needed. But today, we should recognize the progress achieved. Moldova is making serious efforts, delivering concrete results, and demonstrating through action its European ambition. These efforts deserve our recognition and our continued support, because we do not see them everywhere and we value them when we see them.
Thank you.
Muchas gracias, presidente. No entiendo en absoluto qué hacéis algunos eurodiputados, si no todos españoles, aplaudiendo la ampliación de la Unión Europea, antes en el debate anterior Ucrania y ahora a Moldavia.
Alvise Pérez
Que lo hagan los alemanes pues lo puedo entender, ¿no? Pero nosotros los españoles, ¿nos hemos leído aquí el estudio interno filtrado del propio Consejo de la Unión Europea en 2023 señalando que los españoles vamos a ser el único país que va a pasar de cobrar a pagar? ¿Saben ustedes lo que significa 3.000 millones de euros de la PAC menos para un agricultor en España o en Rumanía o en Portugal o en Italia? ¿Saben lo que significa meter al país más pobre de Europa que es Moldavia con 2,4 millones de habitantes? Lo sé porque he estado en Moldavia como voluntario con refugiados de Moldavia.
Con una corrupción sistémica del 12% del PIB, amigos míos, meter ahora mismo además un territorio que tiene 1.500 soldados rusos dentro en Transnistria con un referéndum europeo, por cierto, que sacó un 50,4% y gracias al voto de la diáspora porque uno coma tres, uno de cada tres moldavos viven fuera de su país. En fin, entiendo que algunos sí, pero que los eurodiputados españoles apoyen esto me parece surrealista. Gracias, presidente.
A teraz poprosím za komisiu pani komisárku Koch, nech sa páči.
Honorable members of the European Parliament, it's really good to see that Moldova has so many supporters here in the European Parliament. Some of them are very passionate, Mr. Andriukaitis, thank you for your passionate words.
Marta Kos
I am on your side. I would also like to see members of the European Parliament from Moldova as soon as possible too. Moldova has demonstrated determination and delivered meaningful reforms under exceptionally challenging circumstances. It deserves recognition for that progress and our continued support to move forward on its path to EU membership. We have organized the biggest until now investment conference at the beginning of June in Chișinău and the companies from the member states are already coming.
This is the only way to prosperity. So we have to do the reforms, or they have to do the reforms, the investors will come and then we can speak about the prosperity. Regarding the question when Moldova will be able to become a member of the EU, when all the reforms will be done. Meaning Moldova has to deliver, but we have to deliver too. And I have heard this today many times.
So it is also our responsibility that this will happen as soon as possible. I used to say that Moldova is the best student in my class.
Since the last successful way on the reforms, I'm saying that Moldova is the best performer in my class. Thank you.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem pekne, pani komisárka, a teraz poprosím pána spravodajcu Mureșana, nech sa páči.
Sven Mikser
Thank you, President. First of all, I would like to thank all the shadow rapporteurs. It was really intellectually stimulating and very constructive effort that produced this report. I think that all the pro-European groups who negotiated the report were brought together by a great sense of unity of purpose, but also a sense of urgency. I would also like to thank Commissioner Cos for her personal dedication and commitment to supporting in every possible way Moldova's very legitimate European aspirations.
And I would like to thank all the colleagues for an extremely constructive debate here.
I hope that the report that we're going to be voting on tomorrow and and also tonight's debate help us to send a very clear message to Moldovan people and Moldovan government, a message of support and solidarity, but also a message of what are our expectations as to the next steps to be taken in this reform path. I also hope that the report and the debate sends a very clear message to our colleagues, the political leaders in our member states' capitals who periodically meet around the council table, a message that that we expect them to to live up to our end of the bargain, as I said, to to actually act with the same sense of urgency, because it is absolutely clear that the Russian pressure on Moldova will not dissipate until the successful completion of this process. Moldova did not apply for membership and we did not launch this process in order for for us to allow them to enjoy the process. It it must be a purpose-driven process that will conclude in fully integrating Moldova in into our European family without any unnecessary delay. Thank you.
Ďakujem spravodajcovi a všetkým zúčastneným v debate, ako aj pani komisárke.
Martin Hojsík
Rozprava k tomuto bodu sa týmto skončila a hlasovanie sa uskutoční zajtra. Ďalším bodom programu je správa, ktorú predkladá poslanec Picula, správa Komisie o Srbsku za rok 2022. Chcel by som informovať poslancov a poslankyne, že pri tejto rozprave bude len jedno kolo rečníkov za politické skupiny, preto sa nebude uplatňovať postup prihlásenia sa o slovo zdvihnutím ruky ani nebudú akceptované žiadne modré karty. A na úvod poprosím spravodajcu, pána kolegu Piculu, nech sa páči.
Tonino Picula
Hvala lijepo, gospodine predsjedavajući, poštovana povjerenice, kolegice i kolege. Ovogodišnje izvješće odražava stvarnost u Srbiji u jednom od ključnih razdoblja njezine novije povijesti. Gotovo da nema poglavlja u kojem napredak prema članstvu Europskoj uniji nije ocijenjen kao ograničen ili nepostojeći. I naša se misija u Beogradu početkom godine odvijala u neobično teškim okolnostima. Zastupnici su bili izloženi verbalnim napadima predstavnika vlasti i provladinih medija, a visoki dužnosnici Srbije više su puta iznosili neutemeljene tvrdnje da Europska unija i neke njezine države članice potiču ili podržavaju takozvanu obojenu revoluciju u Srbiji.
Uglavnom napredak Srbije u ostvarivanju reformi važnima za napredak prema članstvu Europskoj uniji značajno se usporio.
U nekoliko ključnih područja, posebno vladavini prava, došlo je i do nazadovanja. To se reflektira i preko ograničenog napretka u dijalogu Beograda i Prištine, kontinuiranog manjka usklađivanja sa zajedničkom vanjskom i sigurnosnom politikom, nedostatka istinske političke predanosti reformama, agresivne retorike prema Europskoj uniji, pogoršanja uvjeta za rad slobodnih medija i organizacija civilnog društva. Bilježi se kontinuirani neuspjeh u sveobuhvatnoj provedbi preporuka o izbornoj reformi jer i dalje postoji problem sa regulatornim tijelom i biračkim spiskom. Dok vlasti u Srbiji i dalje predstavljaju članstvo u Europskoj uniji kao svoj strateški cilj, postupci njezina političkog vodstva često to ne potvrđuju. Zadnje izvješće Europske komisije također ukazuje na kontinuirano demokratsko nazadovanje, nedovoljan napredak u reformama vladavine prava i sve veći jaz između izrečenih europskih težnji Srbije i njezine političke prakse.
Nažalost, ne vidimo ni napredak u istrazi o urušavanju nadstrešnice željezničkog kolodvora u Novom Sadu, što je i potaknulo masovno nezadovoljstvo građana.
Zbog neispunjenih obveza ili ozbiljnog nedostatka rezultata, osobito u području vladavine prava, izvješće poziva Komisiju da zaustavi buduće isplate u okviru instrumenta za reforme i rast za zapadni Balkan. Također se zalažem za reprogramiranje postojećih i budućih sredstava Europske unije kako bi se ojačala podrška reformi pravosuđa, naporima u borbi protiv korupcije, neovisnim medijima, organizacijama civilnog društva i neovisnom kulturnom sektoru. Podsjetio bih kako je politika stabilokracije i gledanja kroz prste autokratima u posljednjih desetak godina stimulirala postojeće loše prilike na dobrom dijelu zapadnog Balkana. Zato se ne moramo pitati kako bi danas prošao referendum o ulasku Srbije u Europsku uniju upravo zbog niske podrške članstvu. Ima puno razloga zašto je ta podrška najniža u regiji, budući da se protueuropska retorika koristi godinama.
Međutim, svakako je važan element za gubitak povjerenja u Europsku uniju njezine institucije i toleriranje lažnog proeuropskog narativa vlasti u Beogradu svih proteklih godina. Zbog toga sam uvjeren da je promašeno inzistiranje na otvaranju pregovaračkog klastera tri, čime bi se obnovili pregovori o pristupanju Srbije Europskoj uniji nakon četiri godine zastoja. Ta stagnacija imala je svoje jasne i opravdane razloge, baš kao što ih pokretanje nema ni danas.
Izvješće reflektira kontinuirano urušavanje demokratskih standarda u Srbiji. Zar treba nagraditi neusklađenost s europskom vanjskom politikom koja je tek na 63%, unatoč tome što druge države kandidatkinje nemaju problem potpunog usklađivanja? Uz jačanje veza s Kinom i Rusijom, imamo i slučaj da ministar u vladi ide u posjet Iranu, a nemojmo zaboraviti kako je predsjednica srpskog parlamenta svojedobno otišla na inauguraciju Nicolasa Madura. Osim toga, nemoguće je ne reagirati na pokušaj iz Beograda da se ugrozi održavanje samita Europske unije i Zapadnog Balkana nedavno u Crnoj Gori. Sve to pokazuje da odnosi Europske unije i Srbije ne mogu biti tek tako resetirani.
Izuzetno veliki problem je i stanje medija. Upravo se odvija proces preuzimanja i ono malo preostalih slobodnih medija koji lako mogu biti dovedeni u ovisnost od vlasti koja je dokazala da ne tolerira nikakvu kritiku.
Thank you. I indeed, under the new approach, have to be stricter even to the rapporteurs and commissioners, that's to be fair. And now let me give the floor to Madam Commissioner Kos, please.
Marta Kos
Mr. President, honorable members, dear rapporteur Tonino Picula, thank you for your comprehensive report and for your work on Serbia. The Commission appreciates the opportunity for a separate debate on Serbia. Serbia is an important partner in the region with a clear EU accession perspective. The European Commission therefore continues encouraging Serbia to seize the current opportunity to advance towards membership. At the EU-Western Balkans summit, we heard clear commitments from the Serbian leadership that the EU path is their strategic priority.
Thank you.
We now need to see Serbia demonstrate its strategic commitments, address EU's concerns and continue to deliver of the much-needed reforms. As said many times, reforms on the rule of law and respect for democratic principles and freedoms will remain essential for Serbia's progress on its EU path. Two weeks ago, the Serbian parliament took an important step in the right direction to correct the judicial laws adopted in January. This helps starting rebuilding the trust. Serbia also made tangible progress in addressing key ODIHR recommendations by revising legislation relevant for the electoral framework.
In May, amendments to four election-related laws, among others on the election of the members of Parliament and on the election of the President, were adopted. Two particularly important and substantial laws that concerns the financing of political activities and the prevention of corruption are currently under preparation, meaning still to be done. The recent invitation to OSCE ODIHR to conduct the usual needs assessment mission is an important step to ensure in a timely manner a fully-fledged international election observation mission ahead of the next elections. We now need to see Serbia advancing further on the electoral reform in line with ODIHR recommendations in a transparent and inclusive manner, strengthening media freedom and pluralism, and ensuring respect for fundamental rights and freedoms, including freedom of peaceful assembly and academic freedom, and an enabling environment for civil society. Recent developments on the formation of the so-called REM Council have been encouraging and we hope that this regulatory body can start its important work soon.
This is a long-awaited step. Alignment with our EU objectives extend beyond internal policies to our common foreign and security policy. Serbia's European path therefore requires clear strategic choices.
This also needs to be reflected in a consistent and high alignment with the Union's common foreign and security policy. A credible European trajectory also means a commitment to regional stability, to normalization of relations with Kosovo and to a shared understanding of the security challenges facing our continent. It means tackling disinformation and abstaining from hostile political rhetoric, including against the EU, its institutions and honorable members of this Parliament. Serbia's commitment to the EU path and its political will to implement the required reforms also have to be strengthened via communication and concrete actions, including a meaningful engagement on EU reforms with relevant stakeholders, including civil society organizations, to overcome the current deep divisions in Serbian society. Dear honorable members, with other countries advancing in the accession process, we do not want to see Serbia fall behind.
This is why, in light of the recent some positive developments, the Commission renewed its recommendation to the Council to open cluster three in the accession negotiations with Serbia. The Commission will also continue incentives further reform progress for the benefit of all Serbian citizens and the whole Serbian society.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Štefanca, nech sa páči, za poslanecký klub Európskej ľudovej strany kresťanských demokratov. Nech sa páči.
Davor Ivo Stier
Thank you, President and colleagues. The EU enlargement has regained its political importance as this is something that in general has benefited the countries, but not in the case of of Serbia. President Vučić made clear that Serbia can implement EU-related reforms and has appointed a very professional negotiating operational team, but he also said that Serbia will not turn its back on Russia. Serbia does not perceive itself as part of the West, but pursues a non-aligned policy which is deeply rooted in the society. It has existed before Vučić and will probably continue after him.
Now, while the EU should acknowledge this decision, Serbia needs to understand that it won't make progress towards EU membership if it keeps friendly relations with EU's adversaries. Now, sometimes driven by a transactional logic, some key member states have attempted to change Belgrade's policy.
However, so far they have failed, increasing sometimes the level of frustration on all sides. At the same time, the Parliament's criticism, while honest and principled, has had little impact so far on changing the course of events. So, what can be done? A realistic approach should envisage cooperation and a partial and gradual integration in those areas of mutual benefit, from border management, trade, finances, energy and transport. A pragmatic but firm approach can bring results.
We saw it with the repeal of the Merditch laws, with better cooperation on electoral reform, even with better cooperation with the Croatian National Council. Of course, this should be continued and expanded to the benefit of both sides. But we should be also honest with each other. Serbia will not align with the EU anytime soon. There is no political will for it, neither in the government nor in the opposition.
To that situation, our response should not be appeasement, nor isolation, but rather a realistic engagement, firm on values and pragmatic on promoting our interests, without false promises about progress in the negotiation, but with a clear vision of a working relationship that serves the cause of peace in Southeast Europe.
Ďakujem. Thank you. Ďakujem, pán kolega, a teraz poprosím kolegu Schiedera za skupinu Progresívnej aliancie... Áno, Schiedera, za skupinu Progresívnej aliancie socialistov a demokratov v Európskom parlamente. Vydržia.
Andreas Schieder
Thank you, Mr. President, Madam Commissioner. I think it is important to say it again: we all want to see Serbia and especially the Serbian citizens in the European Union. But there is one problem on this way, and the problem has a name: it's Aleksandar Vučić. Because under his presidency, the country is going backwards, going backwards on democracy, on media freedom, on transparency. Growing corruption is on the case, the ministers attending the funeral in Iran, and also Serbia and Belgrade sometimes is seen as a Moscow proxy.
And I think these are arguments enough also to discuss seriously to freeze further EU money. Secondly, I think we have to express very clearly here from the European Parliament 100% solidarity with the students' movement. Every week thousands, ten thousands are going on the street, risking a lot of their life, risking their studies and their future, but fighting for a better European future.
And they have a simple demand, which is a clear, functioning, modern Serbian state. And I think they expect also, while they are not waving European flags, but they expect that the European Union is supporting this students demand to have a modern, function, clean Serbian state. And the last point, Vučić now called for new elections. Nobody knows exactly when. It seems to be another trick of this magician of the bed.
But we have to say, before it comes to election, we need an electoral law which is fulfilling the needs for clear and fair elections. We need that the OSCE, ODIHR, European Parliament recommendations are implemented, and also we need a clear and fair voter registration process. Otherwise, the elections will result in the same result like the old elections.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím pani kolegyňu Vicsek za skupinu Patrioti pre Európu.
Annamária Vicsek
Thank you, Chair, Madam Commissioner, I will speak in Hungarian. Mindnyájan egyetérthetünk abban, hogy Szerbia előtt ma komoly kihívások állnak. Folytatni kell a reformokat, erősíteni kell a társadalmi párbeszédet, és előre kell vinni az európai integrációs folyamatot. Ugyanakkor fontos, hogy a mai vitát a jelenlegi európai politikai környezetben értelmezzük. Az elmúlt hetekben világos üzenetet kaptunk.
Az Európai Unió stratégiai prioritásként tekint a bővítésre. Montenegró újabb tárgyalási fejezeteket zár le, Ukrajna és Moldova megnyitotta első tárgyalási klaszterét. Tegnap az Európai Bizottság egyértelművé tette, hogy támogatja a harmadik tárgyalási klaszter júliusi megnyitását Szerbia számára, mert megítélése szerint ennek feltételei teljesültek. Ez egy kedvező politikai pillanat, amelyet sem Szerbiának, sem az Európai Uniónak nem szabad elszalasztania. A hiányosságokat meg kell nevezni, de ugyanolyan fontos elismerni azokat az eredményeket is, amelyek megszülettek.
Az elmúlt hónapokban Szerbia 23 kulcsfontosságú törvényt fogadott el, köztük uniós jogharmonizációs, igazságügyi és választási reformokat. A szerb parlament ezen a héten további, az ODIHR ajánlásait, valamint a 23-as, 24-es tárgyalási fejezetet érintő jogszabályokat tárgyal. Májusban a kormány elfogadta a kisebbségi cselekvési tervet is. Sajnálatos módon a jelentés hangvétele nem tükrözi ezt a kiegyensúlyozott megközelítést. Szinte kizárólag a hiányosságokra összpontosít, miközben a reformok és az elért eredmények csak elvétve jelennek meg benne.
Ha meg is jelenik benne dicséret, újabb bírálatok relativizálják az elismerést. A hiteles és érdemalapú bővítési politika nemcsak a hiányosságok feltárását, hanem a reformok eredményeinek elismerését is megköveteli. Csak így őrizhetjük meg a bővítési politika hitelességét, ami Szerbia, a Nyugat-Balkán és az Európai Unió közös érdekét szolgálja. Köszönöm szépen.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Strudu, nech sa páči. Za skupinu Európskych konzervatívcov a reformistov, pardon.
Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza
Doamnă comisar, stimați colegi, aderarea Serbiei la Uniunea Europeană trebuie să însemne reforme reale, stat de drept și respect deplin pentru minoritățile naționale. Este necesar ca Serbia să trateze drepturile românilor de pe teritoriul său cu seriozitate, fără atribuirea de identități artificiale precum vlahi. Românii sunt români oriunde ar fi.
Totodată, trebuie să vedem relații de bună vecinătate prin fapte și aici mă refer la proiectul Porților de Fier 3 de pe Dunăre, pentru că vorbim despre un fluviu internațional, nu despre proprietatea exclusivă a unui stat. De aceea, orice proiect major care poate afecta regimul apelor, securitatea energetică, echilibrul ecologic sau agricultura trebuie discutat transparent cu vecinii înainte de a deveni o problemă politică. Integrarea europeană înseamnă încredere, iar încrederea se construiește prin transparență, cooperare și respect reciproc. Vă mulțumesc.
Helmut Brandstätter
Minister President, dear Commissioner, I admire the young Serbian people. They are very brave. They go on the street, they fight for a life in freedom. And then they listen to the Commission and the Commission says we want to open cluster three, we want to continue the process. No, right now it's not the moment to continue the process because there is a backlash.
There are no reforms as I hear now, on the contrary. What does Mr. Vučić say? He cannot leave power, so he takes Putin as a role model. He said what was fine for Putin is now fine for me, so I want to be again the Prime Minister and not the President. Here you see it's not about democracy, it's not about freedom, but it's our job to say to the Serbian people we are on your side.
The Serbians are Europeans like we. The Serbians should be member of the European Union. But the autocracy has no place here. And so I think yes, Commissioner, you said there should be observation for the for the elections, but there also should be more than only observation during the elections. We need a long observation.
We need contact with the opposition, which is also here, with the students. And then Serbia yes, autocracy no.
Martin Hojsík
Danke vielmals. A teraz poprosím kolegu Prebilica za skupinu Zelených, Európska slobodná aliancia.
Vladimir Prebilič
Mr. President, thank you very much for the floor. Spoštovani, Evropski parlament ni sovražnik srbskega naroda. Prav tako Evropski parlament ni ovira Srbije na poti k Evropski uniji. Je pa Evropski parlament neomajni podpornik demokracije ter vseh tistih, ki se zanjo borijo. Svoboda medijev, svoboda izražanja, vladavina prava, spoštovanje drugače mislečih in boj proti korupciji žal nimajo domovinske pravice v Srbiji.
Ker je najprej oblast odgovorna za zaščito demokracije, Evropski parlament pošilja jasno sporočilo: ne, nismo zadovoljni s stanjem demokracije in bomo vztrajno zahtevali izpolnjevanje vseh temeljnih vrednot demokracije v Srbiji.
Srbija si zasluži poštene in svobodne volitve čim prej. Da bo pa to mogoče, je potrebno izpeljati reforme. Zato poziv Evropski komisiji: prišel je čas dejanj nosilcev oblasti in ne odpuščanja. Srečno.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Stusteda za skupinu ľavice v Európskom parlamente, nech sa páči.
Jonas Sjöstedt
Stort tack talman. Serbien står inför ett verkligt vägskäl. På ena sidan Vučićs auktoritära högerregering som aktivt förtrycker oppositionen, ett styre i grunden präglat av korruption och maktmissbruk. Vi ser hur rättsstaten undergrävs, vi ser hur medias frihet inskränks. På den andra sidan finns en av Europas mest dynamiska, intressanta och välorganiserade demokratirörelser.
De serbiska studenterna har skapat någonting unikt, en gräsrotsrörelse, demokratisk från grunden, som utmanar makten genom ständiga, nytänkande demokratiska protester.
De bär fröet till en bättre framtid för Serbien. Vår uppgift är väldigt tydlig. Det är att göra allt vi kan för ett rättvist val. När det gäller vallagen, när det gäller registreringen av väljare och inte minst när det gäller genomförandet. Det är vårt ansvar.
Alexander Sell
Gestern hat Lars Feld in Berlin den Bundeshaushalt für 2027 vorgestellt. 200 Milliarden Euro neue Schulden, der deutsche Staat ist nur noch auf Pump finanzierbar. Während Deutschland pleite geht, wollen Sie hier immer mehr Mitglieder in die Europäische Union aufnehmen. Die Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung der CDU schätzt, dass der Beitritt Serbiens 3 Milliarden Euro kosten wird, der gesamte Westbalkan 7 Milliarden Euro im Jahr. Deutsche Steuerzahler werden ein Viertel der Kosten schultern müssen, also etwa 2 Milliarden Euro.
Das ist ungefähr der Betrag, den die Bundesregierung bei pflegenden Angehörigen einsparen möchte. Mit anderen Worten: Deutsche, die ihre Eltern pflegen, bekommen die Rente gekürzt, damit CDU und SPD ihre Steuergelder auf dem Balkan verjubeln können.
Ich wundere mich, dass es überhaupt noch Wähler gibt, die diesen Parteien ihre Stimmen geben. Seit zwei Jahren gehen die Serben jetzt auf die Straße wegen der Korruption in ihrem Land. Der serbische Präsident hat deshalb seinen Rücktritt erklärt, weil er im Unterschied zu deutschen Politikern bereit ist, Verantwortung für die Fehler seiner Regierung zu übernehmen. Ich finde das vorbildlich. Ursula von der Leyen oder Friedrich Merz sollten sich daran ein Beispiel nehmen und es ihm gleichtun.
Wir wollen eine privilegierte Partnerschaft mit Belgrad. Bevor wir aber mit deutschen Steuergeldern den Balkan sanieren, müssen wir erst mal Deutschland wieder aufbauen.
A teraz poprosím za Komisiu pani komisárku Kohut. I think you have a minute left. Thank you very much.
Marta Kos
Thank you. Just Mr. Brandstätter, dear Helmut, indeed the election observation is not enough. That's why for any new elections we expect to take place under conditions which ensure free and fair elections in accordance with the European and international standards. So the electoral process requires further tangible improvement and reforms. For this, Serbia should build on the first positive steps taken to address concerns about the integrity of the electoral register and the electoral legislation.
But work still needs to be done. So progress on Serbia's path is in the interest of the EU. And when we speak about supporting Serbia, we speak about supporting Serbian citizens.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem pekne, pani komisárka.
And thank you for sticking to your time. Teraz poprosím o záverečné slovo pána spravodajcu Piculu, nech sa páči.
Tonino Picula
Hvala. Naravno, zahvaljujem svima na doprinosu večerašnjoj raspravi, a pogotovo kolegama izvjestiteljima u sjeni na odličnoj suradnji. Vjerujem da su današnju raspravu pratili ne samo građani Europske unije, već prije svega i građani Srbije. Vjerujem i da građani Srbije žele slobodne i poštene izbore i priliku da grade bolju europsku budućnost. Ali nakon godina demokratskog nazadovanja, Europska unija ne smije nagraditi srpsku vlast napretkom na pristupnom putu na temelju kvazi-reformi.
Srbija je najveća zemlja na Zapadnom Balkanu s najvećim kapacitetom za napredak na putu prema članstvu u Europskoj uniji. Međutim, umjesto otvaranja i zatvaranja pregovaračkih poglavlja, srpska vlada samo otvara nove dileme i nove napetosti prema susjedima. Ne možemo govoriti o napretku u dijalogu s Kosovom ako se ne privedu odgovorni za teroristički napad u Banjskoj. Ne možemo govoriti o iskoraku u vladavini prava ako se pokušava ispravljati nešto što je prvobitno urađeno potpuno pogrešno, jer ti Mrdićevi zakoni, zapravo Vučićevi zakoni, nisu ni trebali biti usvojeni.
Mi kao Europski parlament moramo biti čvrsti u svojoj predanosti poštivanju vrijednosti i pravila. Ne možemo šutjeti na zadovanje u vladavini prava, eroziji demokratskih standarda i destruktivnom utjecaju na stabilnost regije. Ako vlasti u Srbiji žele napredovati na svom putu prema Europskoj uniji moraju donijeti jasan strateški izbor, napraviti ključne reforme te se u potpunosti uskladiti s vanjskom sigurnosnom politikom Europske unije i sankcijama Europske unije prema Rusiji. Hvala.
Hvala. Rozprava k tomuto bodu sa týmto skončila a hlasovanie sa uskutoční zajtra. A ďalším bodom programu sú vysvetlenia hlasovania. A ako prvé sú tu vysvetlenia hlasovania k správe Andreja Novakova, práva cestujúcich v leteckej doprave a ako prvého poprosím kolegu Nikolaosa Alavanosa.
Lefteris Nikolaou-Alavanos
Ευχαριστώ κύριε Πρόεδρε. Ο κανονισμός που ψηφίστηκε επικαλείται τα δικαιώματα των επιβατών στις αεροπορικές μεταφορές ενώ ικανοποιεί όλες τις απαιτήσεις των μεγάλων ομίλων του κλάδου που σημειώνουν κέρδη ρεκόρ και έχουν ήδη μπουκώσει από κρατικές και ευρωενωσιακές επιδοτήσεις.
Περαιτέρω μειώνει τις υποχρεώσεις των αεροπορικών εταιρειών, ψαλιδίζει τις αποζημιώσεις για τους επιβάτες και ανοίγει το δρόμο για οριστικό περιορισμό τους, διατηρώντας την έννοια λάστιχο των έκτακτων περιστάσεων που δίνει την ικανότητα στους ομίλους να αποφεύγουν αποζημιώσεις κατά το δοκούν και να θησαυρίζουν ακόμα και από τις χειραποσκευές στην καμπίνα όπως και από τις διαστάσεις της βαλίτσας. Την ίδια στιγμή οι εταιρείες στη βάση της απελευθερωμένης αγοράς έχουν εκτοξεύσει τις τιμές και εκμηδενίσει τις όποιες υπηρεσίες στους επιβάτες. Κριτήριο δράσης τους είναι το κέρδος όπως βεβαίως και των κυβερνήσεων και της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης που καταδικάζουν τις υπηρεσίες πολιτικής αεροπορίας να λειτουργούν με απαρχαιωμένες υποδομές και λιγοστό προσωπικό σε καθεστώς εντατικοποίησης βάζοντας σε κίνδυνο την ασφάλεια των πτήσεων. Δεν υπάρχει άλλος δρόμος για να κερδίσει δικαιώματα και ασφάλεια ο λαός πρέπει να χάσει το κεφάλαιο.
Děkujem velmi. Thank you very much. A teraz poprosím kolegu Lópeza Aguilara.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Thank you, President. En este pleno de julio del Parlamento Europeo ha tenido lugar la votación definitiva del reglamento de derechos de los pasajeros aéreos. Y es una votación que tiene dos rasgos extraordinarios que merecen subrayarse. El primero es la amplísima mayoría. Ha votado favorablemente el arco parlamentario casi entero.
Ha recibido votos favorables de todos los grupos parlamentarios. Y la razón es sencilla y es que después de trece años de bloqueo por fin se ha llegado a un acuerdo con el Consejo. Porque el segundo rasgo extraordinario es que por fin se produce un avance en los derechos de ciudadanía y particularmente de los pasajeros.
Y muchas veces los derechos laborales, incluso los derechos fundamentales de la Unión Europea han venido de la mano de los derechos de los consumidores. Por fin derecho de compensación frente a los abusos de las compañías aéreas, los retrasos, los sobreprecios y las sobreventas. Por fin el derecho reconocido a embarcar la maleta en cabina. Y por fin facilidades expresas para las personas con dificultades de movilidad para que puedan ejercer sus derechos en igualdad de condiciones con respecto de todos los demás. Gracias presidente.
Lefteris Nikolaou-Alavanos
Ο κανονισμός υπηρετεί τις ανάγκες του κεφαλαίου για φθηνότερη και πιο ευέλικτη εργατική δύναμη. Στην πράξη προσαρμόζει το ισχύον πλαίσιο εξατομικευμένης και εμπορευματοποιημένης ασφάλισης πείνας με γενίκευση των επαγγελματικών ταμείων στις ανάγκες της αγοράς, όπως προανήγγειλε πρόσφατα η κυβέρνηση της Νέας Δημοκρατίας μέσω της Τράπεζας της Ελλάδος. Επιδίωξή του η διασυνοριακή κινητικότητα, δηλαδή η μαζική μετανάστευση από χώρα σε χώρα κυνηγώντας ένα μεροκάματο. Στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση της πολεμικής οικονομίας και εμπλοκής, όπου ένας στους τρεις εργαζόμενους είναι και επίσημα φτωχός και η ανεργία θερίζει, ο κανονισμός προτείνει πιο αυστηρούς όρους πρόσβασης και διατήρησης του επιδόματος ανεργίας.
Στόχος του κανονισμού είναι το ξήλωμα των εργατικών δικαιωμάτων, τα βάρη κράτους-εργοδοσίας να μετατραπούν σε απώλειες για τους εργαζόμενους. Για να κερδίσουν οι εργαζόμενοι πρέπει να χάσει το κεφάλαιο, τα κόμματα που το υπηρετούν και οι διεθνείς τους συμμαχίες. Να οργανώσουν τώρα την πάλη τους για συλλογικές συμβάσεις εργασίας με αξιοπρεπείς μισθούς, με πλήρη ασφαλιστικά δικαιώματα και μείωση του εργάσιμου χρόνου.
Ďakujem a týmto sme ukončili vysvetlenie hlasovania a aj dnešné debaty. Nasledujúce rokovanie sa uskutoční zajtra v stredu 8. júla 2026 so začiatkom o 9:00 ráno. Program schôdze bol uverejnený a je k dispozícii na webovom sídle Európskeho parlamentu. Zápisnica z tohto rokovania bude predložená parlamentu na schválenie zajtra po hlasovaní. Rokovanie sa skončilo a prajem vám príjemný večer.
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