Committee on Foreign Affairs Ordinary meeting

10 September 2026

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AFET European Parliament

Follow its sittings
00:00 - 05:21
Speaker 1
Neoliberal economic policy at home, keeping salary low and using very strong nationalistic rhetoric to justify why they had to do that.  I mean, we have seen something similar in Hungary, probably.  I mean, it's really a product, probably, of a complex policy basket that we offer to the region that probably provide greater incentive to do this kind of politics rather than try to change and to have a different path.  So I think we have our own big responsibility for that.  Of course, Serbia is more difficult case than Albania for this issue, but it's history and we cannot forget different history of different countries. 

Second, the gap, the gap between legislation and implementation.  Of course, I mean, it's one thing that emerged from the study and, of course, you cannot have a perfectly functioning democratic system overnight.  The time since somehow the accession process was relaunched, since there are more credible incentive for asking for core reform in the rule of law is relatively recent.  And so I think we should invest in this process, not to step back because there might be still some lack in implementation.  And we have seen how exclusion and stigmatization does not produce democracy or good governance. 

So I think inclusion should go on.  Of course, we need to be smarter in use our safeguard mechanism for candidate countries, but also for member states.  And I think in that direction should go the cautious that, of course, comes together with once observing that maybe implementation lack a bit behind the legislative work. 

And this somehow it was linked also with the question on such persistent socioeconomic gap if we have not done enough and the growth plan was mentioned.  I mean the reality if we compare just the amount of resources provided to candidate country and neighboring EU member state this gap remain huge and and if you look at and and Southeastern European country receive like from seven to ten time more EU aid per capita than EU funds per capita than than candidate country.  And of course this provide a huge divergence in in in in growth rate and we have seen every time a new country access the European Union you had a new divergence between those that were in and those that were out.  So the growth plan was not an effective move to to bridge this gap as it was not the economic and investment plan of Varhelyi and the they signal the problem that convergence has not happened and that probably much more should be done even in the pre-accession phase but then they never touch the taboo that is providing more resources even before accession because it's very difficult topic but this is the result. 

You have divergence or stagnation instead of convergence in socio-economic terms.  And of course this helps construct this socio-economic fabric that also feeds into nationalistic rhetoric that helps also those that do not align with the West.  And finally, about my last comment about protest, and I mean I'm very much in line with Grizela.  I think the fact that you can have protests that they appeal to the European framework, it's a good sign that can reinforce EU conditionality.  It's not a negative sign, it's a sign that of course each country has its own different story and different street towards democracy and to consolidate democracy. 

But still I think this very strong social support for also for the vetting, for the SPAK, for all these anti-corruption measures that were pushed by the EU were possible because in Albanian society there is a huge support for them. 

And this is, and so Albanian people are the best ally for European Commission in asking for tough reforms.  Thank you. 
05:21 - 07:39
Speaker 2
Thank you.  Thank you very much.  În încheierea discuției de astăzi doresc să le mulțumesc invitaților noștri, doamna Jovana Marović, doamna Kristela Hakaj, domnul doctor Matteo Bonomi, distinșilor mei colegi eurodeputați pentru perspectivele oferite care contribuie la eforturile noastre mai ample privind extinderea.  Extinderea rămâne unul dintre cele mai puternice instrumente strategice ale Uniunii Europene, însă credibilitatea sa depinde de angajamentul politic al ambelor părți și de rezultate concrete în materie de reformă.  Albania și Muntenegru au demonstrat că este posibil să se înregistreze progrese semnificative. 

În viitor, alinierea continuă la standardele Uniunii Europene și angajamentul politic susținut vor fi esențiale pentru integrarea regiunii.  Comisia AFET va continua să sprijine ambii parteneri pe parcursul procesului lor de aderare. 

Vă mulțumesc foarte mult.  Trecem la punctul nouă a zilei de astăzi în Comisia AFET, situația dreptului internațional și riscurile la adresa multilateralismului, democrației și Uniunii Europene.  Stimați colegi, să trecem la examinarea proiectului de raport privind situația dreptului internațional și riscurile la adresa multilateralismului, democrației și Uniunii Europene.  Într-un moment în care rivalitatea geopolitică și revenirea la o politică bazată pe putere exercită o presiune din ce în ce mai mare asupra sistemului internațional, este mai important ca niciodată să ne intensificăm eforturile de apărare a dreptului internațional și a ordinii multilaterale bazate pe norme.  Acest raport ne oferă ocazia de a prezenta modul în care Uniunea Europeană poate răspunde acestor provocări într-un mod mai coerent și mai strategic, de a-și reafirma angajamentul ferm față de dreptul internațional și de a contribui la consolidarea capacității Uniunii Europene de a apăra principiile și instituțiile multilateralismului într-un moment în care sistemul multilateral este din ce în ce mai amenințat. 

07:39 - 07:48

Ioan-Rareş Bogdan

Aș dori să-l invit pe raportor, pe Mr. Elio Di Rupo, să-și prezinte proiectul de raport. Sir Di Rupo, you have the floor.

07:48 - 14:56

Elio Di Rupo

Thank you, Chair. Dear Chair, dear colleagues, our Parliament and in particular our committee has already extensively analyzed the major changes in the geopolitical context. The draft report of multilateralism therefore does not seek to repeat what we already know. Given the gravity of the situation, I have chosen to focus on internal reforms of the EU that could enable it to become a more influential actor on the international stage. Given the complexity and importance of the issues at stake, choices and compromises must be made.

I want to insist: let's focus on the reforms that the Union could implement internally, reforms that we as Europeans could successfully carry out. Let us start with the United Nations.

We have to recognize that reforming the Security Council currently seems impossible. Why don't we establish strategic coordination between EU member states within the different United Nations bodies through the EEAS? This would at least help address the lack of coherence between member states and it would strengthen the visibility and effectiveness of European messages. Furthermore, why not use France's permanent seat on the Security Council to promote not only its national positions but also European positions? The draft report also responds to the constructive call made by the Canadian Prime Minister.

The draft report calls for the High Representative to be given a mandate to launch a diplomatic initiative and, above all, to present a communication setting out a roadmap to bringing together middle powers. This diplomatic initiative should also seek to involve regional organisations such as the African Union, ASEAN, CELAC or Mercosur, as well as countries from the global South. Mr Chair, to be credible, the Union needs to uphold the rule of law within its own borders, in particular by strengthening and extending rule of law conditionalities. The Union's international credibility also requires us to firmly support justice against those who attack and threaten it. I propose that we firmly protect one of the few multilateral institutions created by states from the European continent, the International Criminal Court and its members.

I must also express my concern about the use of extraterritorial measures by non-European powers. As you know, such decisions can have serious consequences for our companies and European citizens. So, should we not urge the Commission to make use of the EU blocking statute?

We should also insist that our Member States strictly comply with the decisions of the International Court of Justice. The draft report also calls on the, on the Council to establish an annual session of the Foreign Affairs Council dedicated to multilateralism and international rules. The objective would be to regularly assess the situation, identify new multilateral initiatives and improve coordination ahead of major international negotiations. We could also argue that this reform should be accompanied by a move towards qualified majority voting in the Council for decisions on common foreign and security policy that fall within the Union's competencies. The draft report also calls for a stronger European External Action Service.

The EEAS should become the genuine strategic center for all the European Union's external instruments.

The aim is to ensure greater coherence between all these instruments of the EU currently at the Commission or in other bodies. Naturally, the treaties must of course be respected. Dear colleagues, the many different faces and institutions speaking for the Union internationally undermine our credibility. Our draft report calls for a clearer system of external representation for the Union to put an end to the cacophony at the top. The world needs one, and only one, face representing the EU.

To conclude, the rules-based international order is facing a profound existential crisis. Clearly, we have returned to a world where might makes right. My conviction is that the EU has the tool to help bring about change this situation. This is the objective we are invited to pursue through our amendment. I look forward to working with each shadow rapporteur and with all of you, dear colleagues.

Thank you very much.

14:56 - 15:10

Ioan-Rareş Bogdan

Ah, sorry, sorry, sorry, sorry. EPP is not here, Mr. Beke. Mr. and Patriots, Mr. Tangier Correa is not here. ECR, Mr. Kols. Mr. Kols is here.

You have the floor.

15:10 - 17:46

Rihards Kols

Yes. Thank you. Thank you very much, Chair, and thank you very much, Mr. Ruoppolo, for the draft report. And obviously, the subject could hardly be more timely. International law, democracy, democracy in particular, has been in decline for the past two decades, and multilateralism are under sustained pressure.

There is no illusion about that. The question before us is whether this report will merely describe that pressure or whether it will identify those responsible and propose a response equal to the challenge. The diagnosis is partially there. The draft refers to the geopolitical rivalry, the paralysis of the UN Security Council, and the growing influence of China.

Yet the operative text still avoids a plain political conclusion. International law is not eroding by accident, it is being broken deliberately. Russia wages a war of aggression against Ukraine, violates its neighbor's sovereignty, commits war crimes and uses its Security Council veto to shield itself from consequences. China increasingly uses economic coercion, political pressure and technological dependencies to reshape international rules in its own interests. These are not abstract pressures on multilateralism, these are deliberate actions by states that benefit from a weaker international system.

We should also call conduct by its proper name. Sabotage is sabotage. Foreign interference is foreign interference. Coercion is coercion. War is war.

Hiding these realities behind the convenient label of hybrid threats does not make Europe safer. It makes our language less honest and our response less focused. Our amendments from the ECR will therefore seek to strengthen the report where it matters. More direct language on Russian aggression and China's coercive conduct, concrete demands for accountability and a stronger focus on resilience against sabotage, foreign interference and strategic dependencies.

We should also remain grounded in the treaties. Europe needs stronger defense capabilities and a stronger European pillar of NATO. Yet defense remains first and foremost a responsibility of competence of the member states. So this report will be judged by simple test: does it name those breaking the rules and does it demand consequences? And Europe, to tell you bluntly, cannot defend international law through euphemisms.

Thank you.

17:46 - 17:55

Ioan-Rareş Bogdan

Thank you very much. Thank you very much, Mr. Kools. Renew Group, Mr. Dan Barna, please, you have the floor.

17:55 - 19:18

Dan Barna

Thank you, thank you, Chair. This report is of course more than timely. We have never seen such a disturbing deterioration of the liberal world order. The fundamental rules and agreements are being broken every day, and it feels like the ground is shaking under our feet. We find ourselves in a completely, completely new global environment.

This is of course presented immense risk for the EU, both immediate and long-term.

But more than anything else, such changes require a major revision of our strategy on engaging with the rest of the world. In my view, this report will allow us to shape the vision on what is the role of the EU in this new reality. Not as a passive perceiver of changes, but as an actor that can be, that can and must make a difference. This report reinforces the messages that we as the Parliament sent in our January resolution on the implementation of the EU common foreign and security policy, as well as in the report on the UN General Assembly that we vote this May. We have largely agreed on our perspective on these situations.

Now the questions remains what we are going to do about it. As Renew shadow, I will submit amendments that stress the global role of the EU and suggest steps and bold decisions that we need to take to be strong and effective in defending ourselves and the rule-based global order. Thank you, sir.

19:18 - 19:25

Ioan-Rareş Bogdan

Thank you very much, Mr. Barna. Group Renew, Ms. Nela Liel, please, to give a floor.

19:25 - 21:16

Nela Riehl

Thank you, Chair. I want to start by warmly welcoming this draft report. Thank you, rapporteur. It comes at a moment when international law and also multilateralism are under real pressure, we all know that, and this text rises to that moment. Every element in it, from the citations to the substance of the articles, reflects issues I consider genuinely important, and I look forward to working together with you, strong, constructively, to even strengthen it further.

On defending international law, I fully share the framing that the EU's credibility rests on our consistency within the UN system and international law. That said, I do believe that the language on our support for the ICC and the ICJ needs to go even further. Given the moment we're in, it has to be unambiguous. On rebuilding multilateralism, excellent that we highlight middle powers, regional cooperation, and also flexible issue-based partnerships. Alongside international law, reliability, partnerships, reliable, sorry, partnerships are the backbone of global stability.

If we don't build genuinely attractive offers around common interests and issue-based cooperation, the EU risks to lose its seat at the table in the decades ahead. On democratic resilience, I'll be proposing additional language on education, also active citizenship, and on inequalities' effects on social cohesion as core components of resilience. And finally, on the EEAS and HRVP, any reform must strengthen their capacities and toolbox, not to weaken their autonomy, and I think that's clearer.

So I really much look forward to the negotiations and thank you very much again.

21:16 - 21:36

Ioan-Rareş Bogdan

The Left, not here. ECR, Thomas Froelich is not here. And thank you, thank you very much. Now let me give the floor to Ms. Ester Orsini-Rosenberg, Deputy Head of Division for Multilateral Relations, for two minutes. Give the floor, Ms. Ester.

21:36 - 23:53

Ester Orsini-Rosenberg

Thank you very much, Chair, Rapporteur De Lupo, and honorable members. Thank you for the opportunity to address your committee. We appreciate the engagement of the European Parliament in the work on this timely report. We're just a week ahead of the start of the 81st UN General Assembly and at a critical moment for multilateralism, as many of you have pointed out. We share much of the draft report's assessment, which coincide with the work we are currently undertaking at the EEAS.

Defending effective multilateralism is both a matter of principle and a strategic European interest. As we reconfirmed in the Council conclusions on EU priorities during the 81st UN General Assembly, EU action remains firmly anchored in respect for international law and the UN Charter, including the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. Accountability for violations of international law remains central, which is why the EU will continue to strongly support the ICC and the ICJ and defend their independence and effective functioning.

We remain firm in the commitment to human rights for everyone and everywhere. But defending multilateralism also means reforming it, which is a clear necessity and why we are strongly supporting the ongoing UN AT reform initiative, a unique opportunity to advance towards a more effective and cost-efficient United Nations able to deliver for the people it serves. Our political commitment is also backed by predictable and reliable resources. We remain by far the largest financial contributor to the UN system, paying in full and on time, and the world's largest provider of development assistant. Close to 50% of global ODA allow us to contribute to sustainable development of resilient societies.

While others disengage, we remain present and are working on strengthening partnerships across regions and with and through CELAC, ASEAN and the African Union, reaching beyond our traditional like-minded partners to build broader coalitions and around areas of convergence. As a last point, our collective weight is of course most efficient when we stay united respecting the principles of sincere cooperation and mutual solidarity, and as the HRVP underlined after the Gymnich discussion last week, we ought to look more seriously at constructive abstentions and other tools the treaties provide.

So we look forward to continued close dialogue as work on this important report progresses, and thank you for the opportunity to address you. Thanks.

23:53 - 24:05

Ioan-Rareş Bogdan

Thank you. Thank you, Ms. Orsini-Rosenberg. Finally, the floor goes back to the rapporteur, Mr. Elio Di Rupo, for these final remarks for two minutes. Please, Mr. Di Rupo, you have the floor.

24:05 - 25:57

Elio Di Rupo

Yes, thank you very much, Mr. Chair. Indeed, I'm open to improve the draft report, especially that it's very, very short for the technical reasons. I would like just to stress a few points. Indeed, we can speak for many years the reasons of the difficulties of international law and multilateralism institutions. But the reasons are external, but also internal.

And indeed, we can speak a lot about external reasons, but I'm not sure that we are able to change something for the next few years.

So I suggest to our colleagues to focus our attention to try to use our tools in the EU to be more credible on the international stage. And I would say once again that I will have a contact with each shadow rapporteur also with the lady. But I stress, I insist, indeed I need a majority but I insist that if we can focus on what we are able to do concretely it would be better than many many words, many pages saying the same thing since ten years without any effect. Thank you very much sir, Mr. Chair.

25:57 - 26:24

Ioan-Rareş Bogdan

Thank you very much, thank you very much Mr. Di Rupo. Thank you colleagues. The deadline for amendments is set on 24 September and 17. The vote in AFET is foreseen in 25, 26 January 2027. Thank you for this day and good luck and have a nice weekend.

Bye, thank you.

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