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PLENARY European Parliament
Follow its sittingsUrsula von der Leyen
As old assumptions and relationships have frayed, we are now dealing with an openly hostile world. A territorial war of aggression is raging on our continent. Others have erupted nearby. A fight for industrial capacities is shaping global competition. And a battle of narratives is seeking to weaken confidence in Europe, to paralyze our democracies.
But people's worries are not only linked to these big global threats. The effect of the many crises is present for many European families, not least on the cost of living and housing. The dizzying speed of change and technology that is impacting our jobs, our livelihoods, and our societies. And it is also having a profound effect on our democracy and our discourse. We see this in the rise of the extreme and the decline of nuance, even in the way that we relate to each other.
These real concerns are being weaponized to drive a wedge between us. Sometimes from the outside, but too often from the inside. But our path is clear: building an independent Europe that has the power to act. Nothing can divert us from this.
Because in this world, the fate of Europe must remain in the hands of Europeans. So our choice is clear. Do we want a strong and independent Europe that stands up for its values in this world, or do we let divisions and dependencies hold us back? Do we want to rally around our European idea that together we can decide our own destiny, or do we let our democracies be undermined by the proxies and puppets of authoritarians? And whether it is the ultranationalists or the anti-Europeans, whether it's Russian interference or disinformation, the names may be different, but their goal is the same.
They despise our values and they want to shatter our European unity. So let's not only fight back against that, but let's fight together for our European idea. Honorable members, our economy has withstood the impact of the Middle East wars better than expected. And unemployment is at near record lows. But the pressures from higher energy prices and borrowing costs are biting for people and business.
Clear fiscal choices will have to be made to ensure fiscal sustainability while protecting investment.
So kickstarting Europe's economy is our number one priority. We have a huge market, world-class industry and services, a rich pool of savings, and one of the world's leading currencies. And yet, we still fragment our capital, networks, and purchasing power. And this is why when we took office, we together put in place a bold plan to build an economy where innovation and energy flows across borders, where companies compete and grow across Europe, and savings finance our future. This is the logic of the Draghi and Letta report.
And together we are delivering. We have to be faster, all institutions, yes, we know this. We now have the political agreement on one Europe, one market roadmap. And together by the end of next year, we can and we must complete this historic overhaul of the single market.
In today's economy, speed is of the essence. A permit or a form, a grid connection or financing decision. All of this can determine where an investment is made and where jobs are created. We need to move much faster. And this is why we will put forward proposals to further speed up permitting.
Where projects are in Europe's strategic interest, we need to massively accelerate. And where administrative burden is slowing down business and SMEs, we need to slash that too. You know that our 12 omnibus proposals are reducing administrative burden by around 17 billion euros per year. But honorable members, simplification cannot be a one-way street. All levels have to have skin in the game.
We have long spoken about the harms of gold-plating. Honorable members, yes, we are doing our best at the European level to cut red tape. But now I think it is time for the member states to step up.
If we are serious about simplification, we also need a pact against gold-plating. Honorable members, Europe cannot remain an industrial powerhouse if its energy prices are structurally too high. When Russia cut us off the gas, we fought back. Our supplies are now more diversified. And we invested in our homegrown clean energies, and this is renewables and nuclear.
But then came the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. And again, we bitterly felt the cost of our general dependence on imported fossil fuels. And let me just give you one figure. Since the start of the conflict in the Strait of Hormuz, imported fossil fuels cost us an additional 90 billion euros, without a single molecule of energy in addition. So we need to double down on our affordable and homegrown clean energy, be it renewables or nuclear, be it biomethane or others, technologically neutral.
But these energies must give us independence and drive down energy prices.
For this independence, we need to electrify Europe. Our goal is to double the share of electricity by 2040. With this, Europe could cut its fossil fuel import bill by 260 billion euros per year. But we also need to ensure that electricity we generate is available. Last year we installed more than 80 gigawatts of renewable capacity.
Good. But six times more capacity is still waiting to be connected. What a waste. And this is why we need the grids package so urgently. We must invest faster, we must speed up grids connection, we must develop storage, in short, let's make Europe's future electric, this is a must.
Honorable members, we can bring down energy prices, invest and innovate more, reform our economies, but all this is undermined if our companies do not compete on a level playing field. Our trade deficit with China is now one billion euros a day. It has reached a tipping point. Some say the second China shock is looming, but it's already here. It shows in our communities and factories across our Union.
It leads to deindustrialization in the industrial heartlands of Europe. This is unsustainable. And this is why we are engaged in a dialogue with China to rebalance our trade. But this dialogue must now lead to results. China's weaker domestic demand means it also needs our European market.
So it is in both our interest to work together and find solutions. But let me be very clear. We will use all tools at our disposal to rebalance our relationship. Words are good, but deeds are better. And there's another point.
We still have too many dangerous dependencies. We are more than 80% dependent on China for many critical raw materials, 90% for some rare earths.
We have done a lot, but we are not the only ones trying to diversify. So, we need to urgently procure and build up reserves. No country can do this on its own. So we need to think differently. And this is why we will establish a new European Corporation on Critical Raw Materials.
It will help us obtain and stockpile what we need for electric cars, for chips and batteries, for cleantech and defense, and so much more. Not only our industry depends on this, but also our independence and our security. And this brings me to my next point on financing. To be very clear first of all on the MFF: our budget is about our future, and any modern budget needs new own resources. And I thank you for the support of this Parliament from day one on what that topic is concerned.
We must create the conditions for our companies to attract investment and grow.
And this is why our work on the Savings and Investment Union is so critical. But developing capital markets takes time and the need of our companies is urgent. We need a banking system that is built for growth, not just for stability. And this is why we will put forward a new banking package focusing on simplification and tackling fragmentation. We know the demand for capital is out there, but we need a greater capacity and appetite for risk.
Our deep tech startups are on track to attract record venture capital investment in 2026. And this is why I announced the new Scale-up Europe fund last year. A year on, the first investments have been made in companies such as ICEYE. ICEYE was set up by two young Europeans, Rafal from Poland and Pekka from Finland. They initially met through Erasmus some 15 years ago.
Together they founded a tech startup. They developed their ideas around satellite imagery. They got Horizon funding.
They proved their technology. They grew with private investment. And today they are one of the world's leading space technology companies, with offices in Finland, Poland, Spain, and Greece. ICEYE's story shows that Europe is the home of innovation and that we can reignite Europe's entrepreneurial spirit. And I'm delighted that the founders are with us today.
Please join me in welcoming Rafal and Pekka, you are true European success stories. Please rise. Honorable members, these are Europe's economic fundamentals.
But our future prosperity and security will greatly depend on how we manage the tipping points of our times: climate change and artificial intelligence. On climate change, this summer was the summer of truth. Almost no part of our continent was spared. In Belgium's High Fens, a peatland formed over centuries burned into a wasteland of ash. Flames roared from the mountains of Ireland to the islands of Greece and Croatia.
In the Alps, ancient glaciers retreat further every day. The impact of all this is simply devastating. 660,000 hectares burned to ground. Some 12 million tons of crops lost. Key rivers like the Danube, the Rhine, or the Garonne are disappearing before our eyes.
More than 35,000 additional deaths during the heatwaves. Care homes and hospitals dangerously overheated. And all of this is a mere preview. These were the hottest summer months ever, but probably the coolest of the years to come. Science is clear: Europe is warming at double the global rate.
Of course, the transition is complex, and we will need to adjust and learn along the way. But there is no doubt: Europe can, must, and will stay the course on our climate targets. Honorable member, this is not about mitigation or adaptation. We need both, and they need to strengthen each other. This is the only way to reach climate resilience.
But we need to step up dramatically on preparedness. We will present a new framework for climate resilience next month. It will identify 100 of the most vulnerable territories in Europe, and we will assess the risks and at which level they should be managed.
It will give us a whole-of-society approach all the way through to the local level where adaptation matters most. And it will aim to make Europe the champion in adaptation technologies. There is a huge emerging market. Whether drought-resistant crops, flood prevention, or energy-efficient cooling, Europe is already a leader and we must capture this market. Today, only 25% of catastrophe losses in Europe are covered by private insurance.
This means that far too often national budgets become the insurer of last resort. We need to take action to close this gap and this is why the Commission will set up a Climate Insurance Alliance. Honorable members, there can be no repeat of this summer. And this is also why we will soon present a European Heatwave Plan. We need better early warning systems and better health preparedness.
We need urban adaptation and cooling and we need to support the most vulnerable. The second point is on water and food security. We know the risks of water scarcity for our farmers, SMEs, energy, and supply chains.
Yet European pipes lose almost one liter in every four liters, mostly through leakage. What a waste! So we will put forward a new European water initiative, because water is precious for our industry and for our food security. Crops need water to grow, livestock to survive, entire harvests depend on it, and this is why we will make proposals to improve risk management and address the insurance gap. And once again, Europe's farmers have risen to the challenge of this never-ending summer.
And honorable members, Europe's farmers are the best in the world and we will support them every step of their way. The next point is about wildfires. They are getting more intense, more frequent, and more spread out. I must say I'm so proud of Europe's response, of our European assets flying across the continent. But clearly we need to think bigger and learn faster.
And this is why we have asked some of Europe's most senior firefighters and emergency responders to lead the work. They will look at all aspects of preparedness and prevention, from civil-military coordination to needs for new capabilities. And I've asked them to make proposals, including a future European firefighting fleet. Our emergency crews have saved countless lives and homes this year alone. And there is a story I would like to tell.
It is the story of a Danish pilot, Rune Kinder. His passion for flying brought him all around the world. He settled down in a small Canadian city called Terrace. He became one of the country's most experienced civilian pilots. But Rune wanted to put his talent at the service of a bigger mission.
So he came back to Europe to help tame wildfires across our continent. In July he carried out many successful missions across Greece. And he was then supposed to get a well-deserved break. But the emergency was at its peak.
So Rune decided to stay. A few days later, he was involved in a tragic accident with his fire liaison officer. Both Rune and the officer were killed. They died as heroes. I have asked Rune's mother and his brothers to join us today as special guests.
And dear Margit, dear Tore, dear Kåre, we're honored to have you. Rune gave his life to save others and today all of Europe owes him.
Honorable members. The second tipping point of our times is artificial intelligence. AI is fast becoming a foundational layer for our economy and security. Europe's stance is clear. We want to make the most of artificial intelligence to improve our societies, our quality of life and our productivity.
And I'm an optimist that AI has the potential to benefit humanity if we get it right. But as with any powerful new technology, AI comes with the balance of possibilities on one hand, but also massive risks on the other hand. And without addressing these risks, we will never be able to unlock AI's potential.
As the frontier models become more capable, these risks have become sharper and come sharper into focus. Models being developed will allow hacking on a level we never thought possible. And they will soon be in the hands of adversaries who see the world very differently than us. At the same time, the dangers of self-improving models are becoming ever more apparent. Incidents of AI agents escaping their environment or inserting malicious code are a mere glimpse.
After the Hugging Face incident, developers are ringing the alarm. And CEOs of the most advanced companies tell us that it is time to slow down on the self-recursive models to pace the frontier. If the people developing the technology are clear, then we should be too. The AI Act is of course a crucial piece to put in place guardrails. And it puts Europe in a position to shape global efforts of how to tackle this.
So we will step up together with our like-minded partners like Canada, the UK and others. We want to team up on model evaluation, verification, early warning, AI security and much more. And I will invite the main frontier labs for discussion on how we can support ongoing industry efforts to pace the frontier. Honorable members, it is also true that Europe will need its own capabilities, in particular to protect our national security. We need to stay in the race, because this is crucial for our independence.
So we need to massively boost our computing capacity, and we will set out our ideas for how to achieve this in a clean and efficient way. We will also develop new ways to use public and private funds to invest in the most promising European startups and companies. Honorable members, by limiting the risks of AI, we can maximize the benefits.
We have already done a lot on gigafactories and tech sovereignty, for example, but the next leg of this race is not only about frontier models. Just as with the printing press in times gone by, it was invented by a German inventor, but it was mastered and applied across Western Europe. So we do not need to develop the frontier technology to be the ones who draw the greatest value from it. The key is creating the value that AI has not yet delivered. So moving AI from the screen to the real economy and the real society, on the factory floor, on the hospital ward, in precision agriculture, in our energy grids, smart grids, for autonomous driving, for defense, this is where the real value is hidden.
And it is where Europe has big advantages. We have world-class industries that sit on the highest quality data. These data are precious European treasure.
They are what can power tailor-made industrial AI models. And let me give you one societal example. On breast cancer screening, an issue many of you have campaigned tirelessly on. Mammography screening reduces mortality by around 30 to 40% among women who attend. Early detection is of the essence.
And this is where AI can step in. AI-supported mammography can identify earlier and more cancers during screening, and as a result, more women can survive. So we need AI for health. But here again, we must do it in a European way. Do I want my doctor to have instant AI access to all the data needed to make the best diagnostic treatment and choice?
Yes, of course. But do I want my doctor to be a robot, AI-assisted? No, of course not. I do not want a robot to tell me whether I have cancer or not. The point is, AI needs to empower our doctors, not to replace them.
And this is just one example. We are now focusing on five of the highest value sectors where industrial AI has the biggest potential and we have the data in Europe: health, transport, agri-food, advanced manufacturing, and defense and space. In November, we will announce game-changing initiatives across these sectors. We will invite Member States, Members of the European Parliament, industry and entrepreneurs to join us in this ambitious European project. Our approach is clear.
We want artificial intelligence. We want AI to create more value, more responsibility, and at a lower cost and with less energy consumption. But above all, we want AI with human agency. This is the essence of the European way. Honorable Members, many of the risks of AI also spill over into our social market economy.
For some, AI allows them to speed up repetitive tasks to make better use of their skills.
But clearly, these benefits are unevenly spread between skill sets, generations, and regions. Look just at young people and the barriers they are facing just to get on the first rung of employment. Our response must keep pace. From education to employment, AI must help develop skills, improve the quality of jobs, and give workers a fair chance. And this is why we need our Quality Jobs Act, and we will deliver before the end of the year.
And honorable members, next year we will celebrate the 10th anniversary of our European Pillar of Social Rights. And we will keep delivering on its promise. We will invest in our regions so everyone has the right to stay. We will launch a European Care Deal to address the challenges linked to our demographic changes.
We have just proposed the first-ever Housing Act to tackle short-term rentals and housing speculation. Because, honorable members, staying in the region is not a privilege, care is not a privilege, housing is not a privilege, they are rights and we have to give them to our Europeans. And honorable members, when we proclaimed this Pillar of Social Rights ten years ago, the world was different. Our society has changed in many ways for the better, in others not. And today our fundamental values are being challenged.
Some people even want to backslide on women's rights. They want to send us back in an age where women were second-class citizens. We have fought so hard for equal treatment, equal opportunities, equal pay. Look around this room, finally there are many of us here: presidents, vice-presidents, group leaders, commissioners, members of the European Parliament, staffers and ushers. So let me send a very clear signal and message: women are here to stay.
We will defend our rights. And we will continue to stand up for our values every single day. And this is why, together with my dear friend António Costa, we will host a summit to uphold the enduring principles of our social pillar. Times may change, technologies may change, but our values do not. In Europe, people will always come first.
Honorable members, in this age of tipping points, our prosperity and security will not only be built at home. This year, we signed free trade agreements with India, Mercosur, Mexico, Australia and Indonesia. We now have trade deals in place with more than 80 countries, more than anyone else in the world. And business is asking us for more. I can announce today a new international connectivity project.
It will link the South Caucasus and Central Asia directly to the European market, what we call the Middle Corridor.
Through Global Gateway, we will aim to crowd in up to 12 billion euros in public and private investment. Our goal is to diversify routes, triple trade flows and slash freight transit times by 2030. To make this a reality, we will organize a regional connectivity summit with the Prime Minister of Bulgaria. And honorable members, these partnerships are a strategic choice for Europe. But they also respond to the fracture in the international rules-based system.
For some, the answer is to go it alone. But this is not an option for us. Europe will always lead when it comes to defending the rules-based system. But we can no longer rely on it to be the only way to secure our interests or assume that its rules will shelter us from the complex threats that we face.
In this new world, we must urgently reimagine our partnerships and build global coalitions for our resilience and democracies. And here too, only Europe with its size and power can take the lead. And this is why I have invited Prime Minister Mark Carney of Canada. Mark, your presence here is a symbol of the enduring friendship between our people. Our cultural, historical, and personal links run deep in the fabric of our societies.
And thanks to CETA, our trade in goods has grown by 75% in less than a decade. This shows the power of our trade agreements, by the way. We see the world with the same eyes, from AI to climate change, from the Arctic to geopolitics. And we have stood together on Ukraine, on defense, on raw materials and supply chains. But above all, dear Mark, Europe and Canada believe in democracy.
That power does not belong to the strongest, richest, and loudest, but to all of us.
That democracies have the freedom to choose with whom to work. So we are joining forces, voluntarily. We will move from CETA to an alliance for the future, to create a common prosperity and economic security space. We will work on intelligent manufacturing. We will create a tech alliance.
We will integrate defense industrial bases. We will make the Arctic a flagship joint project. We will work on energy, critical minerals and batteries, on AI, quantum, cyber and economic security. This is not a partnership against anyone else, but for our common strength. In short, we want to bring the relationship with Canada to the highest level possible.
And dear Mark, I said we must urgently reimagine our partnerships.
Manfred Weber
So I would like to work with you on opening the door for Canada to being the first associate member of the European Union.
Honorable members. Europe's belief in cooperation has always been driven by peace. It is our raison d'être. Today that peace is threatened. Russia's war of aggression on Ukraine rages on.
And threats are mounting on our soil. Just this week we saw it in Lithuania, Denmark, and Poland. And the attempted drone attacks in Leipzig is another proof. We need to be clear about what this was.
Ursula von der Leyen
An attack using military grade material carried out by Russian operatives on European soil. An attack not only on one member state but against all of our union. And honorable members, we will not allow it. We should be under no illusions about what is happening here. Hybrid threats facing Europe are less and less hybrid and less and less threats.
Cyberattacks, sabotage, arson, drone incursion, they are ramping up every day. So as the threat level climbs, so must Europe's preparedness. And this is why I will propose together with HRVP a new European security strategy. We already have many tools and we are strengthening our work with NATO, but our doctrine, our institutions and our decision making have not kept pace with the new reality. Our systems are made for a different world.
They are driven by well-intentioned attempts at consensus and compromise, but we need to consider if they are still fit for purpose.
For instance, Europe needs its own counter-hybrid playbook. We urgently need a consensus on how to respond to certain incidents, those which fall below armed aggression but clearly threaten our national security. In other words, a mechanism to flank NATO's Article 4. And I believe it is time for Europe's own Article 4, an emergency security protocol. When triggered by one member state, all member states should convene to coordinate a European response, to deter further escalation and to mitigate the impact.
And I believe we must go further still. For a long time, we have discussed a leaders' format focused on the security of our continent, with partners like Canada, Ukraine, the UK, Norway and others involved. This is even more urgent now, given the nature and scale of the risks at play.
And this is why we will set out our ideas to make a European Security Council a reality. The urgency is clear. And honorable members, this united front also drives our work on European defense. The surge in defense spending has led to record levels of investments in our capabilities and forces. New joint projects are getting off the ground, and we are spending more European than ever before.
That's good. Bigger orders for our industry, more interoperability, more economies of scale. Now we need to take that approach to the next level. The war in Ukraine has shown us the importance of strategic enablers. These are the critical support assets and force multipliers that any credible defense relies on, from air and missile defense to strategic transport, to air-to-air refueling, from space to cyber.
These systems are essential, and we need more of them. Only together does Europe have the scale to deliver them.
And this is why I can announce a new European instrument for strategic enablers, fully aligned with NATO, of course. Because only a strong and credible European defense posture will guarantee our security. And that there is no room for any kind of doubt. Europe will defend each and every single square meter of its territory. Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren Abgeordnete.
Was das bedeutet, zeigen uns die Männer und Frauen in der Ukraine jeden Tag. Wir wissen, dass der nächste Winter hart für die Ukraine wird. Aber wir wissen auch, dass nordkoreanische Raketen und russische Drohnen den Widerstandsgeist der Ukrainer nicht brechen können. Denn die Ukrainer kämpfen für etwas. Sie kämpfen für den Fortbestand ihres Staates, ihrer Identität und ihrer Freiheit.
Und sie kämpfen auch für unsere Freiheit und unsere Selbstbestimmung.
Unsere Aufgabe bleibt es, die Ukraine dabei nach besten Kräften zu unterstützen. Und konkret heißt dies erstens, wir werden die Ukraine im härtesten Kriegswinter stärker denn je unterstützen. Gemeinsam mit Partnern werden wir humanitäre Hilfe leisten sowie die Energie- und Wärmeversorgung der Ukraine härten. Zweitens, wir werden die Luftverteidigung der Ukraine stärken. Letzte Woche haben wir erstmalig dem Kauf von amerikanischen Patriot-Abwehrraketen zugestimmt.
Diese müssen jetzt dringend geliefert werden. Aber wir müssen auch unsere Abhängigkeit von einem einzigen Lieferanten gemeinsam reduzieren. Und deshalb wollen wir ein günstiges und modulares Raketenabwehrsystem mit der Ukraine entwickeln. Das Herzstück dieser Zusammenarbeit heißt Freier. Wir bringen hier die Kampferfahrung und die Innovationskraft der Ukrainer zusammen mit der Technologieführerschaft Europas und natürlich unserer erheblichen Produktionskapazität.
Und Freier ist nur der Anfang. Wir brauchen mehr.
Mit den verbliebenen Geldern aus SAFE werden wir ein neues Programm für Gemeinschaftsprojekte mit ukrainischen Unternehmen auf die Beine stellen. Drittens, wir werden unsere Sanktionen gegenüber Russland verschärfen. Der Druck auf Russland muss weiter steigen. Und dabei braucht es nicht immer neue, sondern vor allen Dingen die Durchsetzung der bestehenden Sanktionen. Unsere Sanktionen sind schmerzhaft, sie setzen die russische Wirtschaft enorm unter Druck.
Russland versucht alles, um sie zu umgehen, also müssen wir alle Schlupflöcher schließen. Because honorable members, every day this summer, strike after strike hit Ukrainian cities. In Odessa, Russian drones struck a crowded shopping mall in broad daylight. Then they struck a second time, deliberately targeting the rescue workers who rushed in to help. This is not just war.
This is a deliberate strategy of terror.
But Ukrainians have proven countless times that their spirit cannot be broken. And this summer, a little girl has shown the whole world the true essence of this. When the war began, Sasha was a six-year-old girl with a great passion. She loved gymnastics more than anything. But on a sunny day in May, a Russian missile struck her home.
Sasha was rescued from under the rubble. She spent two weeks in a coma. And when she woke up, she discovered that her left leg was gone forever. It seemed her dream had collapsed with her house. But Sasha refused to give up.
Just seven months after the attack, she was back in the gym with a new prosthetic leg. She trained harder than ever. She started winning gold after gold. This summer she traveled the world with her Dance of Freedom tour. Her aim is to tell the world about Ukrainian resilience and the fight for freedom.
And she has inspired people at the Tour Eiffel and in Times Square, in Rio and in Tokyo.
And today, she wants to bring her message right here to the heart of Europe. And honorable members, please join me in welcoming Sasha. Sasha, you are a great inspiration to all of us.
The longing for peace is universal. The deep suffering in Gaza and unchecked settler violence in the West Bank have deeply affected Europeans.
Ursula von der Leyen
The Israeli government's decision to advance the illegal E1 settlement project is unacceptable. Last year I called for Europe to act, proposing a number of measures. It is painful for many Europeans that member states have been unable to build the necessary majorities for a unified response. Some member states have moved ahead, others are considering to do so. When Europe is divided, it cannot change the course of events.
The months ahead in the regions will be critical. Despite these challenges, Europe is leading the way in supporting Palestinians. We have delivered more aid than anyone else. Through the Palestine donor group and the Team Gaza initiative, we have brought together 65 delegations. Together we have pledged nearly 1 billion euro to rebuild Gaza and support a modern Palestinian Authority.
Europe supports the right to self-defense for Israel, and the Palestinian people have an equal right to live in safety and in dignity.
It is Europe's role to keep the flame of the two-state solution alive. And honorable members, throughout this speech, I have spoken about the need for Europe to act together or risk being pulled apart. Once again this summer, this reality was tested at our borders, from our eastern borders to the shores of Crete and right across the Mediterranean, and of course, with the crisis in Ceuta. The events may be different in nature, but they have two things in common. The first thing is that vulnerable people are being exploited by callous traffickers and smugglers, by our adversaries.
And this is why we have proposed a sanctions regime to hit criminals where it hurts most. And the second point: all of our external borders are European borders.
So I want to address the people of Spain directly. Ceuta's border is a European border because Ceuta is Spain and Ceuta is Europe and Europe will be there for you. The point is that the only solution is a European solution. And that is the pact on migration and asylum. After years of work, we finally have a common European framework.
One that gives responsibilities to all and that demands solidarity from all. And it now needs to be fully implemented because we are on the right way. And let me give you two figures. We have seen a 55% reduction in illegal arrivals over the past two years, more than halved. And a further 37 drop this year.
This is real progress. But the events of this summer show that our tools need to evolve, especially for emergency situations. Europe needs the means to protect its borders at all times, especially in scenarios when mass movements are engineered and weaponized. And this is why we will propose a new European emergency response instrument. It will only be triggered under a strictly defined set of criteria, and in those cases, it will allow for a time-limited and strictly defined flexibility of standard procedures.
The message from Europe is clear: we will always comply with our values and fundamental rights, but we will never compromise on protecting our borders because it's us Europeans who decide who comes to our Union and under what circumstances, and not the smugglers and traffickers. This is why we will also step up our work to strengthen Frontex, especially to speed up returns.
We will improve our early warning systems, also in partnership with third countries. We will ensure that we can detect and anticipate online. And finally, we will keep tracking, tackling the root causes of illegal migration. We need to work together with our neighbors to boost investment, to offer young people meaningful prospects, so they are not compelled to gamble with their lives. They need jobs, skills, trainings, apprenticeship.
This is why I'm announcing today a new Mediterranean Youth Skills and Jobs Initiative. Because, honorable member, this is how we can reduce illegal migration, uphold the rights of individuals seeking protection, facilitate safe, legal migration with new gateway offices in partner countries, and defend the freedoms of our Schengen area. Honorable members, this need for collective European solutions is more important than ever. Because it is also our European democracy that is being threatened. Time and again, we have seen disinformation and foreign interference seeking to divide us, seeking to erode trust in our democratic fabric and free media.
Election campaigns poisoned by foreign propaganda. Conspiracy theories built on viral deepfake videos.
This is cognitive warfare. In Europe, we form our own opinions based on access to reliable, independent information. This is how we debate, compromise and find solutions, even on controversial issues. And this openness is our biggest strength. But it is being weaponized by our opponents to distort debate and truth.
So we need a collective capacity to anticipate, detect and respond. This is why last year I announced the Center for Democratic Resilience. It is already delivering with all the member states and this house, many thanks for that. And we will step up our work, pooling our resources with member states and stakeholders. But we should be under no illusion.
The threats to our democracies do not only come from the outside. We see the rise of anti-democratic, anti-European forces and we know the risks. But nothing is inevitable. Just look at Hungary.
The 12th of April will stay in our memory for a very long time. The 12th of April, the day Hungarian people took their future in their hands. They chose democracy. They chose Europe. They brought Hungary back to where it belongs, at the heart of the European Union.
Years of backsliding have started to be reversed. The fight against corruption and state capture is speeding up. There is real progress on fundamental rights, on academic freedom, and now billions of euros of investment in Hungary have been unlocked. There is, of course, much more work ahead, but honorable members, this shows the hard work pays off. And thanks to our rule of law reports, any issues are now detected early and addressed through dialogue.
And thanks to this House, we have strengthened the link between funds and the respect for the rule of law. With the next long-term budget, we must go even further because respecting the rule of law and fundamental rights is a must for European funds.
It has to be front and center in the budget, now and in future. Honorable members, at its heart, democracy is about giving people the power to choose the society they want to live in. Today, much of this power has been taken out of the hands of parents. Young Europeans now spend four to six hours a day on screens. Children are pulled ever deeper into feeds designed to keep them scrolling.
What we are witnessing is a great capture of our children. A capture of their attention, their focus, their minds. This is depriving children of their childhood. What our children need is time, time to grow into themselves, to grow up with others, to be confronted with all the emotions and choices that come with real life.
They even need time to get bored, because this is when they have to use their imagination. When they have to talk. This is when they have to talk, to agree, to disagree, to form an opinion, to change their opinion. But when a child has a smartphone, all of this is taken away. Day and night, parents see the costs: loss of sleep, anxiety, even self-harm.
And in a growing number of cases, even fatal tragedies. Like the one of Olea, a 14-year-old girl living in Belgium. Olea took her life exactly one month ago, victim of bullying online. The story is so tragic and so full of sorrow, I was not sure whether to include it here today. But Olea's mom has spoken so movingly about her daughter and so passionately about stopping this happening to others.
And I want to do her words justice, so I will speak in French as she did. She said, "Je suis persuadée que sans ces réseaux omniprésents, ma fille serait toujours là." "C'est trop." Honorable members, she's right. C'est trop.
Enough is enough. I convened a special panel of experts. We spoke to young people. We looked to Australia and others who have moved ahead. And now is time for Europe to act, and tomorrow the Commission is proposing the Kids Act.
We will take a gradual and differentiated approach. Each age has its own sensitivities, and therefore each will have its own tailored protection level. In sum: no social media under the age of 13.
No personal account under the age of 15. That means from 13 to under 15, only mini accounts set up and supervised by parents or guardians with limited features and time restriction to one hour a day. And between 15 and 18, safe design will be an obligation for the platforms. I'm aware that many perceive the power of big tech as overwhelming and impossible to roll back. I disagree.
We do not have to accept addictive features. We do not have to accept children being drawn into ever more extreme content. We do not have to accept that girls have their photos used for AI-generated sexualized images. And as we do not accept this, we are reversing the burden of proof.
Now platforms will have to prove to us that they are safe. Because this is not about our minors accessing social media. It is about when and how do we allow social media to access our minors. Europe has the power to act. It is us who decide the rules, not big tech.
We also know that not only minors are at risk. Addictive design, for example, are harming everyone. This is why we need a wider framework too, the Digital Fairness Act, that we will propose in autumn. Mesdames et messieurs les députés. Tout ceci nous montre ce que l'Europe peut accomplir sur ce qui compte vraiment.
Mais nous devons aussi regagner le cœur des Européens. Faire naître ce sentiment d'appartenance à quelque chose qui nous dépasse. L'appartenance à une maison commune. La certitude qu'entre Européens, nous serons toujours là les uns pour les autres.
Car il suffit de regarder par-delà nos frontières pour comprendre combien cette idée européenne est toujours vivante. Il suffit de regarder vers l'Ukraine et la Moldavie. Vers les Balkans occidentaux. Il suffit de regarder vers tous ces pays proches de notre Union. Et parce que leur futur est dans notre Union, nous proposerons bientôt des feuilles de route pour les candidats les plus avancés.
Ce processus restera fondé sur le mérite. Et mesdames et messieurs les députés, je le répète, le respect de nos valeurs est non négociable. J'ai été horrifiée par les images de funérailles de Ratko Mladić à Belgrade la semaine dernière. Il a commis des crimes contre l'humanité les plus atroces.
La glorification des criminels de guerre n'a tout simplement pas sa place dans l'Union européenne. Toutes les victimes de guerre dans l'ex-Yougoslavie méritent que l'on se souvienne d'elles et toutes leurs familles méritent notre compassion. Car voilà ce que nous défendons en tant qu'Union : la vérité, la justice et le respect pour nos valeurs. Mesdames et messieurs les députés, l'Europe restera toujours fidèle à ses valeurs. Notre Union est née comme un projet de paix.
Pour que notre passé tragique cède la place à un avenir commun pour les Européens. Des décennies plus tard, des millions de personnes voient toujours dans l'Europe une promesse, parfois aussi loin que le Canada. Et pourtant, nous oublions souvent à quel point cette promesse demeure puissante. Au lendemain de la guerre, un congrès de l'Europe s'est tenu en 1948. Il a réuni les plus grands esprits de notre continent pour réfléchir à l'avenir de la coopération européenne, pour faire grandir cette idée européenne qui est la nôtre.
Et en tant que société, nous devons retrouver cette faculté de penser l'Europe. L'année prochaine, nous célébrerons le 70e anniversaire historique du traité de Rome. À cette occasion, j'annonce aujourd'hui que nous lancerons un nouveau Congrès de l'Europe. Nous avons besoin de nos esprits les plus brillants de toute notre Union et de l'ensemble de notre grand continent. Ensemble, ils élaboreront une vision capable d'inspirer la nouvelle génération d'Européens, capable de reconquérir l'imaginaire européen pour que la prochaine génération puisse écrire sa propre histoire.
N'oublions jamais la naissance de notre Union. Des peuples si longtemps en guerre se sont unis pour bâtir un destin commun. Un destin de paix et de prospérité, de démocratie et de liberté.
Ils n'ont jamais écrit jusqu'où ce destin devait finalement nous conduire, mais chaque génération a construit sur l'héritage de la précédente, pas à pas, pierre après pierre. Bien sûr, nos imperfections, notre diversité et nos différences demeurent, mais c'est précisément ce qui fait de l'Europe notre Europe, notre maison commune. Alors, mesdames et messieurs les députés, reprenons encore une fois notre avenir en main. Long live Europe, vive l'Europe, es lebe Europa. Vielen Dank, thank you very much for your patience.
Thank you.
Thank you very much, dear Commission President.
We will now go to the first round of political group speakers, starting with the EPP group, its chair, Manfred Weber.
Manfred Weber
Madam President of the European Parliament, President of Commission, Commissioners, Prime Minister Kallas, great to have you here, dear colleagues. Well, we are facing fundamental shifts that hit Europe with three shocks. The first shock is a technological one, and that's why I thank the Commission President for putting AI in the center. Artificial intelligence, it fascinates, it scares, and it will change the way of life. That's why a revolution is ongoing, and yes, we have to answer it.
The second shock is a geopolitical one. I don't know whether you saw the pictures from the BRICS summit on the weekend, with a laughing war criminal Putin next to President Xi, discussing their idea of a new world order. For me, truly shocking pictures, and the era of naivety is over for us as Europeans. And the third shock runs through our own societies. Every month, we are losing 27,000 industrial jobs, well-paid jobs.
The best concept for a social market economy is to have well-paid jobs. And the fear created by the emotions created by this are fierce among families. So, we have to find solutions. As Christian Democrats, as European People's Party, we give response. The first response for us is a different way of doing politics.
Not lecturing people, but listening to people. When people cannot afford to fuel their cars because of the conflict in the Middle East, don't tell them that this is good for climate difference. Climate change is a reality, no question about this, and we have to work hard to fight against it. But we have to do it together with people and not against people. The EPP will fight for a reasonable ETS reform and we stop the ban on combustion engines as we promised.
We need innovation and not bans. And let me mention a second example for the way how we do politics. Let's not wait, let's act. And that's why big thank you to Ursula von der Leyen for the proposal on protecting our children. Children are not an advertisement target, they are our future.
And we should look to Australia, our colleagues there allowing users to switch off the algorithm. Elon Musk will not like it, but probably that's a reason for doing it. The second response from an EPP point of view is let's act together. Ursula von der Leyen spoke about the devastating wildfires. In France, 70 Ukrainian firefighters came to help.
Europe at its best difference. We must apply now the same logic to defense.
We spend on defense today more during as we as we spent during the Cuban Missile Crisis. 6.4 trillion euros in the next 10 years. And what do we get for this? Let me be a little bit provocative: 27 bonsai armies in the future. And the threat is clear: Putin won't stop, we know it.
The airspace violation in Romania, the Polish border, today the news from Lithuania. Dear colleagues, the answer is unity and now a European pillar of defense. François Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl did not just introduce the euro, they made with the euro the European unity irreversible. No one, even not the hardest nationalist, can exit from the euro without risking a bankruptcy on national level. And that is exactly what also defense now need.
Europeans worry about an empowered German armed forces led in the future possibly by an authoritarian AfD defense minister. Don't get me wrong, that's not reality today. But many Europeans are worried when they look to the polls. And a single answer our answer to this is a single market for armaments, joint command structures, European drones, European satellites so closely connected that no one can ever undo this cooperation.
Adenauer, De Gasperi and Schuman, dear friends, understood this political and historic dimension of unifying Europe in this field. The treaty for a real defense pillar is in the, has been in the sitting in the drawer since 1952. Let's make this old treaty now a new reality, dear friends, with a promise, and this promise means lasting peace for Europe, dear friends. This is our generation's project. And finally, the third response from an EPP point of view: bring back growth means bring back hope to Europe.
The EPP delivered on the roadmap towards a single market, let's make it now a reality. On AI, US invests 300 billion, China 290 billion. Comparing the figures from France and Germany, it's a little bit funny to see these figures. That's why the message is clear: we only can do it together. We need a European AI fund, the new competitiveness fund.
Dear friends, the EPP will fight for a strong MFF for farmers, mayors and researchers. And if someone wants to cut the European fund, please stop being populist, tell us where you want to stop and where you want to cut then on this side. And dear friends, finally we need friends. Prime Minister Carney, Canada is the best example for this. Ursula von der Leyen already referred to the big success of CETA.
And I have to say, I was here in this plenary when we ratified CETA. I still remember the debate about CETA. And I really want to ask again those who opposed to CETA years ago: think again. Trade agreements are more than new markets. They are the foundation of an alternative world order, a world order where Europe is not alone anymore.
That is what is at stake when we speak about these kind of things. We win by listening to people and answering with bold solution. We win by listening to people with answering with European vision. And we win by listening to people answering with hope. The EPP fights for hope and Europe offers hope.
Thank you.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you very much, Mr. Weber. Now I give the floor to the chair of the S&D group, Iratxe García Pérez.
Gracias, presidenta. Señor Carney, bienvenido al Parlamento Europeo. Esta es su casa también, la casa de Europa. Miles de canadienses murieron en suelo europeo luchando contra la tiranía en dos guerras mundiales. Su sacrificio ayudó a construir una Europa de paz, democracia y derecho internacional.
Iratxe García Pérez
Hoy esa Europa está en una encrucijada. Usted ha demostrado valentía frente a Donald Trump. Y esa valentía importa, porque cuando vuelve la ley del más fuerte, necesitamos aliados que defiendan la soberanía, la solidaridad y el derecho internacional. Presidenta von der Leyen, he escuchado, hemos escuchado sus mensajes. Y ahora las palabras tienen que convertirse en hechos.
Podemos volver al nacionalismo, al odio y a la guerra, o podemos defender la Europa que construimos. Nosotros elegimos esa Europa. Y eso significa ser valientes. Una Europa valiente para afrontar el cambio climático. Mantengamos el Pacto Verde y la neutralidad climática para 2050.
Necesitamos un plan europeo de adaptación y mitigación con inversión real. Simplificar no puede convertirse en desregular por la puerta de atrás, porque no habrá competitividad sin energía limpia, segura y asequible. Valientes también para romper la dependencia de los combustibles fósiles de los autócratas.
La guerra de Trump y Netanyahu contra Irán ha disparado el coste de vida. Aceleremos las renovables y hagamos que quienes se benefician de estas crisis contribuyan. Presente un impuesto sobre los beneficios extraordinarios de las energéticas para financiar un bono social que proteja a las familias y les ayude a pagar la luz, la cesta de la compra, echar gasolina al coche y calentar sus hogares. Presidenta von der Leyen, el proyecto europeo no sobrevivirá si nuestros ciudadanos no pueden permitirse vivir dignamente. Hagamos realidad la ley europea de vivienda y actuemos sobre los alquileres de corta duración.
Gracias por presentar la propuesta y hago una advertencia: no vamos a permitir que ahora esa propuesta de la Comisión Europea sea aquí desmantelada. Aprobemos una ley de empleos de calidad con reglas justas para la inteligencia artificial en el trabajo y la negociación colectiva. Una Europa también valiente es una Europa feminista. Frente a una extrema derecha que quiere eliminar el delito de feminicidio, el derecho al aborto e incluso limitar el derecho al voto de las mujeres, no vamos a dar marcha atrás.
Que nos escuchen bien: nuestros derechos son irreversibles. Y necesitamos valentía, valentía para defender nuestras fronteras sin abandonar nuestros valores, defender nuestras fronteras sin abandonar nuestros valores. La migración nunca puede convertirse en un arma política. Ceuta es España y es Europa, y la solidaridad europea no puede depender de quién gobierne ni de dónde surge una crisis. Y sobre todo, valentía para defender la paz y el derecho internacional.
Hace un año usted pidió suspender la parte del acuerdo de asociación con Israel. Un año después, ¿dónde está Europa? No podemos aceptar lo que está ocurriendo. ¿Cómo es posible que no haya una sola medida contra Netanyahu? Suspendamos el acuerdo, sancionemos a los responsables y establezcamos un embargo de armas, y active el estatuto de bloqueo para proteger a la Corte Penal Internacional.
Y ser valientes también significa hacer que quien inicia las guerras pague por ellas. En Ucrania, volvamos a poner sobre la mesa la confiscación de los activos rusos congelados. Que pague Putin la reconstrucción de Ucrania y no los ciudadanos europeos.
Y necesitamos esa valentía también para defender nuestra democracia y sus propuestas sobre la ley de menores realmente son indispensables frente al diseño adictivo y a los algoritmos. Y una Europa valiente, por supuesto, necesita un presupuesto a la altura. No aceptaremos recortes en política de cohesión, agrícola o inversión social. Europa no puede hacer más con menos y tenemos ya que poner encima de la mesa los recursos propios. Finalizo, señora von der Leyen.
La Europa del siglo XXI solo será posible si las fuerzas proeuropeas trabajamos juntas. No mirando hacia la extrema derecha, sino avanzando juntos. La música ha sonado bien. Ahora hay que poner la letra. Los socialdemócratas queremos participar en esa letra.
Lo que no vamos a permitir es que la extrema derecha sea quien escriba el futuro de Europa.
Thank you.
Este mundo también es el mundo que Canadá y Europa queremos, un mundo de cooperación frente a la dominación. La Europa que ustedes nos ayudaron a construir, el mundo, el mundo que juntos defenderemos.
Roberta Metsola
Please come to a close. So. I give the floor. I give the floor now to the chair of the ID group, Jordan Bardella.
Jordan Bardella
Merci, Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Premier Ministre canadien, Madame la Présidente von der Leyen. À vous entendre chaque année glorifier votre bilan, l'Europe serait toujours à la veille d'un nouveau départ. Pourtant, à écouter nos concitoyens, elle est surtout arrivée au bout d'un système. Car il y a désormais en 2026 deux Europes. Il y a l'Europe de ceux qui écrivent les normes, des bureaucrates qui gaspillent l'argent public et qui inventent les taxes de demain.
L'Europe qui prévoit d'augmenter ses dépenses de personnel de 40 % et celles des jets privés pour les commissaires européens de 50 %. Et puis il y a l'Europe de ceux qui doivent payer. L'Europe de ceux qui doivent payer leur essence à bientôt 2,50 € le litre en France, leur chauffage et leur ticket de course dont les montants sont toujours plus élevés. L'Europe de ceux qui travaillent toujours plus pour gagner toujours moins. Voilà en quelques mots le véritable état de l'Union européenne.
Demain, avec votre fameux règlement dit ETS 2, vous envisagez concrètement de renchérir encore le prix des carburants de 15 centimes supplémentaires par litre. Derrière ce sigle imbitable pour beaucoup de nos concitoyens et un matraquage insupportable des classes moyennes et populaires, votre politique a une réalité très simple : la vie toujours plus chère pour nos concitoyens. Avec vous, l'ouvrier qui fait 40 kilomètres pour travailler, l'artisan qui remplit sa camionnette, la famille rurale qui n'a ni métro ni tramway ne sont bons qu'à une seule chose : payer, encore payer, toujours payer. Et malheureusement, votre Europe ne nous coûte pas seulement plus cher chaque année, elle nous protège aussi de moins en moins. Cet été à Ceuta, des dizaines de milliers de migrants ont franchi illégalement en quelques heures une frontière européenne.
Ceuta est espagnole et doit le rester, mais la frontière de Ceuta est aussi notre frontière. Et lorsqu'une frontière peut être submergée en quelques heures, ce n'est plus seulement une crise migratoire ou une invasion, c'est une crise de souveraineté. Une Europe qui n'a plus ni limites, ni murs, ni frontières est vouée à disparaître. De Ceuta à Lampedusa, de la Méditerranée à la frontière biélorusse, les peuples d'Europe n'attendent qu'une seule chose : que vous protégiez nos frontières, que vous refouliez les clandestins qui tentent de pénétrer illégalement ou d'accoster illégalement sur notre territoire.
Ceux-là ne doivent pas être répartis dans nos villes et nos campagnes comme vous le souhaitez, réaffirmé tout à l'heure avec le pacte migratoire, mais repartir dans leur pays de départ. Enfin, regardons le monde autour de nous, en proie à la guerre, de l'Ukraine au Moyen-Orient, au terrorisme islamiste, à l'insécurité alimentaire et énergétique. Les États-Unis investissent, la Chine investit, et nous, nous réglementons encore. Nous réglementons ce que nous ne produisons plus. Nous taxons ce que nous ne savons plus fabriquer et nous importons ce que nous avons nous-mêmes interdit de produire.
Voilà le grand paradoxe européen, et voilà pourquoi il faut en changer et bâtir une nouvelle architecture européenne. Assumons enfin la préférence européenne dans la commande publique. Quand l'argent est européen, l'emploi doit être européen. Quand l'argent est français, l'emploi doit être français. Supprimons massivement la paperasse, les normes absurdes et inutiles.
Protégeons nos agriculteurs et nos entreprises de la concurrence déloyale. Orientons l'épargne dans des fonds souverains nationaux et investissons dans la défense, le spatial, la tech ou encore l'énergie nucléaire. Libérons-nous de l'idéologie régressive de la décroissance.
Retrouvons le goût de la puissance, de la science, de l'innovation et de la puissance. Le 21ème siècle enfin nous rappelle une vérité que l'Europe avait oubliée. Un peuple qui ne sait plus défendre ses frontières, faire tourner ses usines, produire son énergie ou nourrir ses enfants remet son destin entre les mains des autres. Depuis des décennies, vous avez demandé au peuple de s'adapter à votre vision de l'Union européenne. Aujourd'hui à Bruxelles, le temps est venu d'inverser l'ordre des choses et enfin de rendre le pouvoir au peuple.
Merci. Now I give the floor to the co-chair of the ECR group, Patryk Jaki.
Patryk Jaki
Dziękuję, pani przewodnicząca. Szanowny panie premierze, pani przewodnicząca, bardzo się cieszę, że powiedziała pani dzisiaj, że liczą się nie słowa, tylko czyny. Więc ja sprawdziłem czyny. Mianowicie sprawdziłem pani orędzie, ale nie w stosunku do obietnic z zeszłego roku, tylko w stosunku do obietnic z 2020 roku. Dlatego że miała pani sześć lat na wykonanie swoich obietnic, to jest więcej niż zwyczajowo mają rządy w państwach członkowskich.
I teraz tak. Najpierw obiecała pani szczepienia i bezpieczeństwo na COVID-19. Efekt po latach: dziennikarskie śledztwo oparte na danych z 19 krajów oszacowało, że zmarnowano 200 milionów dawek o wartości 4 miliardów euro.
Potem obiecała pani instrument na rzecz odbudowy i zwiększenia odporności. Efekt po latach: raport Europejskiego Trybunału Obrachunkowego wskazuje na brak przejrzystości i ogromne marnotrawstwo pieniędzy. Polecam zresztą polski przykład rozkradania środków na ogromną skalę, w tym na kluby swingersów, jachty i solaria w pizzeriach. Potem obiecała pani zakończyć budowę unii rynków kapitałowych i unii bankowej. Efekt: żaden.
Potem obiecała pani ograniczyć biurokrację. Efekt: liczba urzędników od tego czasu wzrosła i niedawno ogłoszono kolejne nabory. Zresztą dzisiaj pani obiecała to samo, obiecując powołanie kolejnych instytucji. Potem obiecała pani, zacytuję: "nową strategię przemysłową i niższe ceny energii". Jaki jest efekt?
Przemysł pada, a ceny energii od tego czasu do dzisiaj wzrosły o 100% w czasie pani kadencji. Potem zacytuję: "proponuje pani zwiększenie celu redukcji emisji do 2030 roku" i mówi pani tak: "z naszej oceny skutków wyraźnie wynika, że unijna gospodarka i przemysł są w stanie sobie z tym poradzić i firmy wręcz tego chcą". "Firmy wręcz tego chcą", koniec cytatu.
Przez ten okres, według Eurostatu, półtora miliona firm ogłasza niewypłacalność i upadłość, a Unia Europejska straciła 5% swojego udziału w światowym PKB. Potem pani mówiła, że młodzi chcą więcej zmian klimatycznych. Efekt: bezrobocie wśród młodych wynosiło wtedy, jak pani to ogłaszała, 14,3%. Dzisiaj wynosi 15,5. A potem mówiła pani o ustanowieniu europejskiej doliny wodorowej, fali renowacji i że Unia stanie się liderem w gospodarce.
Efekt: tego akurat nie udało się zrobić, ale co udało się zrobić? Udało się dokręcić zakrętki do butelek i z ludzi uczynić obywateli Europy przymusowo śmieciarzy. Dziś pani mówi, że chce pani ograniczyć migrację. A co pani mówiła w 2020 roku? Że migracja zawsze była i będzie rzeczywistością Europy, przez stulecia wzbogacała nasze kultury i kształtowała wiele ludzkich istnień.
Więc wyliczycie na krótką pamięć ludzi. I podsumowując, powiedziała pani, że Unia Europejska jest najsilniejsza w historii. Dane, nawet pani dane Komisji Europejskiej, pokazują, że jest najsłabsza w historii. Nigdy nie była tak słaba, że jest liderem innowacji.
Jest najsłabsza w historii pod tym względem. I wreszcie na sam koniec chcę powiedzieć tak. Jeżeli pani chce coś zrobić dla młodzieży, to nie cenzurować internet, ale zapewnić jej pracę i bezpieczeństwo, szczególnie kobietom, o które tak się pani martwi. Dziękuję.
Now I give the floor to the chair of the Renew Europe group, Valérie Hayer.
Valérie Hayer
Merci, Madame la Présidente. Monsieur le Premier Ministre, Madame la Présidente, j'ai écouté votre discours avec évidemment beaucoup d'attention. Oui, vous avez raison. L'Europe doit avancer sur la voie de sa puissance et de son indépendance. Mais j'irai plus loin.
Il est temps aujourd'hui de défendre une vision nouvelle, fondamentalement positive, celle d'une radicalité pro-européenne. Parce que l'été qu'on vient de vivre, c'est la parfaite synthèse des défis qui attendent l'Europe. On a échoué dans notre solidarité migratoire à Ceuta, à cause entre autres de l'hypocrisie de Madame Meloni. On a eu le référendum en Islande et ce qu'il révèle sur notre attractivité. On a eu la victoire de l'AfD.
Et bien sûr, on a tous subi une crise climatique historique dont on sait déjà qu'elle se reproduira. Alors oui, chers collègues, ces défis sont immenses. Mais ce que je veux dire aujourd'hui, c'est que loin de nous affaiblir, ils doivent nous renforcer. Parce que nous avons tous les atouts pour y répondre et que dans cet hémicycle, on a fait notre part du travail. On a voté un pacte asile et migration, appliquons-le.
On a voté un pacte vert, mais qu'on arrête de le détricoter, bon sang, et qu'on le mette en œuvre. Et à cette politique de décarbonation, Madame la Présidente, j'en veux une autre. On doit mettre tout en haut de la pile la loi européenne sur la résilience climatique et la gestion des risques.
Parce que décarbonation et adaptation vont de pair. Je le dis avec d'autant plus de conviction que le pacte vert est aussi un pacte de compétitivité. Un pacte d'indépendance, notamment énergétique. Et c'est ici notre première priorité : la prospérité. Cette transition verte comme le numérique d'ailleurs nous rappelle une chose : le niveau de vie des Européens pour les prochaines années dépend de notre capacité à innover dans les technologies de rupture.
Les greentechs, l'IA, les data centers, les biotechs, le quantique. L'enjeu, c'est celui de notre souveraineté. On doit investir massivement, on doit protéger, c'est-à-dire défendre nos entreprises face à la concurrence déloyale. Faire de notre commande publique européenne une véritable arme industrielle, comme le font la Chine ou les États-Unis. En un mot, devenir indispensable au reste du monde.
Et il faut aussi qu'on prenne le leadership mondial pour un cadre légal sur l'intelligence artificielle, comme on l'a fait autrefois sur le nucléaire. Parce que je le dis franchement, ce n'est pas normal que ce soit le Pape et le Vatican qui soient les premiers à poser une limite philosophique au développement de l'IA. Ça, c'est notre rôle de responsables politiques. Chers collègues, ce que je défends ici, ce sont des mesures de bon sens.
Si on ne retrouve pas une indépendance énergétique, économique, si on ne soutient pas nos agriculteurs, la PAC, notre sécurité alimentaire, on est condamnés à la vassalisation. Et on condamne de fait le pouvoir d'achat des Européens. Et ça, je m'y refuse. Notre deuxième priorité, c'est d'assumer la puissance. Parce que cette révolution économique, elle s'impose dans un monde qui se ferme et qui se brutalise.
Et dans ce monde, je le dis clairement, je ne veux pas avoir honte de l'Europe comme je l'ai eu il y a un an. Monsieur le Premier ministre Carney, vous avez montré ce qu'il fallait faire face à Trump : refuser la compromission, riposter, protéger vos intérêts, parler le langage de la puissance. Sachez que le Canada est bienvenu dans l'Union européenne parce que nous partageons les mêmes valeurs et que nos intérêts sont convergents. Alors, allons plus loin. Commençons par tous ratifier le CETA.
Mettons en place, yeah indeed, mettons en place un pacte de sécurité économique contre la coercition commerciale. Si Trump nous met des tarifs, on répond collectivement par des tarifs. Même chose pour la Chine ou n'importe qui d'autre d'ailleurs.
Mettons à profit nos atouts réciproques. Cultivons les échanges universitaires et continuons le rapprochement stratégique entre l'Europe et le Canada sur les terres rares, la défense, l'Arctique, l'énergie ou encore la recherche. Monsieur le Premier ministre, vous l'avez parfaitement saisi. Trump, Poutine, Xi Jinping ne comprennent qu'une chose : le rapport de force. Et à chaque fois qu'on a joué avec nos anciennes règles, on a perdu.
Regardons encore cet été. La Russie a préparé un attentat à l'aéroport de Leipzig. Hier, un hélicoptère danois a été visé par des tirs de fusée. Ces sabotages, ces cyberattaques, ces intimidations, la désinformation, ce ne sont pas des événements isolés. Ce sont les différentes dimensions d'une même stratégie.
Et nous, qu'est-ce qu'on fait ? Bah on se contente de réagir, souvent trop tard et souvent trop peu. Madame la Présidente, on doit changer de doctrine. On doit faire comprendre à Poutine que s'il nous attaque, il lui en coûtera. Et on doit lui faire comprendre que notre soutien à l'Ukraine ne s'arrêtera pas.
Enfin, chers collègues, je veux conclure mon propos en m'adressant aux pro-européens de cet hémicycle. Face à toutes nos menaces et à tous nos défis, nous devons défendre une vision nouvelle, profondément optimiste, une radicalité pro-européenne. On doit faire plus, plus d'Europe et plus vite. On doit accélérer sur notre agenda législatif et Madame von der Leyen, merci pour l'annonce notamment de cette loi pour la protection des mineurs en ligne.
Merci pour le Conseil de sécurité européen. Vous avez notre soutien, maintenant dites-nous comment on peut vous aider pour délivrer sur tout ça. Comme je viens de le dire, on doit délivrer, comme on dit en bon anglais. Et on doit mettre en œuvre aussi les lois qu'on a votées. Et là, Madame la Présidente, je vous le dis clairement, le compte n'y est pas.
Sur le DSA, sur les matières premières critiques, sur l'état de droit, je pourrais en citer d'autres. On a les textes et la responsabilité de la Commission, c'est d'en assurer l'application. Chers collègues, l'Europe doit se libérer de tous ses tabous. Elle doit bénéficier de nouveaux transferts de souveraineté validés par les peuples européens. Elle doit se doter d'outils de la puissance avec des institutions réformées pour être plus efficaces et un budget ambitieux.
Et pour ça, Madame la Présidente, il n'y a qu'une seule majorité possible, qu'une seule. Et je le dis ici à mes collègues pro-européens, notamment dans la perspective de l'année de mandat qu'on a tous. Il est fondamental que la coopération et la confiance soient restaurées entre nous. C'est la seule manière de délivrer pour les Européens. C'est la seule manière de délivrer cet agenda de puissance avec les pro-européens et sans les extrêmes.
Merci.
Chers collègues, nous devons aussi augmenter notre sphère d'influence et devenir le refuge des démocrates du monde entier. Monsieur Carney, face à l'internationale réactionnaire, construisons cette alliance des démocraties. Chers collègues, dernier mot, rien n'est jamais joué, rien n'est jamais écrit. Pensez seulement à l'Union d'il y a dix ans. Qui aurait imaginé qu'on aurait une Europe de la défense, une Europe de la santé, qu'on lancerait un plan de relance ?
Alors soyons fiers, soyons ambitieux, soyons radicaux, soyons pro-européens. Merci.
Now I give the floor to the chair of the Greens group, Terry Reintke.
Terry Reintke
Thank you, President. Madam Commission President, Prime Minister Carney, it's a great pleasure to have you here. You're very welcome in this house and I hope you are already feeling comfortable amongst the member states sitting here because we hope to see you there very often in the future. Minister Byrne, colleagues, we have all lived through an absolutely devastating summer. There is no doubt about it anymore.
We are in the middle of a climate emergency. For me, the fundamental question is now, where does the Commission and where do you, Madam von der Leyen, actually stand ?
Because where were you, President von der Leyen, when more than 650,000 hectares of forest burned in Europe this summer? Where was Friedrich Merz when grain farmers in Europe lost around 2 billion of their revenue in a heatwave in June? And where, colleagues, where were European leaders when 35,000 Europeans died excess heat-related deaths in Europe this summer? We didn't see an emergency task force. We didn't see ad hoc council meetings.
There was no immediate action plan. Colleagues, this is not enough. This is unacceptable. We have to do better. And now you're going to tell me, well, these leaders, they were at home dealing with the crisis, they actually had to do a lot in order to keep track.
And that's true. But honestly, I do not buy that response anymore. Because this is a crisis of European and of global magnitude. It affects all of our citizens and we will only be able to solve it if we work together. And our leaders know that.
Even worse sometimes, they are weakening the Green Deal. The attacks on the nature restoration or the opening of climate legislation, the absolute lack of determination in adaptation laws, and the complete, complete, colleagues, ideological insanity of wanting to continue to be dependent on fossil fuels. Not only do we have to stop this, the deregulation, the attacks on the Green Deal, but we have to investigate on why the European institutions were so weak on enforcing the Green Deal. And that is why my group is going to ask for an inquiry committee into the shortcoming of executing what we had already decided in the European Union in the Green Deal. We owe this accountability to the firefighters, to the nurses, to the doctors, who sometimes gave their lives, but who gave their energy and who very often gave their livelihoods over the summer.
But they are avoiding the topic.
We are going to hold the people who are responsible accountable. What we need now is a way forward. First, a clear plan and a timeline how to phase out fossil fuel. Second, a windfall profit tax to make polluters pay instead of our consumers. And third, and there we see something from the Commission, a climate adaptation plan that actually makes us better prepared for the next time with the necessary funding attached in the MFF.
These issues, colleagues, have to be on the absolute top of our agenda right now. And for all of this, for all the challenges in the world ahead of us, we will need allies. And let me be clear, we are up against powerful opponents: Trump, the tech oligarchs, Putin. Many powerful people are doing everything they can to destroy the rules-based world order we are living in. But there is one mistake, colleagues, that we absolutely must not make, and that is to believe that we are powerless.
We are not. Europe is strong and Europe can be even stronger. And we have powerful friends in the world. One of them is sitting right next to us. Believing and acting as if we are powerless will mean surrendering to the bullies of the world.
And we will not surrender. We will unite, colleagues, as Europe. Let us use all our power in order to give hope to all the people in the world that need it right now. Because the demagogues, the dictators, the autocrats of this world have not won. And we choose to stand up to them as Europe and with our friends around the world.
Thank you very much.
Now I give the floor to the co-chair of the Left group, Manon Aubry.
Manon Aubry
Madame von der Leyen, vous avez réussi un exploit dans votre discours : ne pas prononcer une seule proposition concrète sur le coût de la vie alors que c'est de loin la première préoccupation des Européens. Le plein d'essence dépasse déjà les 100 euros et des millions de personnes doivent choisir entre se nourrir, se loger et se déplacer. Pendant ce temps-là, les milliardaires, eux, continuent de se gaver. Voilà l'état de votre Union européenne, Madame von der Leyen. Alors qu'attendez-vous pour bloquer les prix et taxer les superprofits des pétroliers comme Total qui ont multiplié leur marge par quatre ?
Que l'essence atteigne 3 euros du litre ? C'est à croire que vous ne vivez pas sur la même planète, Madame von der Leyen. Mais c'est sûr, il vaut mieux continuer la quête obsessionnelle de compétitivité. Vous n'avez que ça à la bouche.
Il ne cache en réalité qu'un vaste agenda de dérégulation. Vous avez parlé, Madame von der Leyen, d'un été de vérité, mais pour dans le même temps vanter l'ensemble de vos paquets omnibus de dérégulation. Et vous préférez la politique de la terre brûlée qui désigne l'écologie comme l'ennemi plutôt qu'un changement profond de modèle économique. Alors oui, bientôt, quand le vent aura tourné et que nous serons au pouvoir, nous assumerons de taxer les riches, de bloquer les prix des produits essentiels, de geler la dette détenue par la Banque centrale européenne, d'investir massivement dans les services publics et d'en finir avec les accords de libre-échange. Nous privilégierons les milliards d'êtres humains aux milliards de quelques humains.
Madame von der Leyen, vous ne manquez pas de culot quand même quand vous célébrez l'égalité femmes-hommes à quelques mètres d'une exposition comparant l'avortement au meurtre organisé par un groupe de votre propre majorité ici de l'extrême droite. Alors plutôt que de reprendre l'agenda de l'extrême droite, nous assumerons et nous ne nous enfermerons pas dans une Europe forteresse que vous voulez encore renforcer. Nous ne céderons pas un pouce de terrain aux fascistes, qu'ils s'appellent Trump ou Netanyahou. Et maintenant, vous voulez nous vendre un conseil de sécurité européen et faire du Canada un membre associé ? Mais qui vous a donné un mandat démocratique et populaire pour cela, Madame von der Leyen ?
Où étiez-vous quand Donald Trump menaçait la terre entière d'invasion, y compris le Canada et le Groenland ? Ah oui, c'est vrai, vous vous empressiez de signer un accord de libre-échange et de dérouler le tapis rouge à Donald Trump.
La vérité, Madame von der Leyen, c'est que vous êtes en train de faire disparaître l'Europe de l'histoire. Vous disiez l'an dernier dans votre discours : "Ce qui se passe à Gaza est inacceptable". Depuis, rien. Aucune sanction contre l'État d'Israël, pas de suspension de l'accord d'association, alors que le génocide continue et n'a jamais cessé. Vous vous cachez derrière la division de l'Europe, mais c'est pour mieux masquer votre inaction.
Et puisque, pour conclure, une heure durant, vous ne vous êtes parlé en réalité qu'à vous-même, mes derniers mots seront pour les peuples d'Europe et du monde. Comme l'écrivait Étienne de La Boétie : "Soyez résolus de ne plus servir et vous voilà libres".
Merci. I give the floor now to René Aust, chair of the ESN group.
Die Lage der Europäischen Union lassen sich in zwei Begriffen zusammenfassen: Kontrollverlust an den Grenzen und wirtschaftlicher Abstieg gegenüber den anderen Regionen der Welt. Seit dem 29. Juni, sieben Wochen nun, gibt es einen Angriff auf die europäischen Außengrenzen.
René Aust
Und die Reaktion der europäischen Ebene: Briefchen schreiben, Verlautbarungen, warme Worte, aber keine tatkräftigen Handlungen. Dabei bräuchte es endlich ein tatsächliches Signal an den arabisch-afrikanischen Raum: Es gibt die Festung Europa. Niemand, von dem wir nicht wollen, dass er unseren Kontinent betritt, darf unseren Kontinent betreten. Und wer es dennoch tut, der muss wieder zurück dahin, wo er hergekommen ist. Der Rückstand gegenüber den anderen Regionen der Welt, der wird auch daran deutlich, was wir gerade eben in der Rede gehört haben.
Es werden die kleinen Schritte des Bürokratieabbaus, die es durchaus gibt, gelobt. Aber was alles bringt das unseren Unternehmen und Unternehmern, wenn gleichzeitig so etwas in Kraft tritt wie die Verpackungsverordnung? Und auch mit der Klimapolitik soll weitergemacht werden. Das bedeutet nichts anderes als höhere, weiter höhere Benzinpreise, weitere höhere Energiepreise und weitere Deindustrialisierung. Aber die Hoffnung ist da.
In ganz Europa steigen die patriotischen Parteien an. Und egal wie sehr man versucht uns zu unterdrücken, egal wie sehr man versucht uns zu bekämpfen, am Ende gewinnen wir doch. Das zeigen wir in Deutschland mit der AfD, das zeigt man in Spanien mit der Vox, das zeigen wir alle. Deswegen, junge Leute, engagiert euch bei den Patrioten Europas. Am Ende werden wir unseren Kontinent befreien.
Wir werden ihn zu unserer Heimat wieder zurückgewinnen und wir werden gewinnen. Vielen herzlichen Dank.
I give the floor next for the Council to the Minister of State with responsibility for European Affairs and Defence, Mr Thomas Byrne.
Thomas Byrne
Thank you, President, President von der Leyen, President Metsola, honorable members, Democrats all. I want to congratulate you, President von der Leyen, for your speech, which set out the challenges facing our Union, but most importantly, you set out a bold vision about how we can work together to overcome the challenges. I also want to recognize the presence among us of our distinguished guest, the great Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney. I welcome you here too. Prime Minister Carney's grandfather and my grandfather came from the same county and they both joined the Irish police force at the foundation of our state, and they both contributed to the rule of law in Ireland, which has continued since, although your grandfather took a different turn.
But your presence here today is a visible reflection of the deep bond shared by the European Union and Canada, a bond which grows and strengthens, and thank you, President von der Leyen, your proposal significantly advances the relationships between the European Union and our great friend Canada.
Madam President, I welcome the strong convergence of views between the Commission and the Council, which were set out in your speech. Several of the issues that you mentioned today converge and overlap with the priorities of Ireland's presidency program. On Ukraine, our solidarity with Ukraine and its people remains steadfast. The security of Europe, our citizens, it all requires Russia's war of aggression to be brought to an end. And I welcome all the ongoing efforts by the Commission, the Council, the Parliament, by all the member states, by our friends in the UK and Canada, and indeed by the efforts of the US in this regard.
On security, no country alone can address the entirety of existing and emerging security challenges. And the Irish presidency is committed to advancing a security and defense agenda which meets the needs of the European Union, its member states, and its citizens. On competitiveness, we need to boost European economic competitiveness, but time is of the essence. And we need to progress the implementation of the One Europe One Market roadmap without delay. Our presidency is committed to that.
On enlargement of the European Union, the expansion of our union to full members and maybe associate members is in our strategic interest. There can be no shortcuts, but we must not lose momentum in this process, and I am working night and day with your commission on this. On our external relations, the European Union must strengthen our relations, including our trade relations. Our trade relationship with Canada has meant a massively increased trade, which leads to jobs and good-paying jobs for citizens across the European Union. But we can't lose momentum in this process.
We need to navigate an increasingly volatile global context. But when it comes to strengthening online safety for children and young people, and indeed all of us, we must ensure a safe and empowering online environment for them. The Kids Act is a great idea. Now is the time to act, and the Irish presidency will work with the commission in the strongest possible way to move forward and be global leaders in this issue. You're right also to emphasize not just the opportunities of artificial intelligence, but the risks of artificial intelligence.
The rule of law, which my grandfather and Prime Minister Carney's grandfather contributed to in Ireland, are the foundations of our European Union, and we welcome the proposals that you have in this regard. The Irish presidency has worked to reaffirm the European Union's commitment to a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in the Middle East, based on a two-state solution which guarantees the rights of both Israelis and Palestinians to self-determination and to live in peace and safety within secure borders. We will work to continue the financial support to Palestinians where, as you rightly remind us, Europe leads the way. Underpinning the work of the European Union into the future is the need to secure a multi-annual financial framework that meets our ambitions. Securing the MFF is a top priority of the Irish presidency.
I'll continue to work with member states and with the Parliament to try to bridge different positions and foster the agreement that works for the people of the European Union and our citizens.
At the first Council meeting next week, I will chair a discussion on the MFF as we seek to progress the budget negotiations before their leaders, before our leaders make their final negotiations and decisions. But compromise and flexibility is required from all. And while the challenge ahead of us is clear, I'm confident that we can reach agreement by the end of 2026. Au Conseil des affaires générales, je procéderai également à un échange de vues entre ministres sur la lettre d'intention de la Commission dont le but d'apporter une contribution au programme de travail de la Commission pour 2027. Nous nous réjouissons à l'idée de collaborer dans les prochains mois avec le Parlement et la Commission sur la déclaration commune sur les priorités législatives pour l'Union européenne pour 2027.
En collaboration avec le Parlement européen et la Commission, le Conseil continuera à faire avancer les travaux relatifs à la déclaration commune ainsi qu'à la feuille de route Une Europe en marche afin de garantir une mise en œuvre rapide de ces priorités. The theme of the Irish presidency is based on an old Irish saying: Ní neart go cur le chéile. There is no strength without unity. Those of us who gather in this chamber may come from different political families and different ideologies, but we have to have a shared purpose, and that's to serve the people that we have the privilege of representing. The spirit of Ní neart go cur le chéile, strength with unity, will continue to guide the work of the Irish presidency in the coming months.
And we gather here as democrats, in a democracy, and as participants in a great peace project.
On the subject of peace, I'm reminded of John Hume, our former MEP, who imagined the Northern Ireland peace process right here from Strasbourg. This house, our union, our institutions have overcome great challenges in the past and delivered progress, and I'm confident that we'll continue to do so. Thank you.
Thank you. You got a bit extra time because of your excellent French. Congratulations, Minister. So, next is Jeroen Lenaers, one and a half minutes, please.
Jeroen Lenaers
Yes, thank you, President. Dear President von der Leyen, thank you for today's State of the Union speech and for your commitment to a strong and independent union. I would like to make three points. First, a lot has been achieved in the past two years. We have simplified our rules and cut red tape, saving our businesses already 18 millions a year.
We have strengthened our approach to migration and returns, already halving the amount of illegal arrivals into our union. And we have put competitiveness and security back at the heart of the European agenda. We are on the right track and we need to continue. Second, I welcome today's new initiatives and priorities: the European Security Council, the emergency protocol, the strengthening of Frontex and new measures on migration, and protecting our children from the risks of social media. And we are looking forward to working on and finalizing these initiatives as soon as possible.
You can count on us. And thirdly, the future of Europe is not the responsibility of the European institutions alone. And Madam President, so many leaders have knocked on your door in recent weeks asking you to put their priorities into today's speech. And I hope you also reminded them: Europe cannot be built by asking alone. It also requires bringing something to the table.
Bring ambition, bring political courage, be prepared to step beyond national shadows and create a common European vision. Like you said today, either act together or risk being pulled apart. Because that is the only way to build a truly strong and independent Europe. Thank you.
Katarina Barley
Thank you very much, Mr. Lenas. Now, Katarina Barley, one minute.
Thank you very much, Prime Minister, Mesdames Présidentes. The digital world is being shaped by a handful of American tech billionaires, the Chinese regime, and the Russian machinery of manipulation. And this leads to consequences. Developers are losing control over the AI they created. They warn that AI agents could wipe out humanity in the near future.
On social media, it is not us who decide which information we receive, but hyper-personalized algorithms that fuel outrage, division, insecurity. Our democracy is being weakened by the content of extreme parties being amplified disproportionately more than moderate ones. And the companies know exactly that this is against European law, but they still do it. We have the power to act. The EU has strong legislation, above all the DSA, the DMA, and the AI Act.
Now the Commission has to be brave enough to enforce them consistently, especially given the dangers posed to our democracy. Companies that fail to comply with European law must face more swift and tangible consequences. And finally, we need to close regulatory gaps. By now, hopefully everyone has understood that we should not choose between innovation and regulation. We need both.
I conclude: the EU stands for information instead of manipulation, solidarity instead of division, responsibility instead of greed for profit, and we Social Democrats stand for technology serving people, not the other way around. Thank you.
Thank you very much. I give the floor to Hermann Tertsch, one minute.
Señora Presidente von der Leyen, 71 minutos para contarnos we will, we will, we will, we will, vamos a hacer, vamos a hacer.
Hermann Tertsch
Realmente siete años después, siete años después somos los europeos más pobres y menos libres. Ese es el balance devastador de su presidencia de la Comisión. Todas las potencias, todas las regiones del mundo crecen menos nosotros. Menos mal que tenemos esperanza. Su partido en Alemania, la CDU, se hunde y con él el gobierno de Friedrich Merz.
En Francia tendremos el año que viene un gobierno patriota con Marine Le Pen. Su mayoría aquí, esta mayoría se está cayendo en pedazos, se está diluyendo. Y en España ¿qué pasa? Su protegido, su protegido el señor Pedro Sánchez mantiene en este momento una ocupación como traidor, como bien dijo, como bien dijo Santiago Abascal, como traidor ha dejado entrar masas en Ceuta de acuerdo con Marruecos. Y ustedes no hablan de Marruecos porque Marruecos tiene comprada aquí a media, a medios, a medio hemiciclo entre otros a nuestros queridos socialistas.
Eso es lo que sucede en este momento y es un auténtico escándalo.
Ocupada parte de Europa y aquí no se dice quién es el agresor.
Nicola Procaccini
Grazie Presidente. Per la prima volta non focalizzerò il mio intervento sulla lotta all'immigrazione illegale. Purtroppo dovremo sopportare ancora a lungo le conseguenze delle politiche del passato, ma finalmente adesso stiamo andando nella giusta direzione. Resta da finire il lavoro, ci sono ancora dei passi da fare per giungere ad un corretto governo dell'immigrazione come auspicato dai popoli europei. Condivido le parole della Presidente von der Leyen sull'eccesso di regolamentazione europea, magari mi sarei aspettato anche una parola di autocritica in questo senso, ma non fa niente, passo dopo passo.
Sinceramente non ho trovato altre buone notizie nel suo discorso. Mi lasci dire che l'inchino al premier canadese, che saluto con grande rispetto, l'ho trovato francamente imbarazzante. Possibile che la Gran Bretagna non abbia la precedenza come membro associato?
Io credo che l'Europa non dovrebbe inchinarsi a nessuno, neanche agli USA, men che meno alla Cina. Di nuovo poi ho sentito questa ossessione per la decarbonizzazione, di cui non è sbagliato preoccuparci, intendiamoci, ma non può essere la priorità assoluta dell'agenda europea. Presidente von der Leyen, mi permetta di ricordarle che l'intera Unione Europea è ormai responsabile soltanto del 5% delle emissioni mondiali di CO2. Ciò nonostante queste sono in crescita anno dopo anno. Dal 1990 ad oggi abbiamo ridotto le emissioni del 36%, ma le emissioni globali sono cresciute del 68%.
Possibile che questi dati non sollevino dei dubbi sulla sfrenata e solitaria corsa alla decarbonizzazione intrapresa dall'Unione Europea? Con il Green Deal stiamo massacrando la nostra economia e soprattutto stiamo consegnando la nostra dipendenza strategica nelle mani dei regimi più illiberali e inquinanti del pianeta. Concludo. Il principale problema che dovremmo affrontare oggi non è la CO2, ma la mancanza delle materie prime critiche. Senza di queste non può esserci transizione verde o energetica, né una difesa militare efficace e deterrente.
La cosa peggiore è che tutte le materie prime critiche di cui abbiamo bisogno dobbiamo comprarle da quei regimi dai quali dovremmo difenderci sia militarmente che economicamente. Ecco, io dico: occupiamoci prima, innanzitutto di questo, e poi di tutto il resto. Grazie.
Grazie. Next, Billy Kelleher, one minute.
Billy Kelleher
Thank you, President von der Leyen, for outlining the State of the Union address and your ambition for our people. You say ambitious about the future and focused on results. Changes are exceptional, great possibilities and great perils. And they are great perils, Commissioner von der Leyen. If you look at this particular House, you can see that there are great perils that are advocating against Europe on a continual basis.
And in my one minute, I just want to make a strong plea to the center in this House, particularly to my S&D colleagues and my EPP colleagues. We have to address the fundamental issues that are facing our people from the center out. We can't have a situation where we have colleagues who at times are looking over their shoulder, flirting with the right, and others trying to undermine from the left.
We simply have to be cohesive to ensure that over the next two and a half years, we can bring forward an ambitious plan and show results to the people that will be electing the next European Parliament. If we don't, if we stand divided, well I fear that the right will continue to gain and the center will be hollowed out, and that would be shameful on all of us in the center in this parliament. So I urge unity on the program that you've outlined for our citizens. Thank you.
Thank you very much. Next is Diana Riba i Giner, one minute.
Diana Riba i Giner
Gracias, presidenta. Encima de su despacho, en Berlaymont, hay una carta firmada por más de 650 electos locales y regionales de 25 regiones europeas. Le piden que el futuro presupuesto, así como también las políticas europeas, no se centralicen en manos de los estados. Demasiado a menudo hemos visto cómo esta Unión Europea se plantea como una unión de estados, pero recordemos qué son los estados sino municipios y regiones. Y cuando se olvida su papel, cuando la gente se siente ignorada, crece la desconfianza.
Señora von der Leyen, Cataluña, Galiza, el País Valencià, las Islas Balears, Euskadi, Bretaña, Córcega y tantas otras regiones estamos listas para construir Europa. No mire a su derecha ni copie sus recetas, como ha hecho tantas veces esta legislatura, porque también es esta otra lección que nos deja Alemania: siempre gana el original, nunca la copia. En su lugar, mire hacia aquí, hacia el europeísmo federalista, hacia aquellos que queremos una Europa más soberana, más democrática y, sobre todo, más justa. Muchas gracias.
Y pasan cosas como en Sajonia-Anhalt.
Irene Montero
Gracias, presidenta. Europa necesita poner los ahorros de los hogares al servicio de sus empresas. Y esto lo ha dicho usted, señora von der Leyen. ¿Usted sabe lo que le cuesta a la gente ahorrar? La gasolina, la luz, el alquiler.
¿Ha mirado usted últimamente cuánto cuesta una docena de huevos, un litro de leche?
¿Por qué siempre mueven el dinero en el mismo sentido, de abajo arriba, de las familias a los ricos y de Europa a Estados Unidos a pagarles sus guerras, a pagarles sus negocios? ¿No se le ha ocurrido nunca a usted poner al servicio de las familias los ahorros de la banca, de las empresas energéticas, de las empresas de armamento que nadan en dinero gracias a usted, beneficios récord, nunca habían ganado tanto? Eso no, ¿verdad, señora presidenta? Eso sí que no. Ahí está el problema.
Stanisław Tyszka
Pani przewodnicząca von der Leyen, to co pani dziś zrobiła jest haniebne. Zasłania się pani ukraińskimi dziećmi, żeby dalej pompować miliardy euro w korupcyjną czarną dziurę. Bo tym jest dzisiejsza Ukraina, gdzie tylko w ostatnim roku zarzuty korupcyjne usłyszeli ludzie z samego szczytu władzy: minister sprawiedliwości, wicepremier, prawa ręka Zełenskiego Jermak. I do tego państwa Europa wysłała już ponad 200 miliardów euro. Komisja powołała nawet radę audytową, która miała pilnować tych pieniędzy, ale do dzisiejszego dnia nie przedstawiła publicznie ani jednego jej raportu.
A to są przecież pieniądze europejskiego i polskiego podatnika, tego samego, któremu każecie płacić unijny haracz od CO2. W Polsce ETS to już połowa ceny prądu dla przemysłu. Efekty: producenci ceramiki, stali, chemii i szkła zwalniają pracowników, produkcja ucieka do Chin i Indii, gdzie energia jest tańsza, a regulacji mniej.
Wy natomiast szykujecie ETS 2, podatek od ogrzewania i paliwa. Komisja umie wszystko opodatkować, wszystkiego zakazać, wszystko uregulować, nie umie tylko jednego. Zostawić ludzi i firmy w spokoju i pozwolić im pracować. Mniej ideologii, więcej pragmatyzmu. Wojna na Bliskim Wschodzie i tak winduje ceny ropy i gazu, więc przynajmniej wy przestańcie je podbijać.
Zawieście ETS, wycofajcie ETS 2 i ani jednego euro więcej dla skorumpowanej Ukrainy, która czci ludobójców z UPA. Dziękuję.
Next is Thomas Geisel. One minute, please.
Thomas Geisel
Frau Präsidentin, Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, vor allem liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen von der CDU in diesem Hause, sofern überhaupt noch welche da sind. Sie werden sich entscheiden müssen. Folgen Sie Ihrer Kommissionspräsidentin oder folgen Sie Ihrem Bundeskanzler und Parteivorsitzenden. Friedrich Merz sammelt im Moment Verbündete, um dem mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen, den Sie, Frau von der Leyen, vorgelegt haben, gleich um mehrere Milliarden, hunderte Milliarden Euro zu kürzen.
Ich würde Ihnen, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, empfehlen: Folgen Sie Ihrem Parteivorsitzenden. Sie werden damit zwar seine Kanzlerschaft nicht mehr retten, aber zumindest dafür sorgen, dass nicht noch mehr Geld über Brüssel gedreht wird und die europäische Bürokratie nicht noch mächtiger wird. Die Europäische Union braucht gemeinsame Regeln dort, wo gemeinsames Handeln notwendig ist. Aber keinen zwei Billionen Euro Haushalt und schon gar keinen Blankoscheck für die Kommission, um die für die Kommission, um in die Mitgliedstaaten hereinzuregieren. Vielen Dank.
Tomas Tobé
Commissioner, President, I love Europe. And I also love Canada. So I believe in this marriage. Thank you. Colleagues, we also must face the reality that we have many threats outside and within our Union.
And now is the time to protect our freedoms, to make Europe safer and build a more strong and prosperous Union for our future generation. This is the clear top priority of the EPP Group.
But to make Europe safe, we must also confront what we face with organized crimes. Criminal networks operate across borders in several Member States at the same time, and their violence is spilling into the streets of our cities. We must step up our fight against these criminal networks. We need to make Europol a truly operational police agency. This is crucial, and I also call on this House now, we have a responsibility to deliver.
Commission has put the proposal on the table, now it is time for us to do our part. Our citizens deserves to be safe. There can be no place in Europe for dangerous criminal gangs, except in jail. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Tobé. Next is Javier Moreno Sánchez, one minute.
Gracias, Presidenta.
Javier Moreno Sánchez
Madame la Présidente, en tant que président de la délégation pour les relations avec le Canada, je salue la présence aujourd'hui et demain du Premier ministre Carney et j'accueille avec satisfaction la proposition d'une nouvelle association. Vous pouvez compter sur nous, on va travailler de concert avec cette maison. Señorías, Canadá es un modelo de acogida y de integración de las personas migrantes de que debemos aprender. Cabe recordar que el Pacto de Migración y Asilo se aprobó bajo la presidencia española de Pedro Sánchez y que, como bien ha dicho ayer el comisario Brunner y hoy la presidenta, está funcionando. Un pacto basado en la responsabilidad compartida y la solidaridad vinculante.
La solidaridad que España ha demostrado con Lampedusa y que hoy pide para los ataques híbridos que azotaron a Ceuta. Pero hay que recordar que la mejor herramienta para combatir la migración irregular es la migración legal. Blue Card, Single Permit, Talent Pool. Señora von der Leyen, ¿cómo cuenta promocionar estos instrumentos que casi nadie conoce? ¿Qué propuestas adicionales va a presentar para seguir impulsando la migración legal que es necesaria y positiva y acallar a quienes utilizan la tragedia y el dolor de tantos seres humanos como en Ceuta para sacar rédito político?
Y estoy mencionando a la derecha y la extrema derecha. Debemos seguir el ejemplo de Canadá, el alma de Europa está en juego.
Thank you very much, gracias.
Harald Vilimsky
Frau Präsidentin, meine Damen und Herren, was für eine Schmierekomödie, was für ein absurdes Theater die linkskonservative Mehrheit dieses Hauses für dieses Europa in seine dunkelsten Stunden. Und erblödet sich nicht, hier aufzustehen, zu applaudieren und in einem Akt völliger Realitätsverweigerung den Kopf in den Sand zu stecken. Haben Sie auch nicht das Geringste Interesse und eine Ahnung, wie es den Menschen da draußen geht, die kein Geld mehr haben, ihr Auslangen zu finden? Haben Sie vergessen, dass dieses Europa gegründet wurde, Frieden den Menschen zu geben? Sie stellen um auf Kriegswirtschaft.
Haben Sie vergessen, dass es eine Aufgabe dieses Europas wäre, wirtschaftliche Prosperität herbeizuführen? Was Sie tun, ist einen Green Deal zu verabschieden. Was Sie tun, ist überzuregulieren. Was Sie damit bewirken, ist Arbeitsplätze zu vernichten, den Familien das Geld zu entziehen. Das ist der falsche Weg.
Haben Sie vergessen, dass dieses Europa dafür da ist, die Pluralität seiner Völker und Staaten zu sichern? Sie haben offene Grenzen ermöglicht und ruinieren damit diese Pluralität. Treten Sie zurück. Das ist mehr als schlechte Politik. Danke.
I give the floor next to Roberts Zīle, one and a half minutes.
Roberts Zīle
Prezidentes kundze, prezidentes fon der Leienas kundze, šī ir jūsu sestā runa, ko, protams, ļoti uzmanīgi klausās. Es esmu dzirdējis arī par ģeopolitisko komisiju, par līderību globālajā klimata politikā, bet es runāšu tikai par drošību. Un skaidrs, ka jūsu pieteiktās programmas skatās, kā tad viņas ir arī īstenotas. Eiropa, jā, ir kļuvusi stiprāka, vai Eiropa ir kļuvusi stiprāka piektajā gadā no kara sākuma Ukrainā? Jā un nē, un skaidrs, ka ir pieci procenti vairāk aizsardzībai paredzēti Eiropas budžetā, bet tas ir abpusēji NATO sasniegumu ietvaros vairāk.
Un tai pašā laikā, vai mēs, jūs pareizi teicāt par hibrīdkara elementu, hibrīds paliek arvien mazāks un ir faktiski īstais apdraudējums, ko pieredz arī manā valstī Latvijā, austrumu pierobežā ļoti bieži. Ar nakts trauksmēm, ar skolu slēgšanām, ar vilcienu atcelšanām, bet joprojām droni, kas ielido mūsu telpā, tiek notriekti ar dārgu aviāciju. Un šeit nav risinājums piektajā gadā kopš kara sākuma. Ar mums šodien ir Kanādas premjers, un tas ir liels gandarījums, jo Kanāda ir arī galvenais NATO spēks bāzē Latvijā, un viņi nodrošina mūsu drošību ārkārtīgi svarīgā jautājumā. Par priekšlikumiem, ko jūs izteicāt par jauno drošības stratēģiju, jauno drošības protokolu, Eiropas Drošības padomi.
Vai jūs dzirdējāt, ka aplausi bija mazāk nekā par citiem jūsu priekšlikumiem?
Ne jau tāpēc, ka vairums šīs auditorijas neuzskata to par svarīgu jautājumu, bet gan tāpēc, ka īsti netic, vai tas aizvietos NATO iespējas. Un ar tādu... man negribētos dzirdēt, ka šī padome atšķiras no NATO vienīgi ar to, ka tur nav ASV.
Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy
Thank you, Madam President, and thank you, President von der Leyen, for your powerful speech and your leadership. You show how to deal with a world that is changing at a dizzying speed, as you said, by building that independent Europe that has the power to act, and together with friends like Canada. And that is also exactly what Europeans want. People want a stronger Europe. People understand very well that to achieve these goals, Europe must be more united.
But these same European people have less understanding for the reasons why we're not going much faster from ambition to reality. And I'm not blaming you, Madam President, because the European spirit is very strong at the European Commission. But the European governance structure is complex, too complex.
Europe's ability to change is fundamentally hampered by anti-European forces in this house and even stronger by the national reflexes in our member states. Europe can only be stronger, can only be able to prosper if our member states and Council start working with the European spirit. So please, cross the street in Brussels and spread that European spirit to the member states' Council. Thank you.
Thank you very much. Mr. Gerbrandy, there's a blue card for you, will you take it? You get a little bit more speaking time. So, Mr. Ronza. Go ahead.
Bogdan Rzońca
Mam pytanie do pana, I will speak in Polish, because okay. Mówił pan, mówił pan bardzo dużo o silnej Europie, a lider partii EPP dzisiaj występując tutaj mówił o wstrząsie przemysłowym i ma rację. Ten wstrząs przemysłowy jest, bardzo negatywny wstrząs przemysłowy. Firmy z Unii Europejskiej uciekają, przenoszą swoją działalność. Jesteśmy świadkami tego wstrząsu, bo głosujemy co miesiąc niemal na sesjach plenarnych pomoc z funduszu globalizacji dla upadających firm w Unii Europejskiej.
Podstawową, podstawowym problemem tego wstrząsu jest, są wysokie ceny energii.
Jak pan szybko chce zmniejszyć ceny energii w Unii Europejskiej i zapobiec temu, żeby firmy z Unii przenosiły swoją działalność na inne kontynenty?
Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy
Yeah, I don't think that was really a question, but only a stronger Europe can also make our industry stronger. By joint European forces, we can have cheaper energy. We cannot do that alone in our member states. So I think we completely agree. The only thing is that member states still have too many national reflexes and they hamper the path towards a really united, stronger, faster Europe.
And that is what we have to achieve, also with the pro-European forces in this house. Thank you.
Madame von der Leyen, vous venez une fois de plus de nous annoncer le grand soir climatique européen. Mais malheureusement vos mots sonnent creux parce que votre mandat est jusqu'à présent porteur de régression écologique et sociale.
Marie Toussaint
Madame la Présidente, rendre hommage aux pompiers qui ont perdu leur vie pour sauver les nôtres est indispensable, mais mener les politiques qui permettraient d'éviter les mégafeux et les canicules l'est aussi, peut-être plus encore. Or vous avez affaibli non pas à une, mais à deux reprises la loi contre la déforestation. Libérer les multinationales de leurs obligations climatiques, démultiplier les permis à polluer et vous continuez à soumettre paysans et industrie à toujours plus de concurrence déloyale via des accords de libre-échange. L'Europe brûle. Les travailleurs s'appauvrissent et les prix de l'énergie comme de l'alimentation explosent.
Pourquoi donc vous acharner à défendre un modèle économique qui nous mène droit dans le mur ? Oui, un autre chemin est possible, celui du respect, de la dignité. Vous devriez déclarer l'état d'urgence sociale et climatique et interdire le travail lorsque la chaleur tue. Vous devriez revendiquer le contrôle sur les multinationales européennes des fossiles pour leur imposer d'investir dans les renouvelables et faire baisser les prix. Vous devriez mettre en place un droit de veto social pour que les Européens cessent de s'appauvrir.
Et je ne peux pas finir sans évoquer Gaza et la Cisjordanie. Madame von der Leyen, tenez les engagements que vous avez pris ici même devant nous et imposez des sanctions au gouvernement Netanyahou maintenant.
Konstantinos Arvanitis
Καλησπέρα σας κυρία Πρόεδρε. Ένα είναι το άκρο, ο φασισμός, εγώ αυτό γνωρίζω και τον έχουμε πληρώσει ακριβά στην Ευρώπη.
Αυτή η περιβόητη πολιτική με τη θεωρία των δύο άκρων δεν θα μας βγει σε καλό. Κυρία von der Leyen, όταν αναλάβατε ήμασταν σε ένα κρίσιμο σταυροδρόμι για το αν η Ένωση θα ακολουθήσει πολιτικές δίκαιης ανάπτυξης, ευημερίας και ειρήνης. Και επιλέξατε τον άλλο δρόμο, του ακραίου νεοφιλελευθερισμού που οδηγεί την Ένωση σε μια κοινότητα όχι απλά των λίγων, αλλά των πολύ λίγων. Δεν επενδύσατε στον πρωτογενή τομέα μας, φέρατε τη συμφωνία Mercosur. Δεν επενδύσατε στο κοινωνικό κράτος.
Προσπαθήσατε και αλλάζετε την παραγωγική διαδικασία σε στρατιωτικοποίηση της οικονομίας και με συγκεκριμένα συμφέροντα. Υιοθετήσατε όλες τις ακραίες επιταγές του κεφαλαίου και μιας παρασιτικής ελίτ. Κάνατε τα χρήματα των ασφαλισμένων καύσιμο για τα χρηματιστήρια. Υιοθετήσατε πλήρως την ιδεολογική ατζέντα της ακροδεξιάς που σε συνδυασμό με τις πολιτικές σας δημιουργούν ανιστόρητες και επικίνδυνες ανατροπές στην Ευρώπη. Η άνοδος της ακροδεξιάς και η δυναμική επάνοδος των φασιστών στην κεντρική πολιτική σκηνή, γιατί τους λέτε αντιευρωπαϊστές, φασίστες είναι, είναι αποτέλεσμα των δικών σας συμβιβαστικών επιλογών.
Η Αριστερά θα είναι απέναντι.
Ďakujem pekne. Prepáčte, ale to sa nedalo počúvať. Pani Leyenová, vy ste pohromou pre celú Európu a mali by ste sa pratať preč z funkcie spolu s celou Európskou komisiou. Čo ste nám tu to rozprávali za nezmysly, že Európe sa darí tak, ako ešte nikdy predtým?
Milan Uhrík
Prosím vás, kedy ste naposledy boli niečo nakupovať alebo tankovať? Veď podľa prieskumu 70 % Európanov povedalo, že sa im žije horšie v súčasnosti ako pred piatimi rokmi. Povedali ste, že Rusi nás odstrihli od palív, od energií. Veď vy nás normálne klamete, pretože to boli vaše sankcie a váš Green Deal, ktorý zničil energetiku v Európe, kvôli ktorému firmy krachujú a utekajú preč, kvôli ktorému mladí nemajú v Európe perspektívu. Európa potrebuje riešenia, áno, ale funkčné riešenia, ktoré pomôžu reálne zlepšiť život ľudí a firiem v Európe.
Treba zrušiť Green Deal, zrušiť sankcie, zaviesť poriadok a ochrániť hranice. To sú riešenia, ktoré Európa potrebuje.
Thank you, Mr Uhrík, you have a blue card, will you take it? I see. Next, Kateřina Konečná, one minute.
Kolegyně a kolegové, paní předsedkyně tady dnes začala vzpomínkou na Velkou francouzskou revoluci. Po vyslechnutí zbytku její řeči bych k tomu dodala, že až lidé zjistí, kdo ty její fantasmagorie opravdu zaplatí, tak mohu garantovat, že jednu tady budeme mít taky.
Kateřina Konečná
Paní Ursulo, je mi z vás špatně. Ne, situace v Evropě se nezlepší tím, že budete víc zbrojit, že zřídíte vlastní radu bezpečnosti, že zakážete brčka a plastové kelímky, že budete tisknout další eura, aby se sanovala korupce na Ukrajině a tragická rozhodnutí prezidenta Zelenského. Mám pro vás tři dobré rady. Nežeňte nás do války a přestaňte bojovat proti vlastním občanům s odlišným názorem, šmírovat jejich soukromí a zřizovat velkého bratra četkontroly. Netahejte z kapes občanů další a další peníze pro vaše vzdušné zámky a sundejte už růžové brýle.
Evropa strádá, není silnější, jednotnější ani konkurenceschopnější než dřív. Naopak. Nejlépe uděláte, když se do Německa vrátíte zachraňovat rodnou CDU/CSU. Evropě to vaše zachraňování totiž stačilo.
Frau Kollegin, vielen lieben Dank, dass Sie die blaue Karte akzeptiert haben. Sie haben in sehr blumigen Worten der Frau Kommissionspräsidentin einige Vorwürfe gemacht. Eine Sache ist mir besonders im Kopf geblieben.
Lukas Sieper
Sie haben gesagt: Ziehen Sie uns nicht weiter in den Krieg. Angesichts der Tatsache, dass es Anschläge auf unsere Energieinfrastruktur gibt, auf unsere Flughäfen, dass es Attentate auf CEOs von europäischen Unternehmen gibt, angesichts der Tatsache, dass Drohnen und Raketen auf europäischem Boden einschlagen und das systematisch und immer weiter eskalierend seit Jahren, wann sind wir denn dann eigentlich im Krieg? Wann werden wir denn eigentlich angegriffen? Erst wenn russische Panzer über die Grenze rollen?
Kateřina Konečná
Sme ve válce proto, protože tady máme politiky, kteří odmítají stejně jako vy říkat slovo mír. Neudělali jste nic pro to, nic pro to, aby na evropském kontinentě byl mír. Vy dokonce podporujete amerického prezidenta, kroky, které dělá, aby se evropským občanům žilo ještě hůř. Místo toho, abyste tady začali dělat perspektivní Evropu, která bude konkurenceschopná, tak jenom podporujete člověka, který má za sebou tolik korupčních kauz a v té na Ukrajině se ztratilo tolik peněz, že je mi vás hanba. Běžte se postavit před ty lidi.
Thank you very much, colleagues, President. When dictators cooperate to weaken us, we as liberal democracies have to cooperate even closer. We have to combat the enemies of our democracy outside and inside the European Union. They exist and we know it.
Siegfried Mureşan
We have to tell people why populists and autocrats are a risk for our security, for our prosperity, for our democracy, for our freedom of expression and for our freedom of the press. This is why our top priority for the next years will be to protect European citizens. We will protect European citizens offline and online. The relation between citizens and technology in Europe needs to work for the citizens. We have to put technology at work for the people, not put people to work for technology.
We shall invest in artificial intelligence because artificial intelligence makes people more productive, but on the other side, social networks makes people less productive. Citizens shall not be tools for technology, technology shall be a tool for people to be more productive. To make the relation between citizens and technology fair, we as a European Parliament propose a digital levy on technological giants. And we propose, and the European Parliament is very strongly united on proposing on using this digital levy as own resource to the budget of the European Union. This means that we will be more able to invest in security, in competitiveness, in research, to support our farmers and our regions.
Either the richest people on earth, which own the technological giants, pay a fair share for their access to the European single market, or we might have to cut funding for farmers, researchers, for our security, and I strongly believe that cutting farmers would be a mistake. This is why let us work together for a strong budget based on own resources for a strong Europe. Thank you very much.
The choice is clear.
Thank you, Mr. Mureșan. You have a blue card. Will you take it?
From Ms. Scuderi.
Prego.
Siegfried Mureşan
Mister Mureșan, ma proprio voi parlate di tassare le Big Tech? Proprio il Partito Popolare? Continuate a parlare di digitale e poi non ci investite. Continuate a parlare di clima e degli e dei morti di questa estate, ma poi qui state distruggendo la transizione. Parlate di diritto internazionale e poi avete invitato i talebani e non fate niente su Gaza.
Parlate di difesa europea e poi mettete 800 miliardi sul riarmo nazionale. Parlate di autonomia e investimenti ed è proprio i popolari che non vogliono più risorse, non vogliono tassare i ricchi e non vogliono un bilancio comune. Non siete stanchi di mentire? Lei e la presidente von der Leyen?
Thank you. Mr. Mureșan, would you like to respond?
Thank you very much. Look, dear colleague, your speech has nothing to do with my intervention, of course, but let me say once again. We want a strong European Union. Security, defense, protecting citizens, competitiveness, investing in research, innovation, these are our priorities for the next years.
Siegfried Mureşan
And security and competitiveness are linked. We will have to invest more in our security and we will only be able to do that if our economy is strong and the private sector will only continue to invest in Europe if it feels safe and protected. This is what we're going to do and we are strongly united as a majority here in the European Parliament for a strong Europe and the budget will be an essential tool to achieve this.
Kathleen Van Brempt
Thank you very much. Dear colleagues, let me start by agreeing, President von der Leyen, Europe is strong. But when we are confronted with the bullies at the geopolitical stage today, think about Trump, think about Xi Jinping, we have seen a Commission and a Council that did not react from that strength, but from fear, and that must change. Yes, we need a credible trade strategy and we support the work of the Commission done on the trade deals with Australia, Indonesia, India, but bilateral agreements alone will not protect us from illegal tariffs and unfair trade practices.
We welcome today Mr. Prime Minister Carney, very much looking forward to his speech, but as leader he did stood up for Canadian workers and industries. And let that be an example for all of us. And let us build further on a trade and really good coalition with Canada, the UK, Japan, Australia and others and develop a real and coordinated response to any economic coercion and economic cheating. We have given you Commission a powerful trade defense and anti-coercion toolbox, please use it when necessary because bullies may not act when you lift a finger, but they will understand you when you raise a fist.
Thank you, Ms. Van Brempt. Next is Marieke Ehlers, one minute.
Marieke Ehlers
We horen al jaren dat zonder Brussel zo ongeveer de halve beschaving instort. De realiteit is echter anders, want Brussel creëert negen uit de tien keer zelf de problemen en verkoopt dan de oplossing. Concurrentiekracht eerst kapot reguleren en dan een actieplan. Energie onbetaalbaar maken en dan een strategie. Migratie jarenlang wegkijken en dan een fopspeenpact.
Telkens is uw antwoord op de mislukking van meer Europese Unie, nóg meer Europese Unie.
En vandaag is geen uitzondering. Ik zie alleen maar commissarissen en politici als klapvee en de gebruikelijke Brusselse kerstboom met voor iedere eurofiel een cadeautje eronder: meer geld, meer macht, meer EU, meer regels. Maar mensen willen niet dat Brussel bepaalt wat ze eten, waarin ze rijden of wat ze mogen zeggen. Ze zijn de betutteling zat. Dus om Harry Potter te citeren zeg ik vandaag tegen de Commissie: "We were better without you, happier without you".
Dank u. Ms Ehlers, you have a blue card, will you take it? Mr Gonçalves. Go ahead, Mr Gonçalves, you have a blue card, you can ask your question.
Bruno Gonçalves
Thank you very much. Senhora deputada, diz que quer baixar o custo para as famílias europeias, mas vota contra a tributação dos lucros de guerra. Diz que não quer uma Europa dependente de outros blocos, mas em vez de ajudar a indústria europeia, aquilo que faz é exatamente o contrário, porque propõe Elon Musk para o Prémio Sakharov e defende as guerras de Trump que nos tornam mais pobres. A minha pergunta é muito simples.
Diz que é patriota, mas rejeita a Comissão e rejeita Bruxelas. Portanto, pergunto-lhe o seguinte: prefere Telavive como o senhor Vilimsky ou Washington como o senhor Bardella?
I have tried very hard to recognize anything from my speech in the question that you have asked. So I assume this was a pre-prepared question that you wanted to ask me, a pre-prepared question that you wanted to ask me. Of course we are patriotic, but that means strong nation states, not a strong European Union. Thank you.
Nicolas Bay
Madame von der Leyen, je vous entendais ici même il y a cinq ans, presque jour pour jour, dire exactement le contraire de tout ce que vous nous avez proposé aujourd'hui. Vous étiez à l'époque dans l'obsession idéologique des énergies renouvelables en refusant le nucléaire, vous en faites désormais la promotion. Vous nous imposiez le Green Deal et son avalanche de normes qui affaiblissent nos industries et nos agriculteurs, vous ne parlez plus aujourd'hui que de simplification. Cette lucidité, dont il est urgent qu'elle passe de la parole aux actes, est la démonstration avant tout des errements et des échecs des politiques que vous avez menées jusque-là et qui aboutissent au déclassement de l'Europe dans tous les domaines sur la scène mondiale. Mais là où vous ne changez pas, c'est la fuite en avant, toujours plus de centralisme bruxellois, la construction d'un État continental qui rogne sur les libertés de choix des États membres.
Après la dette commune, vous voulez des ressources propres, c'est-à-dire des impôts européens s'ajoutant à la fiscalité nationale déjà écrasante. Et cerise sur le gâteau, ou plutôt sur le mille-feuille bureaucratique, vous voulez créer un Conseil de sécurité européen élargi à l'Ukraine, au Royaume-Uni et même au Canada. À l'inflation normative, ajoutons donc l'inflation institutionnelle. N'avez-vous pas le sentiment du ridicule alors que l'Union européenne est si faible, si peu attractive aujourd'hui qu'un petit pays européen comme l'Islande de moins de 400 000 habitants vient de vous claquer la porte au nez en refusant tout processus d'adhésion à l'Union européenne ?
João Cotrim De Figueiredo
Thank you, President Metsola, Minister Byrne, President von der Leyen. In this envelope addressed to the European Union and all the Member States, I have all the bills for the programs that we all consider crucial for the future of our Union. I'll just go through a few of them. Decarbonization: hundreds of billions of euros a year. Competitiveness: hundreds of billions of euros a year.
Defense, hundreds of billions of euros a year. There are many, many more bills like this. I will not bore you. But so unless we grow, we all know we cannot afford this. And to grow, we just don't have to continue to simplify.
By the way, companies do not feel this simplification yet. We don't have to just complete the single market, which by the way includes not excluding EU Inc from all sectors and all companies. And it does also include completing the savings and capital market union to liberate two or three trillion euros of European savings to finance change. We also need to face another bill. The bill, and a large bill, for AI, because it is obvious that we cannot grow if we remain a mere spectator in the AI revolution.
We are fully aware of the existence of existential warnings from the insiders. But as outsiders now, we are not even part of that discussion and we will not be able to pay the bills. And you know what happens when you don't pay the bills. And that's all.
Kim Van Sparrentak
Thank you very much. Next is Kim van Sparrentak. One minute.
President von der Leyen, in an increasingly unstable world where tech bros are spreading fear and chaos, the people and businesses of Europe are longing for stable leadership. On AI, if Europe is racing, I want to know where we are going. Will our approach on AI protect people? Will it make us more or less dependent on foreign companies? And will you ensure the race does not just pay for new tech bro bunkers that guzzle water and energy and harm our nature?
And I'm glad you are finally taking on the manipulation machines we are all carrying in our pockets. But if we only kick children off the platforms and fail to fundamentally change how these platforms work, Musk and Zuckerberg will pop champagne and leave all our health, safety, and democracy at risk. President, you promised to make all online services safe for all, everyone, and our democracies. We will hold you to it. Ban addictive design in a strong Digital Fairness Act.
Then we determine the rules of the game and not AI billionaires. Thank you.
Thank you, Ms. Van Sparrentak. Marc Botenga is next, one minute.
Marc Botenga
Merci, Madame la Présidente. Madame von der Leyen, votre autosuffisance, votre arrogance m'a dérangé. Vous parlez du meilleur des temps, mais pour qui ? Pour vous peut-être avec 34 000 euros par mois, pour les milliardaires. Mais pour les travailleurs européens aujourd'hui, nos trains en retard, nos routes détruites, nos hôpitaux aux abois, nos pompiers sous-équipés.
Un Européen sur dix qui a des difficultés financières. Des loisirs, les sorties en famille, tout ce qui fait notre joie de vivre y passe. Prix du gaz, du pétrole, évidemment nous tue, bientôt 3 euros le litre à la pompe. Et c'est aussi votre faute. C'est aussi votre responsabilité.
Parce que qu'est-ce que vous avez fait pour arrêter la guerre criminelle de Trump, de Netanyahou contre l'Iran ? Rien, vous vous êtes couchée. Qu'est-ce que vous faites aujourd'hui pour ramener la paix en Ukraine ? Rien, vous préférez renvoyer des pères de famille ukrainiens réfugiés en Europe mourir au front là-bas. Et qu'est-ce que vous faites aujourd'hui pour taxer les surprofits, les surprofits des multinationales de l'énergie ?
Rien, vous voulez activer, c'est-à-dire cibler l'épargne des travailleurs et subventionner les multinationales de l'armement. C'est votre choix Madame von der Leyen, vous allez le payer dans la rue. Merci.
Stanislav Stoyanov
Merci, Stanislav Stoyanov, one minute.
Благодаря, госпожо председател, госпожо фон дер Лайен. Обединена Европа беше мечта за поколения европейци, мечта за сигурност, свобода, благоденствие и достойно бъдеще. Днес тази мечта е подменена, а вие продължавате да ни пробутвате нейния стар образ. Европейците виждат друга реалност: неконтролирана миграция, социално напрежение, скъпа енергия, загуба на индустрии и все по-трудно достижим достоен живот. Частни и корпоративни интереси изместват тези на гражданите, а решенията се вземат все по-далеч от тях.
Старата европейска мечта вече не съществува. Съвсем наскоро исландците показаха, че все повече европейци търсят нов път. Европа има нужда от нова мечта за реформиран съюз на суверенни държави, стъпил отново на здрава основа, съюз изграден по волята на европейските народи, а не на неизбрани началници. Европа има нужда от нещо ново и то вече се заражда.
Thank you. Next is Dolors Montserrat, one and a half minutes.
Dolors Montserrat
Gracias, presidenta. Nuestros enemigos están poniendo a prueba nuestras vulnerabilidades. La invasión de Ceuta, ayer Lituania и Dinamarca, hace pocos días Alemania y Polonia, no son incidentes casuales. Es una guerra híbrida declarada con forma de dron, de virus informático, de frontera e integridad territorial violada. Quien ataque una frontera, quien invada un territorio europeo, quien noquee una infraestructura debe saber que Europa responderá inmediatamente, sin tener que esperar a un presidente como Sánchez que se va de vacaciones en vez de defender nuestra frontera europea.
El precio de no disuadir puede ser irreparable.
Necesitamos seguridad para ser libres y competitividad para ser autónomos. Pero seguimos funcionando como 27 mercados pequeños. Necesitamos eliminar toda la burocracia, bajar los precios de la energía, invertir en digitalización, una industria Made in Europe, nuevos acuerdos comerciales y completar el mercado único son el único camino para la Europa del futuro. Un futuro que pasa primero por crear oportunidades y empleo para todos los jóvenes. Segundo, si las tecnologías no ponen límites a su poder, Europa sí velará para que nuestros jóvenes la utilicen de forma segura, libre y saludable.
Y tercero, no hay libertad cuando emanciparse es un sueño inalcanzable para los jóvenes. La solución a la vivienda es construir más vivienda, más seguridad jurídica y menos burocracia, no con recetas comunistas como la de Teresa Ribera de limitar la compra de segunda vivienda y atacar a la propiedad privada, uno de los grandes valores de la Unión Europea. Señoría, seguridad, competitividad y libertad es la verdadera Europa que necesitamos. Muchísimas gracias.
Roberta Metsola
Ms Montserrat, there's a blue card, will you take it? No? Okay. Next is Raphaël Glucksmann, one minute.
Raphaël Glucksmann
Merci, Madame la Présidente. Des mots, des mots, des mots, comme le disait Hamlet. Les mots comptent. Mais pendant ce temps en Europe, 500 travailleurs de l'industrie perdent leur travail chaque jour. Notre société est lacérée par ces usines qui ferment et notre souveraineté est minée.
Voilà le coût de 30 années de religion du libre-échange, le coût de l'humiliation heureuse face à Trump et le coût de la capitulation choisie face à la Chine. Nos batteries, nos terres rares, nos panneaux solaires, tout vient de Chine aujourd'hui.
Nous dépendons totalement des plateformes et de l'intelligence artificielle américaine. Nos aéroports et nos chemins de fer sont visés par Poutine. Et qu'annoncez-vous ce matin ? Des panels, des débats stratégiques. Il faut se réveiller.
Nous voulons un plan européen d'investissement dans les industries de la transition écologique. Nous voulons enfin la préférence européenne, des marchés publics réservés aux productions européennes et la protection de nos usines contre le dumping chinois, maintenant. Nous voulons que vous appliquiez enfin les règles que nous avons votées contre les géants américains et chinois du numérique, nous le voulons maintenant. Le temps n'est plus aux panels d'experts, le temps est aux actions. Alors agissons ensemble.
Merci, Monsieur Glucksmann. Il y a un blue card bleu pour vous, est-ce que vous la prendre ? Okay, Mr. Gražulis. Go ahead.
Petras Gražulis
Gerbiamas pranešėjau, jūs esate valdančiosios daugumos atstovas. Penki metai vyksta karas Ukrainoje, sprogdina pastatus, žudo žmones. Ar jums negėda, kad didžiausia ir stipriausia beveik pasaulyje sąjunga negali apginti Ukrainos? Per penkis metus daug žodžių, bet darbų, man atrodo, mažai.
Kaip jūs vertinate Europos Sąjungą, kuri neapgina Ukrainos jau penki metai?
Raphaël Glucksmann
La guerre en Ukraine n'est pas simplement une guerre contre l'Ukraine. C'est une guerre contre l'ensemble du continent européen. C'est une guerre contre l'ensemble de nos nations. Et donc nous devons continuer à soutenir la résistance ukrainienne. Nous devons même faire beaucoup plus que ce que nous avons fait jusqu'ici.
Ce que nous devons faire désormais, c'est assumer la protection du ciel ukrainien contre les missiles russes qui visent les cibles civiles sur l'ensemble du territoire ukrainien. Ce que des pays européens ont fait pour les Émirats arabes unis, pour le ciel d'Abou Dabi, nous devons le faire aujourd'hui pour les villes ukrainiennes. Et donc non, nous n'avons pas fait assez pour protéger l'Ukraine et nous n'avons pas fait assez pour défendre l'Europe. Ce qu'il nous faut, c'est l'autonomie stratégique européenne. Mais ça, ça commence par quoi ?
Ça commence par augmenter notre soutien à la résistance ukrainienne.
Tamás Deutsch
Von der Leyen elnök asszony, önök éveken át szemérmetlenül azt hazudták, hogy Magyarországon felszámolták a jogállamot, pedig pontosan tudták, egy szó sem igaz az egészből. Azért csinálták ezt a kampányt, hogy visszatartsák az uniós forrásokat, és ezzel megbuktassák a patrióta magyar kormányt. A mai örömködésük is ennek a beismerése. Az elmúlt hónapokban aztán a Tisza-párt alkotmányos puccsal felszámolta a demokratikus Magyarországot és önkényuralmi rendszert hozott létre. Pontosan tudnak mindenről, de most mégis hallgatnak.
A fülrepesztő csendnek az az oka, hogy Brüsszel és a Tisza-párt paktumot kötöttek. Magyar Péter dolga, hogy letörölje a nemzeti szuverenista erőket a magyar politika térképéről, Brüsszel pedig ezért az uniós pénzekkel és a feltétlen politikai támogatással fizet. A Tisza-párt pedig a szuverenitásunkat teljesen feladva, alávetett pozícióba illeszti Magyarországot a brüsszeli birodalmi gépezetbe. De korán örülnek, mi harcolni fogunk az önkény ellen és a magyar szabadságért.
Gheorghe Piperea
Thank you. Next is Gheorghe Piperea, one minute.
Faptul că Frau von der Leyen și-a cumpărat aplauzele nu schimbă realitatea, adică supraîndatorarea UE și a statelor membre, dezindustrializarea și falimentul, sărăcia și șomajul populației. Cauzele vizibile, dar neluate în considerare: politicile infracționale din pandemie, măsurile iraționale din Green Deal și susținerea financiară obsesivă a regimului mafiot kievean. UE este astăzi un liliputan economic care visează la inteligență artificială, dar s-a blocat în tehnologia dopului de plastic atașat PET-ului. Green Deal nu a adus energie sustenabilă, ci taxe și dependență de China. Campioană la hiper-reglementare și cromotare a scutului democratic, adică a cenzurii, UE ne-a adus la un pas de război, în ciuda originilor pașnice ale UE.
UE a devenit un pitic geopolitic indezirabil. State ca Islanda, Elveția și Norvegia își refuză accesul în UE, o organizație centralistă de tip sovietic. Salvarea UE de la dezintegrare nu mai este acum posibilă decât dacă von der Leyen își dă demisia. Mulțumesc.
Morten Løkkegaard
I give the floor next to Morten Løkkegaard. One minute.
Tak, kære kolleger, præsident von der Leyen. Tak for en håbefuld tale. Jeg har faktisk i gang, jeg vil sige tre gange tak, og så vil jeg komme med et spørgsmål.
Første tak er for at hædre den danske helikopterpilot Rune Kynddal. Jeg ved, hans familie satte rigtig meget pris på det, der skete i dag. Det var meget rørende. Så en stor tak for at åbne over for Canada. Jeg er sikker på, at vi i morgen får en god tale fra Mr. Kani, og at det er, der bliver skrevet historie her i lokalet i dag.
Det vil jeg også være meget værdsat for vores gruppes side og for mig selv. Og endelig en tak for at fokusere på gold-plating. Vi har jo talt meget om gold-plating. Jeg tror, vi har gjort alt, hvad vi kunne i Bruxelles efterhånden. Nu mangler vi medlemsstaterne.
Jeg er helt enig. Og så skal vi altså være sikre på, at det rent faktisk sker. Og mit spørgsmål til Dem, præsident, er derfor, hvordan forestiller De Dem, at medlemsstaterne rent faktisk kan blive presset til at gøre det nødvendige, fordi det indtil nu har det været et kæmpe problem. Jeg håber på at få en uddybning af det. Tak for det.
Thank you, Mr. Løkkegaard. Damian Boeselager, one minute.
Damian Boeselager
Dear President, dear Prime Minister Kani, I'm really excited we are formalizing our long-distance relationship. Of course, our history has had its ups and downs, but hey, we recently had a bad breakup with the Brits and you seem to be going through a rough patch with the US, so clearly we are both open for something new. And for us, choosing you, Canada, and Mr. Kani, is quite easy. You have green hydrogen to keep us warm, you have maple syrup to keep us happy, and heated rivalry to keep us entertained. You have poutine, the Mounties, Céline Dion, and Leonard Cohen, and of course almost every famous Ryan or Justin I can think of.
Furthermore, you Canadians possess humankind's rarest skill, and that is the ability to apologize, which in today's ego-denominated world is very rare. You have courage, Prime Minister, which you have shown by standing up against Trump's gaslighting, something we still have yet to learn. And we know that Canada will never be the 51st state, and apparently maybe also not the 28th member state, even though you would be very welcome, but maybe we could become the 11th province of Canada in addition for you being an associate member here. Because we really need to double down, double-double down on our relationship. Long live Lake Ontario, across the oceans our hearts will go on.
Thank you.
Thank you very much, Mr. Boeselager. Some prose. Pasquale Tridico, one minute.
Pasquale Tridico
Presidente, grazie.
Colleghi, Presidente von der Leyen, nell'ultimo anno la Commissione ha presentato 41 iniziative sulla difesa e 31 sul sociale. Basta questo dato per spiegare la sua unica vera priorità: il riarmo. L'Europa è spettatrice davanti all'avanzata dell'intelligenza artificiale, all'inflazione che sale, ai prezzi dell'energia e della benzina che sono alle stelle, e sempre più cittadini non riescono ad arrivare a fine mese. La difesa deve essere anche protezione sociale e sicurezza del lavoro, che lei ignora. Quando la politica smette di occuparsi della vita reale, la gente non smette di avere problemi, smette di credere nella politica.
Ed è lì che cresce l'estrema destra, non perché gli europei siano diventati estremisti, ma perché qualcuno ha smesso di ascoltarli. E i problemi in Europa rimangono: la deindustrializzazione, la povertà, le disuguaglianze, la casa. Presidente, più lei insegue la destra, più crescono i partiti neonazisti. Perché non tassiamo le Big Tech, gli extraprofitti, i miliardari per finanziare la giustizia sociale? Serve un'Europa più giusta, che lavori per la pace anziché boicottarla e difenda il lavoro e le nostre imprese, non insegua austerità e riarmo.
Grazie.
Grazie, onorevole Tridico. Next, Lídia Pereira, one and a half minutes.
Lídia Pereira
Senhora Presidente, tomei boa nota das suas palavras e trago números. Nos 90 segundos que tenho, a União Europeia gasta um milhão de euros em importar energia. Mais de 120 milhões nas três horas deste debate. Por isso, investir em energia limpa é investir na economia. É segurança, é competitividade, é liberdade.
Em 70 anos aprendemos a circular sem fronteiras e até já podemos pagar com a mesma moeda. Mas as empresas ainda enfrentam um rolo compressor de 27 leis nacionais num mercado que devia ser único. Hoje, ainda não é possível criar uma empresa reconhecida em toda a Europa. E o mesmo vale para o pacto das migrações. Não podemos continuar com 27 políticas diferentes num espaço que se quer comum.
E não podemos ceder a extremos. Portugal tem mostrado esse caminho: só há política de migrações com regras. Só há dignidade se houver visto e contrato, só há bem-estar se houver integração. Os europeus não pedem que sonhemos por eles, pedem-nos resultados. E há quem os espere com mais urgência do que nós.
A Ucrânia não desistiu. Lembra-nos todos os dias o que significa a Europa: um projeto de democracia, de paz e de liberdade.
A presença do Primeiro-Ministro Mark Carney hoje mostra-nos também uma verdade importante: as democracias não podem dar-se ao luxo de estarem sozinhas e a Europa é um espaço que vale a pena defender. Muito obrigado.
Thank you, Mr. Pereira. I have a blue card, will you take it from Raquel Garcia? Go ahead, Raquel.
Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle
Thank you, Madam President. Obrigada, Senhor Pereira. Thank you so much for your speech. I can agree with a lot of what you said. One of the things that I fully agreed with you on is the fact, the need to fight extremism.
And I think that fight begins in this house. And there are a number of rather extreme groups and colleagues in this house with whom your group, the European People's Party, is working. Don't you think that we have to put an end to that once and for all and the European, pro-European forces, let's see to Europeans that we are united for the goals that we share instead of playing it with the extreme right? Thank you so much.
Muito obrigada pela pergunta. Nós somos todos democratas e, portanto, aquilo que queremos é trabalhar, privilegiando, claro, o trabalho com os democratas e com quem defende a União Europeia. Mas, senhora deputada, também temos que ser realistas.
E se temos um programa e temos ideias, temos que as negociar com todas as forças deste Parlamento. Se a senhora deputada define à partida um cordão sanitário, nós preferimos e privilegiamos o diálogo e o compromisso que vão ao encontro daquilo que são as nossas prioridades e que têm sempre por base a democracia europeia e entregar resultados a todos os europeus.
Heléne Fritzon
Tack fru talman, president von der Leyen. I Europa ser vi en växande backlash för jämställdheten, för flickors och kvinnors rättigheter. Jag välkomnar ert tal idag, för det krävs vilja, mod och politiskt ledarskap för att ändra på attityder och strukturer. Jämställdheten måste integreras i alla politikområden, i lagstiftning, i budget. Varje euro vi använder och investerar ska bidra till ett jämställt Europa.
Och lika viktigt är det att vi använder kvinnors kompetens. Idag står en tredjedel av alla Europas kvinnor utanför arbetsmarknaden. Inget jobb, ingen lön och inte makten över sitt eget liv.
Och vi behöver kvinnors klokskap i den gröna omställningen, där det är avgörande att vi håller kursen för att klara 2040-målen. Så jag citerar gärna er, president von der Leyen: "Women are here to stay, but we need results." Thank you.
Ms Fritzon, there's a blue card for you, will you take it? Heléne? Ms Fritzon, will you take a blue card? No, okay. Paolo Borchia.
Prego.
Paolo Borchia
Presidente von der Leyen, il suo è stato un monologo a senso unico, troppo scollato dalla realtà per quelle che sono le difficoltà che l'Europa sta vivendo. Lei ha detto che abbiamo resistito bene a due guerre, ma probabilmente le sfugge quanto costano i carburanti questa mattina in quasi tutta Europa. Ha parlato di troppe regole e io sono d'accordo, ma trovo poco credibile che quelli che l'hanno applaudita siano stati gli stessi che queste troppe regole hanno votato. E poi lei ha parlato di un ruolo delle donne da difendere. Io sono il primo ad essere d'accordo, ma questa è una frase ipocrita perché questa Commissione europea non ha mosso un dito contro la progressiva islamizzazione dell'Europa.
E infine lei riconosce che importiamo troppo dalla Cina, ma Pechino non aveva bisogno di semafori verdi, quei semafori verdi che il Green Deal ha dato. Ma le assicuro una cosa: finché c'è la Lega non permetteremo che l'Europa diventi una colonia cinese.
Johan Van Overtveldt
President, voorzitter, collega's, de woorden van deze State of the Union worden hier altijd heel nauwgezet gewikt en gewogen. Maar belangrijker zijn de acties die ondernomen worden op basis van prioriteiten. En er is één sleutel die de deur naar al die prioriteiten opent en dat is economische groei. Die groei is een absolute conditio sine qua non voor een krachtdadig beleid dat onze veiligheid, defensie en geopolitieke positie versterkt en onze bedrijven toelaat internationaal te concurreren. Daarvoor is echte deregulering nodig.
Louter administratieve vereenvoudiging is onvoldoende. Europa moet meer ademruimte creëren voor creatief ondernemerschap, minder regels, meer ruimte voor initiatief, investeringen en innovatie. En ook in het Europees budget moet er dringend meer focus komen op onderzoek en ontwikkeling.
Zonder sterkere economische groei kunnen we zoveel ambities formuleren als we maar willen, maar we zullen ze zonder die economische groei niet kunnen realiseren. Dank u.
Thank you very much. Next is Željana Zovko, one and a half minutes.
Željana Zovko
Thank you, President, and chapeau, Madam Ursula von der Leyen, President of European Commission. I congratulate you for condemnation of horrifying scene from the state funeral of convicted butcher from Srebrenica, Ratko Mladić. European Union needs enlargement to Western Balkan as a strategic priority, but the message was sent and it is clear: Union does not trade with its values. All victims and their families deserve truth and justice and compassion. This includes the truth about 1,725 people still missing in Croatia following the Serbia's aggression against Croatia.
It also includes the missing Croats from Bugojno and eight Croatian children killed in Vitez in Bosnia and Herzegovina, for what no one was held accountable. The Irish Minister mentioned the late John Hume, our former colleague who was instrumental in bringing peace to Northern Ireland.
I hope that we will be remembered in this house by fully implementing the Dayton-Paris Peace Agreement and finally guaranteeing equal rights for all three constituent people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. And for that we need United States of America and keep working with our strongest transatlantic relations and indeed strong also trading partner. And I welcome Canadian association membership. It's good to have Canada on board. It's good to have a Canada that also our people have built and our diaspora, including my late uncle who is buried there.
Finally, I welcome your call for European firefighter's fleet, but we must support the firefighters who carried out heroic work this summer in Croatia and across Europe, from Brač to Omiš to all over. We need them. In our sleepless night, they cannot fly, I mean they are on the ground and we need to support them, we need to give them means to keep on fighting.
Thank you. Ms. Zovko, there's a blue card, will you take it from Mr. Mularczyk? Yeah, go ahead.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Pani poseł zwróciła uwagę na na to, jak ważne są kwestie historyczne w polityce Unii Europejskiej, na podejście do praworządności, praw człowieka. Wróciłem nie tak dawno z Vianos w Grecji, gdzie grecki prezydent wspomniał, że do dzisiaj Grecja nie dostała reparacji wojennych od Niemiec. Do dzisiaj greccy obywatele nie mają żadnych roszczeń, żadnych świadczeń. To również mamy taką sytuację z Polską. Jak pani uważa, czy Komisja Europejska pod przewodnictwem pani von der Leyen powinna zmusić Niemcy, Berlin do podjęcia dialogu z Polską i z Grecją?
Dziękuję.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
To jest stanowisko prezydentów Polski i Grecji, że taki dialog powinien się rozpocząć. Proszę o odpowiedź na to pytanie. Dziękuję.
In this group, we have an intergroup for historical memory. And I think part of this historical memory includes many issues, undiscovered communist crimes, totalitarian regimes, and many of the issues that we offer platform for discussions. And I invite colleagues to join that we continue discussing and on many also people who are still grieving, leaving their land. Thank you very much.
Thank you very much, Ms. Zovko. Next, Nicola Zingaretti, un minuto.
Nicola Zingaretti
Presidente, per rilanciare l'Europa ci vuole più pace e più giustizia. Sette società digitali americane insieme valgono più del PIL dell'intera Unione e non era mai accaduto nella storia dell'umanità. È un modello sbilanciato.
La ricchezza si continua a concentrare e non si distribuisce alle persone e il sistema fiscale globale è complice. Le grandi piattaforme digitali pagano in media il 15% di imposte, i nostri commercianti, i nostri artigiani, le piccole e medie imprese ne pagano quasi il doppio e i giovani pagheranno una marea di tasse per ripagare i debiti. Questa è un'ingiustizia e combattere le ingiustizie è compito della democrazia, ma la politica e i governi europei oggi non fanno niente. Presidente, tocca all'Europa. Lei non ha detto nulla sulla tassa dei servizi digitali che ha annunciato nel 2020, è partita e poi fermata.
Ecco, noi diciamo: paghino gli oligarchi e investiamo nell'innovazione, nella sanità, nella scuola, nella ricerca, perché non servono ora le parole, serve che lei vada avanti per un insopprimibile, giusto senso di giustizia a cui occorre dare risposte, soprattutto per le ragazze e i ragazzi. Grazie.
Grazie, onorevole Zingaretti. C'è un blue card, lo prendi? No? Ok. Tom Vandendriessche, one minute.
Mevrouw von der Leyen, in welke realiteit leeft uw Commissie eigenlijk?
Tom Vandendriessche
U beweert veilige grenzen te garanderen, in werkelijkheid overspoelden nog maar enkele weken geleden 80.000 illegalen onze buitengrens in Ceuta. U beweert onze welvaart en concurrentiekracht te beschermen, in werkelijkheid is elektriciteit nu al 2,5 keer duurder en gas 5 keer duurder dan in de Verenigde Staten. En alsof dat nog niet genoeg is, legt u nog eens extra klimaat taksen op. En uw plannen voor de toekomst? Een nieuwe Europese megabegroting van maar liefst 2.000 miljard euro, nieuwe Europese belastingen, meer van hetzelfde, maar dan gewoon duurder.
Waanzin is telkens opnieuw hetzelfde doen en toch een ander resultaat verwachten. Europa heeft een fundamenteel ander beleid nodig, dat van het gezond verstand. Want vroeg of laat, mevrouw, haalt de realiteit u in en dan volgt de afrekening door de kiezer en daar zullen wij voor zorgen.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Thank you. Sebastian Tynkkynen, one minute.
Madam Ursula von der Leyen, you have put this continent on danger. Your Green Deal is wrecking food security. Businesses beg for relief, yet the regulatory monster you built keeps growing, even as you now try to scrap your own rules. You lost the race in AI and space. You close working power plants.
You'll kill combustion car factories in 2035.
You celebrate achievements while Europeans drown in living costs. Few have ruled Europe as long as you. For most of that time, Russia's illegal war has raged. And when illegal migrants arrive, you demand solidarity. Green ideology has been your compass.
With the EPP, you formed an unholy union with socialists. Equal misery, socialism failed in Cuba, the Soviet Union, and the European Union. Only a nationalist landslide can still save this continent. Thank you.
Romana Tomc
Spoštovana predsednica Evropske komisije, dragi kolegi in kolegice, ko govorimo o prihodnosti Evrope, največkrat omenjamo konkurenčnost, gospodarski razvoj, digitalizacijo, zeleni prehod in seveda našo varnost. A prepogosto pozabimo na temelj vsega, na demografijo. Demografija ni le vprašanje tega, koliko Evropejcev nas bo jutri, ampak tudi kakšna bo Evropa jutri.
Ni zgolj statistika ali politika, je gospodarsko vprašanje, je socialno vprašanje in predvsem je ključni preizkus za našo prihodnost. Pri tem imamo tudi v Evropskem parlamentu izjemno pomembno vlogo. Skupina za demografijo je ena najbolj aktivnih in angažiranih v tej hiši. To je seveda tudi dokaz, da lahko demografski izziv preseže politične delitve. Evropska unija ima danes približno 450 milijonov prebivalcev.
Napovedi so take, da nas bo čez nekaj desetletij samo še 400. Hkrati se naše prebivalstvo stara. Do leta 2050 bo tako skoraj vsak tretji Evropejec starejši od 65 let. To seveda pomeni manj delovno aktivnih ljudi, manjšo davčno osnovo in vse večji pritisk na naše pokojninske in zdravstvene sisteme. To je realnost, s katero se moramo soočiti sedaj, ne jutri.
Zato mora tudi demografija postati ena osrednjih politik in prioritet evropskega proračuna, ki je pred nami, ter stalni steber evropskih socialnih politik. Hvala lepa.
Thank you, Mr. Tomc. I give the floor next to Andreas Schieder, one minute.
Andreas Schieder
Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissionspräsidentin, Sie haben bereits letztes Jahr in Ihrer Rede auch erwähnt, Europa leidet unter einer massiven Wohnraumkrise. Immer mehr Menschen, vor allem junge Menschen, fragen sich: Kann ich mir ein Zuhause überhaupt noch leisten? Wohnen ist eine der großen sozialen Fragen unserer Zeit geworden und wir müssen endlich handeln, auch auf europäischer Ebene. Und der Affordable Housing Act von Wohnkommissar Dan Jørgensen ist ein wichtiger erster Schritt in diese richtige Richtung. Aber es geht darum, nicht nur den Act umzusetzen, sondern auch weiterzudenken.
Wir brauchen mehr Investitionen in leistbaren und sozialen Wohnraum und klare Regeln gegen Spekulationen. Und mein Appell an die Kommission ist auch: Leistbares Wohnen darf kein Nebenthema sein, sondern muss eine der großen Prioritäten der nächsten Jahre werden. Denn ein leistbares Zuhause ist keine Luxusfrage, es ist die Grundlage für ein gutes und selbstbestimmtes Leben überall in Europa.
Mr Schieder, will you take a blue card from Mr Terheş? Cristian, go ahead.
Thank you. You talked in your speech about, and I quote, "affordable housing". The question is: why the houses in Europe right now are not affordable? The policies that your group is promoting, policies that are coming from Ursula von der Leyen and her Commission, is making the prices in Europe of everything higher.
Cristian Terheş
So what is your solution? Affordable pricing, that's just a statement. What exactly is your group doing and what you're asking Ursula von der Leyen to do to lower and to make sure that the prices are affordable?
I think we have to invest more in affordable housing, which makes housing available also for the middle class, but we have to also see where is a market failure, like it is short-term rentals or empty vacant houses for speculation, overlooking of secondary homes. And this is also what we try to tackle with the Affordable Housing Act. You're invited to vote in favor, by the way.
Morten Løkkegaard
Thank you, Mr. Schiede. I give the floor to Afroditi Latinopoulou. One minute, please.
Afroditi Latinopoulou
Κυρία Φον ντερ Λάιεν, δεν υπάρχει μεγαλύτερη ρατσίστρια από εσάς με τους Ευρωπαίους, με αποδείξεις. Μας γεμίσατε λαθρομετανάστες, μας πνίξατε στους φόρους και τη γραφειοκρατία. Τσακίσατε τους αγρότες μας, τους κτηνοτρόφους και τους ψαράδες μας. Κλείνετε τα εργοστάσια της Ευρώπης και χάνονται εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες θέσεις εργασίας. Καταστρέψατε την πυρηνική οικογένεια.
Μας επιβάλλετε την woke ατζέντα, την πράσινη παράνοια, την ισλαμοποίηση της Ευρώπης. Πληρώνετε από την τσέπη μας τα εκατομμύρια λαθρομετανάστες που έχουν διαλύσει τις γειτονιές μας, βιάζουν, παρενοχλούν, δολοφονούν και στο τέλος τους δίνετε και χαρτιά για να ψηφίζουν. Αλλά μας δώσατε χάρτινα καλαμάκια, δεμένα καπάκια και gay pride. Δεν είστε απλά η καλύτερη μαθήτρια της Μέρκελ, την ξεπεράσατε κυρία Φον ντερ Λάιεν. Βουτηγμένη σε σκάνδαλα με βάσιμες υπόνοιες διαφθοράς, Pfizergate, εξαφανισμένα μηνύματα και άρνηση ελέγχου σας.
Και όλα αυτά χωρίς τη νομιμοποίηση της ψήφου των Ευρωπαίων πολιτών, μόνο με τις πλάτες των σοσιαλιστών και του Βέμπερ. Κυρία Φον ντερ Λάιεν, μας ρημάξατε.
Angelika Niebler
Vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin, Frau Kommissionspräsidentin, Herr Ratsvertreter, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen. Das Angebot einer assoziierten Partnerschaft mit Kanada, das ja weit über ein Freihandelsabkommen hinausgeht, ist ein ganz klares, starkes Bekenntnis, das ich sehr begrüße. Es zeigt nämlich, dass wir Europäer verlässliche Partner in der Welt sind und dass auch wir in der Welt verlässliche Partner haben, die unsere Werte teilen.
Also ich begrüße das ausdrücklich und hoffe sehr, dass das eine ganz, ganz strenge Partnerschaft, eine schöne Gemeinschaft werden wird. Frau Präsidentin, Sie haben eine gute Rede gehalten. Ich danke Ihnen für Ihre realistische Standortbestimmungen und auch für die vielen richtigen Themen, die Sie angesprochen haben. Unsere Sicherheit, unsere Wettbewerbsfähigkeit hier in der Europäischen Union, Vorschläge zum Umgang mit künstlicher Intelligenz und sozialen Medien. Ich finde, das ist alles richtig und wichtig.
Entscheidend ist aber, dass wir diesen Ankündigungen jetzt auch Taten folgen lassen, denn unsere Bürger fragen sich: Was macht ihr eigentlich für uns? Ich begrüße Ihren Vorschlag eines Kids Acts, denn der Schutz unserer Kinder im Netz ist zentral. Und ich begrüße auch, dass Sie das Thema Wettbewerbsfähigkeit zu Ihrer Toppriorität gemacht haben. Tausende Jobs gehen tagtäglich in unseren europäischen Ländern verloren. Die Menschen haben Angst, sind verunsichert.
Deshalb müssen wir alles unternehmen, um unsere Wirtschaft zu entlasten und für faire Wettbewerbsbedingungen zu sorgen. Und ich sage auch: Ja, es ist richtig, Gold-Plating anzugehen und die Mitgliedstaaten zu fordern, aber auch die Kommission darf in ihren Bemühungen um Bürokratieabbau nicht nachlassen.
Thank you, Ms Niebler. Ms Niebler, there is a blue card for you. Will you take it? No? Okay.
Now, Marta Temido, one minute.
Marta Temido
Obrigada. Senhora Presidente, também nós queremos construir uma União Europeia próspera, mas isso não acontecerá se esquecermos a proteção do ambiente e da saúde. E desde o início deste mandato que assistimos ao desmantelar do Pacto Ecológico Europeu. O regulamento antidesflorestação, a lei de monitorização das florestas europeias, o Fundo Social para o Clima, todos compromissos traídos. As ondas de calor deste verão e os incêndios florestais mostraram bem o desafio que enfrentamos e só são uma novidade para os traídos.
Mas como disse, Presidente, quando a Europa está dividida não consegue mudar o rumo dos acontecimentos. Queremos também que não se esqueça, por favor, do compromisso com a União Europeia da Saúde, que é muito mais do que inteligência artificial ou competitividade industrial. Muitos europeus continuam a adoecer e a morrer por causas evitáveis: tabaco, álcool, poluição, gorduras saturadas e trans. Precisamos de uma agenda para a prevenção. E sim, Presidente, para tudo isto precisamos de mais recursos comuns.
E as receitas do sistema de comércio de emissões e do tabaco, aqui sim, podem dar uma ajuda.
Thank you. Ms Temido, there's a blue card, will you take it? Go ahead, please, Mr Madison.
Jaak Madison
Yeah, thanks so much.
First of all, you said that in the last few years Ms. von der Leyen has changed his course about the Green Deal. I just remind you that two years ago we had elections and the voters said in Europe clearly that they would like to see a more realistic approach to the climate ideology because that's why the conservatives just said a lot of things to the socialists. But just realistically, if we go on with the Green Deal and so on to have climate change and just what is your approach? Currently we are importing about 80% of the minerals from China and from Africa controlled by Chinese. How we gonna guarantee that everybody will have electricity without fossil fuels all over the Europe?
How you gonna guarantee that?
Marta Temido
Okay, Mr. Madison, thank you. Go ahead, Mr. Mido.
Muito obrigada. Obrigada pela sua questão. Em primeiro lugar, eu não disse que a senhora presidente tinha desistido do Pacto Ecológico Europeu, disse que alguns nesta casa tinham desistido do Pacto Ecológico Europeu. É bom que isso fique claro. Em segundo lugar, é bom que também recordem aos europeus que não enchem o tanque dos seus carros com aquilo que não é pagável por eles próprios.
E isso tem a ver com a descarbonização, um roteiro verde e a eletrificação da Europa, não com aquilo que os senhores acham que tem a ver. Muito obrigada.
Jaroslava Pokorná Jermanová
Vážená paní předsedkyně, musím říct, že jsem měla připravený jiný projev, ale váš projev mě takříkajíc zvedl ze židle. Více než 30 let sloužím veřejnosti, jsem v politických funkcích, ale to, co jsem dneska zažila, je pro mě něco nepřijatelného. Možná vás teď překvapím, já také věřím v Evropu, ale v úplně jinou než vy. Silná Evropa totiž není více nařízení, regulací, omezení. Silná Evropa je diskuse.
Silná Evropa je pluralita názorů. Silná Evropa je hledání kompromisů. Silná Evropa je 27 silných států. Silná Evropa je respekt k druhým, k jejich specifikům. Silná Evropa je akceptace výsledků voleb.
Silná Evropa není propaganda. Není nálepkování. Není jediný správný názor a stavění cordon sanitaire. Silná Evropa není silná Evropská komise. Evropská komise není evropská vláda a vy nejste její prezidentkou.
Naštěstí.
Thank you, dear colleague. You want a blue card? Would you answer? Okay. Esteban González Pons, Vice-President, one and a half minutes.
Esteban González Pons
Señora presidenta, el 4 de agosto apareció un dron cargado de explosivos en el aeropuerto de Leipzig. Ayer, desde el círculo más íntimo de Putin se advirtió a Polonia de que dejaría de existir en dos o tres días. Y a finales de julio, en dos noches, más de 80.000 personas cruzaron la frontera de Ceuta. 80.000 personas no fuerzan una frontera si no lo permite el país del que salen. Tres hechos, tres geografías, un solo método.
Los ataques híbridos no distinguen entre el Báltico y el estrecho de Gibraltar. Buscan nuestra grieta y confían en que tratemos esa grieta como un problema local. Señora presidenta, Ceuta es hoy el estado de la Unión Europea. Es una ciudad que está sosteniendo sola lo que debería sostener un continente. Más de 10.000 personas deambulan por sus calles sin que Marruecos las acepte de vuelta.
España no es menos parte de la Unión Europea que Alemania o Polonia. La amenaza híbrida por el sur no es menos grave. Y quienes nos atacan de forma híbrida por el sur no deberían merecer menos sanciones que aquellos que lo hacen por el este.
La grieta que buscan quienes nos provocan no está en la valla de Ceuta, está en esta cámara. Y estará en esta cámara el día que consideremos Leipzig un problema alemán, Varsovia un problema polaco o Ceuta un problema español. Señora presidenta, le felicito por su discurso. Gracias por su estrategia contra la guerra híbrida. Pero, por favor, el flanco sur es de la misma magnitud que el flanco este.
Krzysztof Śmiszek
Debatujemy dzisiaj o tym, w jakim stanie jest Unia Europejska. Dobrze to ilustruje sytuacja sprzed kilku tygodni w hiszpańskiej Ceucie. 70.000 osób szturmowało granice maleńkiej Ceuty. Po 48 godzinach działania służb opanowano kryzys. Prawie wszyscy przebywający na terenie Ceuty wrócili do Maroka.
Ale oczywiście ekstremistyczna prawica postanowiła wykorzystać ten akt wojny hybrydowej. Ponadto, niestety, wielu przywódców państw Unii Europejskiej napisało list także do pani, pani przewodnicząca. Czy zaoferowali w nim pomoc Hiszpanii? Nie, wykorzystano kryzys, w którym zginęło 148 osób, by skrytykować odnoszący sukcesy kraj rządzony przez lewicę. Kiedy kilka lat temu Polska, mój kraj, zmagała się z kryzysem na granicy białoruskiej, organizowaną przez dyktaturę Łukaszenki, Europa zaproponowała ludzi, sprzęt i pieniądze.
I to była pomoc, której potrzebuje dzisiaj Hiszpania. Czy reakcja na Ceutę to nie był przypadek tej słynnej europejskiej solidarności, czy raczej podwójnych standardów? Nie pokonamy nacjonalistów udając nacjonalistów. Pokonamy autokratów solidarnością europejską.
Daniel Buda
Thank you very much. Daniel Buda, one minute.
Doamnă președintă von der Leyen, realitățile prezentate de dumneavoastră astăzi aici nu pot fi contestate. Le simțim și noi și cetățenii pe care îi reprezentăm. Vorbim despre securitate și competitivitate, despre o Europă puternică. Pentru România și statele estice, amenințările la adresa securității nu sunt abstracte. Vedem dronele rusești în fiecare zi.
Dar securitatea Europei înseamnă și securitate alimentară. Ieri, fermierii din România au ieșit în stradă și mă uit la domnul Wojciechowski de la care aștept un licăr de speranță pentru ei. Vocea lor însă este vocea fermierilor europeni. Aceștia doresc să aibă șansa de a-și continua munca. După o vară fierbinte, marcată de secetă și inundații, de criza îngrășămintelor și a combustibililor, fermierii se luptă cu dușmani cu care nu-și pot măsura singuri puterile și de aceea noi trebuie să fim lângă ei.
Jean Monnet spunea că Europa va fi făurită în crize și va fi suma soluțiilor adoptate pentru depășirea acestor crize. Astăzi fermierii Europei au nevoie ca noi să fim la înălțimea acestor cuvinte. Când avem grijă de agricultura Europei, avem grijă de viitor. Vă mulțumesc.
René Repasi
Vielen Dank, sehr geehrte Frau Kommissionspräsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Die europäische Erfolgsformel ist ziemlich einfach. Sie lautet: Binnenmarkt, Binnenmarkt, Binnenmarkt. Und was unser Binnenmarkt braucht, sind Investitionen und Einheitsrecht. Es braucht Freiheit und es braucht den Schutz auf europäischer Ebene.
Frau von der Leyen, die Omnibusse sind gescheitert. Sie sind Stückwerk und lösen das Problem nicht einheitlich. Sie bauen Schutzstandards ab und schwächen unsere Rolle als globaler Standardsetzer. Wir brauchen keine Deregulierung. Die Omnibusse haben Ihre Mehrheit in diesem Haus gespalten.
Was wir eigentlich brauchen, ist mehr Einheitsrecht. Wir müssen etwas zusammen aufbauen, so wie wir es bei EU-Inc tun.
Aber nicht, wie es die Kommission vorgeschlagen hat, sondern wir brauchen eine EU-Inc, bei der es mehr Freiheit für Gründerinnen und Gründer gibt und den Schutz der Arbeitnehmerinnen und Arbeitnehmer auf derselben Ebene gleichrangig regelt. Frau von der Leyen, wir brauchen eine Kommission, die sich den Schwarzbrot-Themen des Binnenmarktes zuwendet. Dann klappt es auch mit dem globalen Europa. Dankeschön.
Andrzej Halicki
Szanowna pani prezydent, szanowna pani komisarz. Z dumą dzisiaj mówię po polsku, bo przywołane przez panią komisarz polskie przykłady dają poczucie dumy i satysfakcji. Chciałoby się poprosić o więcej polskich pomysłów realizowanych na rzecz silnej, wspólnej Europy. Rafał Modrzewski i jego innowacyjna firma budująca bezpieczeństwo. Ochrona granicy polsko-białoruskiej tak skuteczna, że dzisiaj nie ma jednego nielegalnego migranta.
Nie tylko fizyczna ochrona, ale także prawna, zawieszenie prawa do azylu. To przykłady, że przy solidarności europejskiej i zrozumieniu możemy działać skutecznie także w przypadku Ceuty, bo wszyscy dzisiaj jesteśmy Ceutańczykami. Chcemy bezpiecznej Ceuty, chcemy granicy europejskiej sprawnie chronionej, skutecznie chronionej. Ale dzisiaj najważniejszym wyzwaniem jest bezpieczeństwo.
Tak, realne zagrożenie na naszych granicach, lotniskach. To już nie jest hybrydowe zagrożenie. To jest realne zagrożenie. Dlatego musimy budować koalicję siły i determinacji, by Europa była silna, sprawna, ale też bezpieczna. To jest oczekiwanie naszych obywateli.
I mam apel do was wszystkich na tej sali, bo kończymy tę debatę. Ta konkluzja powinna być jedna i wspólna, ponad podziałami politycznymi, na rzecz wspólnej Europy, bo najatrakcyjniejsza także dla takich partnerów jak Kanada, pozaeuropejskich. To najważniejszy projekt polityczny, by zapewnić sobie bezpieczeństwo. Ponad podziałami politycznymi budujmy koalicję siły. A przyjaciele Putina, którzy tu siedzą i chcą nas podzielić, niech zostaną w koalicji strachu.
Patrioci, którzy czasem ignorują to zagrożenie, dołączcie do koalicji siły, jeżeli chcecie być patriotami, a nie zdrajcami.
President, citizens want to feel safe. They want good jobs, better opportunities, and they want Europe to deliver. But some politicians want Europe to achieve more with less. It will not work. You cannot ask Europe to compete, to protect its borders and strengthen its security while cutting the EU budget.
Victor Negrescu
And we cannot build a stronger Europe by leaving regions behind. Cohesion is at the heart of the European project. Social Europe is the definition of what we stand for. Children's future should not depend on the postcode where they are born. This is why the next EU long-term budget is a defining choice.
Europe has to invest more in creating better jobs, health, and education. We need to invest in people first. This is what Europeans, this is what Romanians expect. And we must also recognize the specific challenges faced by Eastern countries that require urgent solutions. If we want Europe to deliver, we must give Europe the means to act.
Thank you.
Alex Agius Saliba
Thank you very much. Now, Alex Agius Saliba, one minute.
President, l-Ewropa kienet dejjem pijuniera fir-regolamentazzjoni tat-teknoloġija u trid tibqa' l-istess fil-protezzjoni tal-minorenni. Nitkellem bħala missier u naf li ħafna minnkom ukoll tridu li l-uliedkom jiġu mħarsa. Il-ġenituri huma mħassba bis-sigurtà diġitali. Bħala grupp soċjalista, aħna nitolbu li taġixxu u nħarsu 'l quddiem għall-proposta tal-att dwar it-tfal. Il-kumpaniji Big Tech dgħajfu prodotti li jikkawżaw dipendenza fis-swieq tagħna.
Scrolling li ma jispiċċa qatt, imwaqqaf bil-ħsieb sabiex iżidu l-ħin li nqattgħu quddiem il-mobile.
It-tfal tagħna qed iħallsu prezz għoli għal dan l-aġir. Is-social media mhijiex sigura għat-tfal u jeħtieġ li jkollna età minima. Iżda dan mhux biżżejjed. Il-konsumaturi kollha, kollha kemm huma, jistħoqqilhom pjattaformi diġitali siguri u ġusti. Għalhekk qed nitolbu li twettqu wkoll l-att dwar il-ġustizzja diġitali li jħalli impatt.
Jeħtieġ li nipprojbixxu dark patterns li jimmanipulaw l-għażliet tagħna. Jeħtieġ li neliminaw l-użu ta' dynamic pricing li jnaqqru d-drittijiet tal-konsumaturi tagħna. L-Ewropa tista' ġġiegħel lill-Big Tech iġorru r-responsabbiltà tagħhom u jinbidlu radikalment. Iżda biex nagħmlu hekk, irridu nuru l-kuraġġ u nirregolaw u ninfurzaw ir-regolamenti tagħna. Grazzi ħafna.
Grazzi ħafna. Now we will do catch-the-eye. I have many requests, but we'll go through them quickly. First, Mihai Szczerba.
Przewodnicząca, pani przewodnicząca Komisji Europejskiej. Dzisiejsze informacje to informacje, które mogę nazwać wprost: to krok milowy w kierunku budowy gotowości obronnej całej Unii Europejskiej.
Michał Szczerba
Pani przewodnicząca, przede wszystkim bardzo ważna informacja: nowa strategia bezpieczeństwa. Tak, ta rzeczywistość, którą mamy w Europie, wymaga nowego podejścia, silniejszego, mocniejszego. Bo odpowiedzią Unii Europejskiej na zagrożenia strategiczne ze strony Federacji Rosyjskiej musi być siła. Więc nowa strategia bezpieczeństwa. Europejska Rada Bezpieczeństwa, bo potrzebujemy konsultacji i decyzji politycznych wtedy, kiedy są one potrzebne.
Bo Rada Bezpieczeństwa to również możliwość kontaktu i współpracy z naszymi strategicznymi partnerami. I wreszcie protokół bezpieczeństwa, czyli odpowiednik artykułu 4 traktatu NATO, czyli wczesne ostrzeganie. Dziękuję za te inicjatywy.
Thank you. Next is Sandro Ruotolo.
Sandro Ruotolo
Bene il Kid Act, la risposta deve essere europea. La responsabilità è delle piattaforme, non è dei minori e delle famiglie. Non discutiamo più soltanto di ciò che i ragazzi fanno con i social, ma di ciò che i social fanno ai ragazzi. E abbiamo ascoltato da lei una proposta concreta: niente social sotto i 13 anni, accesso supervisionato fino ai 15 e soprattutto un limite di un'ora al giorno. Una scelta forte e necessaria.
Poi maggiore autonomia, sempre su piattaforme sicure. E concludo ricordando le sue parole sulla disinformazione e le fake news. Abbiamo bisogno della sovranità digitale europea, di algoritmi trasparenti per battere le fake news. Proteggere il nostro spazio digitale significa proteggere la nostra democrazia e la libertà di ciascuno di formarsi un'opinione senza manipolazioni. Grazie.
Csaba Dömötör
Megszoktuk már, hogy amikor Ursula von der Leyen bizottsága nem teljesíti a korábban meghirdetett programot, akkor ezt tucatnyi új programmal próbálja elfedni. A mai beszédében több mint 40 új stratégiát, programot és intézményt jelentett be. Csak a lényegről nem akarnak beszélni. Arról, hogy a korábbi döntéseikkel az egekbe tolták az energiaárakat. A Draghi-jelentés leírta, hogy az európai vállalatok négyszeres-ötszörös árat fizetnek az energiáért a versenytársaikhoz képest.
S ennek ellenére a Bizottság nem bővítette, hanem szűkítette egyes tagállamok beszerzési lehetőségeit, többek között tiltásokkal. A következmények itt vannak: az európai ipar lejtmenetben van. Csak a Volkswagen 50 000 dolgozót rúg majd ki, de egyes helyeken 100 000-ről írnak. És ezek után még azt mondja az Európai Bizottság elnöke, hogy Európa jobban kezelte a válságot, mint gondolta volna. Hát hol él, elnök asszony?
Járt mostanában benzinkútnál? Amit látunk, az az európai állam elárulása. Éjgyanús üres szólamok, béke helyett...
Thank you very much. Next is Geadis Geadi.
Geadis Geadi
I will speak in Greek. Κυρία Πρόεδρε, επικροτώ και υποστηρίζω την εξαγγελία σας ότι η Ευρώπη πρέπει να έχει το δικό της άρθρο 4 όπως το ΝΑΤΟ, υπογραμμίζοντας ότι η Ευρώπη θα υπερασπιστεί κάθε τετραγωνικό της μέτρο. Την ίδια ώρα που κάνετε αυτή τη δήλωση όμως, στην Κύπρο τουρκικά drones και μαχητικά τουρκικά αεροσκάφη παρενοχλούν πτήσεις πολιτικών αεροσκαφών στα αεροδρόμια Λάρνακας και Πάφου. Χρησιμοποιούν τα κατεχόμενα εδάφη της Κύπρου για να παρενοχλούν επιβατικά αεροσκάφη, επαναλαμβάνω, επιβατικά αεροσκάφη, με ένα από αυτά να αναγκάζεται να παρεκκλίνει από την πορεία του για να μη συγκρουστεί στον αέρα, θέτοντας σε κίνδυνο χιλιάδες ζωές αθώων ανθρώπων. Θα συνεχίσετε να παρακολουθείτε αμέτοχοι τις προκλήσεις αποκαλώντας την Τουρκία ως εταίρο ή θα περάσετε από τα λόγια στις πράξεις;
Κουραστήκαμε με την υποκρισία, φτάνουν τα δύο μέτρα και τα δύο σταθμά. Η Ευρώπη οφείλει να υπερασπίζεται στην πράξη κάθε κράτος μέλος της.
Thank you.
Helmut Brandstätter
Next, Helmut Brandstätter.
Dankeschön, Frau Präsidentin. Sie haben gesagt, es geht um Taten, nicht Worte. Vor einem Jahr habe ich gesagt, Österreich-Zuschlag, wir zahlen mehr für Produkte als in Deutschland. Das verstößt gegen den Binnenmarkt. Bitte, wann tun Sie endlich etwas?
Zweiter Punkt, Democracy Shield, haben Sie angesprochen. Wir haben einen großartigen Ausschuss gehabt. Jetzt geht es um die Umsetzung dieses Resilience Center. Ich erwarte, dass da dieses Parlament, dieser Ausschuss eingebunden werden. Bitte sorgen Sie dafür.
Drittens, Außenpolitik. Wir haben die Hohe Vertreterin für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik. Was tun Sie dafür, dass sie eine gemeinsame europäische Außenpolitik umsetzen kann, die wir ja dringend brauchen, was Sie auch gesagt haben? Bitte, wenn Sie dazu auch etwas sagen können. Und dann möchte ich zum Schluss noch sagen, ein österreichischer Rechtsextremer hat zuerst gesagt, die EU sei in den dunkelsten Stunden ihrer Geschichte.
Das hat mich sehr gekränkt als Österreicher mit unserer Geschichte. Bitte, es muss Ihnen klar sein, mit diesen Rechtsextremen können Sie kein Europa aufbauen.
Ignazio Roberto Marino
Thank you. Next is Ignazio Marino.
Grazie, Presidente Metsola. Presidente von der Leyen, ha parlato di una elettrificazione del continente europeo entro il 2040, ma quello che serve oggi, e lei ha ricordato le tragedie di questa estate, è una roadmap per cessare di usare i combustibili fossili. Le faccio un esempio: nella città di Roma si sta progettando un inceneritore da 600.000 tonnellate di anidride carbonica emesse nell'aria. Ha citato poi la situazione in Israele e Gaza. Ha detto che vuole investire un miliardo nella ricostruzione, ma prima di ricostruire Gaza bisogna cessare di distruggerla e l'unico modo per farlo è utilizzare lo strumento che l'Europa ha: le sanzioni contro Israele per far cessare il genocidio in atto.
Infine, ha parlato dell'Ucraina. E io le chiedo: perché una mattina non prende in braccio la simpatica cicoletta, si mette davanti allo specchio e dice: "Io sono Ursula von der Leyen, la Presidente della Commissione europea, e voglio convocare un tavolo di pace, voglio usare la diplomazia"?
Catarina Martins
Senhora Presidente da Comissão, é a Palestina. O nome do Estado é Palestina. O nome do país é Palestina. A União Europeia não pode dizer que apoia Israel e manda ajuda humanitária para os palestinianos. Isso não é fazer a solução dos dois Estados.
Israel continua a matar. O genocídio está em curso. E a Europa tem um acordo de associação com Israel que não para. Estamos no mesmo mercado, financiamos a sua investigação, pomos os nossos programas de fronteiras, de defesa espacial, todos os programas. A senhora Presidente veio anunciar um acordo de associação, um Estado-membro associado fora da Europa, do Canadá, para termos alianças contra o autoritarismo.
Mas eu não a deixo esquecer o elefante na sala: Israel. Este não foi o discurso do Estado da União, foi o discurso da hipocrisia da União.
Κυρία Πρόεδρε, είπατε πως θα υπερασπιστούμε κάθε τετραγωνικό μέτρο ευρωπαϊκού εδάφους και το χαιρετίζω. Μιλήσατε για Γροιλανδία, μιλήσατε για Ουκρανία, δεν είπατε λέξη για την Κύπρο. Θα ρωτήσω λοιπόν ευθέως και θέλω μία απάντηση από εσάς. Οποιαδήποτε επιθετική ενέργεια της Τουρκίας εναντίον της Κύπρου ή της Ελλάδας θα αντιμετωπιστεί ως επίθεση σε ευρωπαϊκό έδαφος; Ναι ή όχι;
Loucas Fourlas
Πολύ απλή ερώτηση, πολύ απλή απάντηση. Σημαίνει άμεση ενεργοποίηση του άρθρου 42.7 και άμεση ευρωπαϊκή απάντηση; Ναι ή όχι; Δεν ζητάμε χάρη, ζητάμε τα αυτονόητα. Ευχαριστώ πολύ.
Thomas Bajada
If we want to talk about the state of the Union, let's look at the state of our water and climate this summer. A farmer watches his harvest disappear, workers face extreme heat while doing their job, families without clean affordable water. This is the state of our Union today. President von der Leyen, a year after the water resilience strategy, you announced today a new water initiative. And I hope that you have changed your mind and will not destroy the Water Framework Directive.
This Parliament has already presented to you a more ambitious approach last year: climate adaptation integrated into water and land use policies, investment needs for resilient infrastructure, data monitoring for leakage, preparedness for the new climate. So Madam President, when you propose today a new set of different non-connected strategies and initiatives, I tell you: listen to this Parliament, work with us, help us deliver for our people.
Our people have suffered enough this summer. See our rivers, lands and critical infrastructures. We need one single climate adaptation strategy.
Morten Løkkegaard
Now I give the floor to the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen.
Ursula von der Leyen
Honourable members, thank you very much for this very lively debate and your endurance. Let me respond to some of the topics. Of course, I will not be able to cover all if I want to stay within the limits of the time and not go overdue like I did it this morning. To Morten Løkkegaard, there you are. You asked me how to engage the Council to deliver faster.
I think what we have to do is put the spotlight on, have a public debate. And for example, EU Inc proposal is a very good example how we can put more pressure and speed on it. As you might recall, at the moment being, companies or people who want to set up a company in the European Union have to deal with 27 different legal systems and 60 different forms of company.
This is why we have proposed EU Inc, one single and simple rule for the whole of the European Union. You can set up your company within 48 hours, totally online, less than 100 euros. The IMF estimates that the 28th regime could increase our GDP by more than 3% over 10 years, and the business sector is waiting for it. 100 tech founders and investors told us just last week to get EU Inc right. And therefore I'm calling on you, because we have to be very careful that, and that's putting the spotlight on it, within the legislative process, and I'm not speaking here of the Parliament, we are turning this very straightforward regulation into one of which 27 different national variations we have as a directive.
We have to be very careful that we do not turn this speedboat that is so necessary into a heavy tanker that would disappoint everyone. So please, let's get EU done and let's get it done right. My second point is about investment.
I heard many, many priorities and you're absolutely right from social to competitiveness, from farmers to nature, from jobs to infrastructure and many, many more priorities. The answer to that lies in a strong European budget. I'm preaching here in the wrong church, I know it, but I have to say it again, we have to get the budgetary equation right. The budgetary equation is if we want to keep national contributions stable, if we want to invest in our priorities and if we want to pay back Next Generation EU, we need new own resources. I know you are allies in that, but I want to emphasize this once again very clearly.
Then I've heard critics about the summer and how to fight the heatwave impact. I want to stand up here for the European Response, the Emergency Response Coordination Centre, ERCC abbreviation, oversaw the deployment of 40 aircrafts, 18 ground teams, almost 800 firefighters have been positioned in advance in 14 different European countries. The colleagues worked day and night and indeed I think we have to thank them from the bottom of our heart for this outstanding work here.
And I use my last minute for one topic that is close to my heart. Today, honorable members, we mark the anniversary of Daphne Galizia's murder. Exactly five years ago, I had the honor of visiting her memorial with her family. I remember their hope that justice would soon be made. Today it is disheartening to see that the pursuit of justice is not over yet.
Yes, Daphne's legacy has inspired our Media Freedom Act. We passed legislation to protect journalists because they must be free to do their job safely. And we remain vigilant on this case and on media freedom across the Union with our rule of law reports. Let me be clear, Daphne devoted her entire life to seeking the truth and now truth must prevail. There can be no impunity for Daphne's murder.
And I use my last 15 seconds to say, I leave this debate encouraged. I heard critics, yes, that's democracy, but much more strong support. So here, for the pro-European, let's stand together, let's work together, let's make a strong and independent Europe together.
Ursula von der Leyen
Thank you. Thank you. Now, the final round of replies. One minute, Mr. Knafo. Please stick to time.
Sarah Knafo
Madame von der Leyen, cela fait bientôt sept ans que vous ruinez les Européens et j'ai une minute pour vous répondre. Chaque année, vous êtes venue à cette tribune nous demander plus d'argent. Cet argent, vous l'avez prélevé et vous l'avez détruit. Vous l'avez pris à Nicolas. Son travail vaut 4 000 euros.
Il en touche 2 000 et ça ne vous suffit pas. Vous lui prenez encore son argent quand il fait le plein et quand il se chauffe parce que vous avez décidé que son essence et son fioul devaient payer un droit à polluer. Vous lui prenez sur chaque facture d'électricité parce que votre marché européen l'oblige à payer son courant au prix du gaz. Vous lui prenez pour rembourser les 750 milliards d'euros que vous avez empruntés en son nom. Et ce matin, vous osez lui demander encore.
Nicolas n'a jamais voté pour vous. Il n'a jamais eu le droit de vous dire non. J'ai enquêté un an. J'en ai fait un livre. Je vous l'offre parce que la prochaine fois que vous demanderez des milliards, je veux que vous sachiez à qui vous les prenez.
Désormais, Madame von der Leyen, vous êtes sur le banc des accusés.
Vous nous demandez de l'argent.
Martin Schirdewan
Frau Präsidentin, Frau von der Leyen, leider bleiben Sie sozialpolitisch ein Totalausfall. Bezahlbare Energie für Haushalte an der Tanke, bezahlbare Lebensmittel, bezahlbare Miete, das kommt bei Ihnen gar nicht vor. Die Sicherung von Industriearbeitsplätzen bei Ihnen nur eine Randbemerkung. Übergewinnsteuern für Energiemultis, für Rüstungsunternehmen oder eine Digitalsteuer für Big-Tech-Unternehmen bei Ihnen Fehlanzeige. Stattdessen versprechen Sie Geschenke an Rüstungsunternehmen.
Die Bilanzen der Banken sollen vergoldet werden. Diese Politik richtet sich gegen den sozialen Zusammenhalt in Europa und ist ein reines Jobvernichtungsprogramm. Ihre Politik hilft nicht den arbeitenden Menschen, aber sie stärkt die extreme Rechte in diesem Haus.
Und deshalb, Frau von der Leyen, zeigt diese Debatte, dass wir keine weiteren Debatten über die Zukunft der Europäischen Union in diesem Format brauchen, sondern dass es eine bezahlbare Zukunft für die Menschen in der Europäischen Union braucht. Vielen Dank.
Thank you. Now, Terry Reintke, one minute.
Terry Reintke
Colleagues, today I've criticized the President and her plans, and I will continue to do so, as I would with any politician from the democratic spectrum. But after this debate, I must very clearly say, the far right do not, neither in this house nor anywhere else in Europe, give any answers to the challenges that are ahead of us. None. Zero. All I heard today were racist, anti-European, spiteful statements attacking the President and the European Union, while colleagues defending the likes of Trump and Putin in this world.
With these people, no problems in Europe will be solved. So while we are clear about our differences, a Europe of the future will only be built if pro-Europeans are working together. So let us fight and let us discuss about the best ideas, but also let us work together to deliver for the citizens of Europe. It is high time we have to act. Thank you very much.
Dan Barna
Thank you very much, Ms. Reintke. Dan Barna.
Doamnă președintă, salut ideea de cooperare strânsă cu Canada și vă felicit pentru prezența premierului Trudeau astăzi aici. Statutul de membru asociat al Canadei echivalează cu extinderea Uniunii peste ocean, iar această alianță este o premisă foarte puternică de securitate și dezvoltare pentru cetățenii noștri. Dar despre extinderea domestică, dacă vreți, a Uniunii cu noi membri aici în Europa, discursul dumneavoastră, doamnă președintă, a fost precum apa sfințită. Republica Moldova ne-a dat tuturor speranță și încredere în referendumul constituțional pentru aderarea la Uniunea Europeană și în alegerile care au urmat. Apoi, Islanda ne-a trezit la realitate cu un duș foarte rece, să-i spunem scoțian, în care a refuzat integrarea deplină.
Doamnă președintă, foile de parcurs și strategiile pe diverse domenii, iar cu precădere pe extindere, devin inadecvate în vremurile de astăzi dacă nu sunt urmate de acțiuni. În acest Parlament veți avea întotdeauna un partener pentru acțiuni concrete și pentru îndeplinirea visului european al statelor candidate. Dar, doamnă președintă, este necesar și este timp ca această Comisie să livreze pe extindere în acest mandat. Mulțumesc.
Charlie Weimers
Thank you, Mr. Barna. Mr. Weimers.
Thank you, Madam President. Frau von der Leyen, you've said many times that we Europeans decide who comes to Europe. And yet no more than six weeks after your migration pact came into force, 80,000 illegal migrants decided they could come into Europe. You claimed most of the illegal migrants returned, but Spanish citizens live in fear of the thousands who remain, stealing, raping, and fighting. You stated not a single person reached mainland Spain or the rest of the EU.
Hundreds have since reached Spain and the rest of the EU. Europeans decide who comes to Europe. Ceuta does not want them, the majority of this House does not want them. Send them back. The age of open borders is over, the era of deportations has begun.
Tisztelt Elnök asszony, mai beszédében minden eddiginél több volt a hangzatos szlogen. A semmitmondásé és a színházé volt a főszerep.
Kinga Gál
Pedig most pont hogy kevesebb szlogenre és több cselekvésre van szükség. Teljesíteni végre a választóknak tett ígéreteket, a valódi megoldásokat kínálni az emberek mindennapi súlyos gondjaira. Ehelyett a mai beszéd csak eltereli a figyelmet a valódi problémákról. Ráadásul a javaslatok még több hatáskört adnának a Bizottságnak a tagállamok kárára. Pedig csak szuverén, gazdaságilag cselekvőképes tagállamok tudják biztosítani polgáraik szabadságát és biztonságát.
Elnök Asszony, Ön ma kvázi elismerte, hogy mindent megtettek, hogy elmozdítsák a szuverenista, patrióta magyar kormányt. Az új Tisza-kormány immár szó nélkül teljesíti a brüsszeli központ elvárásait. Ezért cserébe Öntől dicséret jár nekik. Miközben otthon a kommunizmus legsötétebb éveit idéző önkénnyel tiporják a demokráciát és a jogállamot. A hipokrácia csúcsa ezután a demokrácia ünnepének ülni.
Elnök Asszony, elég a színházból! Végre józan ész alapú politikára van szükség.
Camilla Laureti
Onorevole Laureti, prego.
Serve unità per l'autonomia strategica europea, un'alleanza forte delle forze europeiste per dare quelle risposte chiare ai cittadini e alle cittadine europei che vivono un momento di enorme difficoltà. Costo dell'energia, della benzina, alloggi, cibo hanno toccato livelli insostenibili. Solo il costo del cibo negli ultimi cinque anni è aumentato del 30% e chi invece quel cibo lo produce non vede un centesimo di questo aumento. Alcuni strumenti ci sono, bisogna lavorarci di più, penso alle filiere corte, a produttori più forti, a norme contro le pratiche commerciali sleali, i diritti dei lavoratori e minore dipendenza da energia e fertilizzanti importati. Un cibo equo, sano, la difesa del pianeta e il Green Deal, il reddito degli agricoltori devono stare nella stessa politica europea.
La credibilità degli impegni che si è assunta oggi, Presidente von der Leyen, si misurerà sulle azioni concrete che farà la sua Commissione e sulla coerenza dei gruppi che in quest'aula dicono di sostenere un'Europa forte.
Jeroen Lenaers
Thank you, Madam President, dear Commission President, you started by quoting Dickens, it was the best of times, it was the worst of times, and that somehow aptly described also the debate that followed. I'm an optimist, and I believe when speaking about the future of Europe, there is so much that binds us, and the agenda you presented today should be embraced by a pro-European majority. Because giving hope and confidence to citizens also starts from this house, we cannot inspire citizens if we ourselves cannot move beyond blame games. And there is so much we can do together, and I liked Valérie Hayer's idea of pro-European radicalism. The EPP will take care of the pro-European, I'm sure others can provide the radicalism.
Colleagues, the state of the Union is the state we decide to build, and the EPP has a vision of a strong, competitive and safe Europe, and we have a record of delivering on it, and this is what we will continue to do. Thank you.
Esteban González Pons
Dear colleagues, the sitting is resumed.
In relation to the decision by several committees to enter into interinstitutional negotiations, pursuant to Rule 72, paragraph 1, announced at the opening of the session on Monday, 14 September, I have received no request for a vote in Parliament by members or political groups reaching at least the medium threshold. The committees may therefore start negotiations. I have received many requests for points of order. Unfortunately, we are very late and no point of order will be taken. We will proceed immediately to the votes.
We now come to the votes. Report by Mr. Dick Goudic on establishing the Union Customs Code and the European Union Customs Authority. I have received no amendments or motions to reject the Council position. The European Parliament has concluded its second reading and the legislative act has been taken. Report by Ms. Lucia Yar and Mr. Henik Dahl on the acceleration of permit granting of defense readiness projects, Omnibus 5.
Proposal to reject the Commission proposal, amendment 64. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is rejected. Amendment 65 by roll call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted.
The first reading of Parliament is closed. Report by Mr Pekka Toveri and Ms Anna-Maja Henriksson on the simplification of intra-EU transfers of defense-related products, Omnibus 5, provisional agreement. Amendment 69. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is adopted. Draft legislative resolution, amendment 70. In favor. Against. Adopted.
The first reading of Parliament is closed. Report by Mr Sven Mikser, Mr Pierfrancesco Maran and Ms Aura Salla on the defense readiness and facilitating defense investments and conditions for the defense industry, Omnibus 5. Proposal to reject the Commission proposal, amendment 2 by roll call vote.
The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is rejected. Provisional agreement, amendment 3 by roll call vote. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. And it is adopted. First reading of Parliament is closed. Report by Mr. Adam Divrani on establishing the single market of customs program for the period 2028-2034. I give the floor to the rapporteur at maximum for two minutes.
Adnan Dibrani
Thank you, chair, dear president, colleagues. We have the thing called the single market. It's our holy grail. But we live in a certain times where the competition is getting tougher. We just voted for the customs authority and the fundings for it is in this mandate.
But it's not all. We need to do much, much more. We need to work with fair competition, anti-fraud and tax cooperation.
We need to do this because a lot has changed during these years. We have new geopolitical challenges, we have new ways of trade, and we have a record flow of goods from all around the world. We need to do this because the single market is so important for us. We need to protect it from unfair competition. While doing that, we protect our workers, our businesses and our jobs, which I feel is the most important thing we can do.
Basically, what we try to do with this mandate is to make sure to close the gaps in the fence, but still keep a door open for our friends. We need to be fair, but not naive to all of them around us. I really hope to get a good support for this so we can take this forward in a good manner and have a better, better result after the negotiations. Thank you.
Esteban González Pons
Thank you very much. Amendments by the committee responsible, block vote. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Amendment 84 by roll-call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is rejected. Amendment 55. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Amendment 85 by roll call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is rejected.
Amendment 64. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Amendment 86 by roll call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed. It is rejected. Amendments 65 and 66.
In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Amendment 68 in two parts.
First part. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Second part. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Amendment 4. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Amendment 22. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Vote Commission proposal by roll call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed. It is adopted. I give the floor to the rapporteur, Mr. Ciprini.
Thank you for this. In accordance with the rule 60.4, I would like to request that the matter be referred to the committee for institutional negotiations. Thank you.
Esteban González Pons
Vote referral back, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. The report is referred back to the committee for interinstitutional negotiations in accordance with rule 60. Objection maximum residual levels for flupyradifur. Sorry, I don't know how to read this. It's not roll call vote, but we need absolute majority, so we are going to check since the beginning.
Please, the vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted.
Report by Mr. Jaroslav Bžoch on the EU-Switzerland agreement on the transfer of passenger name record data, by roll call vote, the vote on consent. The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Report by Mr. Eero Heinäluoma on the EU-UK agreement regarding cooperation in the application of their respective competition law, by roll call vote, vote on consent.
The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Report by Mr. Paolo Borchia on the EU-Iceland agreement on the participation of Iceland in the Union Secure Connectivity Programme. I give the floor to the rapporteur for as maximum two minutes.
Paolo Borchia
Sì, grazie Presidente, molto molto rapidamente. GOVSATCOM e IRIS rappresentano la risposta europea alla necessità di garantire comunicazioni affidabili in un contesto caratterizzato da lacune di connettività e minacce informatiche.
Su questi due voti, da un lato l'Unione mantiene proprietà esclusiva degli asset connessi a quelle che sono le infrastrutture sviluppate, mentre l'Islanda e la Norvegia rappresentano due partner affidabili dello spazio economico europeo. In conclusione, sotto il profilo finanziario non ci sono oneri di bilancio, ma al contrario entrate con destinazione specifica, per questo chiedo il supporto dell'Aula. Grazie.
Esteban González Pons
Vote on consent by roll call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed and it is adopted. Report by Mr. Paolo Borchia on the EU-Norway agreement on the participation of Norway in the Union Secure Connectivity Programme. Vote on consent by roll call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed and it is adopted.
Report by Mrs. Sophie Billmès on the instrument for nuclear safety cooperation 2028-2034. Single vote by roll call vote, the vote is open.
The vote is closed and it is adopted. Report by Mr. Virginijus Sinkevičius on the nuclear decommissioning assistance program of the Ignalina nuclear power plant in Lithuania. I give the floor to the rapporteur as maximum for two minutes.
Virginijus Sinkevičius
Gerbiamas pirmininke, gerbiami kolegos, Ignalinos atominės elektrinės uždarymas yra ne vien Lietuvos, bet tai yra visos Europos atsakomybė. Nes prieš daugiau nei 20 metų, kai Lietuva priėmė labai sudėtingą sprendimą, piko metu net 88 procentai elektros energijos Lietuvoje buvo būtent gaminama Ignalinos atominėje elektrinėje, tai buvo priimta ne dėl Lietuvos, bet dėl visos Europos saugumo. Todėl Lietuvai tai buvo labai brangus sprendimas, bet jis buvo būtent priimtas dėl mūsų visų. Šių darbų mes negalime sustabdyti pusiaukelėje dėl nepakankamo finansavimo. Ir žmonės, kurie kiekvieną dieną dirba Ignalinoje, jie taip pat turi turėti užtikrintumą dėl rytojaus.
Galiausiai, kai mes kalbame apie atominį objektą, jo saugumas yra aukščiausias reikalavimas. Ir šią savaitę virš Lietuvos NATO naikintuvai, ir dėkoju Italijos kolegoms, numušė droną.
Tai dar kartą primena, kad grėsmės keičiasi, todėl pirmą kartą siūlome labai aiškiai numatyti ir Ignalinos elektrinės apsaugą nuo dronų bei hibridinių grėsmių. Aš dėkoju visiems šešėliniams pranešėjams, kurie parėmė šią Europos Parlamento poziciją ir kviečiu balsuoti už.
Esteban González Pons
Thank you, dear colleague. Commission proposal by roll call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted.
Report by Mr. Paolo Cunha on the nomination of a member of the Court of Auditors, Gerald Loker, by secret ballot. The vote is open. The vote is closed. And he's been elected.
Report by Mrs. Rasa Juknevičienė on hybrid warfare and the protection of the EU territorial integrity and critical security and defense infrastructure. Amendment number three: in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment four: in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment seven by roll-call vote: the vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is rejected. Amendment number eight by roll-call vote: the vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is rejected. Amendment number nine: the vote is open.
The vote is closed. And it is rejected. Amendment number four by roll-call vote: the vote is open. Number ten, sorry. Number ten.
The vote is closed. And it is rejected. Amendment number eleven by roll-call vote: the vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is rejected.
Amendment number five: in favor, against, abstentions. Let's check. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
It is adopted. Amendment number 12 by roll call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed. It is rejected. Amendment number 1, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted.
Amendment number 2, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment number 6 by roll call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is rejected. Resolution as a whole by roll call vote, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Report by Mrs. Romana Jerković on an EU cardiovascular disease strategy, single vote by roll call, I give the floor to the rapporteur for maximum two minutes.
Thank you, Chair. Dear colleagues, cardiovascular diseases, as you perfectly know, are the main cause of death in the European Union. Yet, for far too long, cardiovascular health has not received political attention that deserves.
Romana Jerković
So now we are changing that. This report, alongside the Commission's Save Heart Plan, is the crucial part of that progress. And I'm sure that this report is good and it's well-balanced. And let me thank to all of you, especially to my shadows, for the valuable contribution and your willingness to find a common ground. Our message is very simple.
We must improve the lives of people living with cardiovascular diseases while we also have to do everything we can to prevent new cases. Therefore, I ask you to support our work and vote in favor of this report. Thank you.
Thank you, dear colleague. Single vote by roll call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted.
Report by Mr. Billy Kelleher on gender inequality in health, specifically as regards gender-specific conditions. I give the floor to the rapporteur as maximum for two minutes.
Come on, we need more than two, it's a big report.
Billy Kelleher
Colleagues, today we have an opportunity to adopt the Parliament's first comprehensive report on women's health. Earlier this morning, President von der Leyen reiterated Europe's commitment to equality, and she also referenced backsliding in terms of women's rights itself. What better way to do that than ensuring all genders have equal access to healthcare, that they are treated sensitively with respect and dignity, and that medical research recognizes sex and gender-based differences and invests sufficiently in understanding them. The fact that women's symptoms and reports of pain are more likely to be dismissed, or the fact that it takes average seven to ten years to diagnose endometriosis. The fact that it is in 2020 only 5% of global research funding has been allocated to women's health.
This is not equality and we need to address it today. Some within this house have tried to weaponize this report to fuel their culture wars, picking apart terminology and pitting one community against another. But frankly, I find it ridiculous and shameful, and it simply distracts from the bigger picture, which is equality in healthcare. It is clear that your interests are not the interests of women, just divisiveness and political point-scoring. We need patient-centered healthcare backed up by comprehensive research and training and funding.
Therefore, I urge you all to support this report and send a clear message to the citizens. So into your hands, Parliament, I commit this report and I look forward to your support.
Esteban González Pons
Thank you, thank you very much, dear colleague. Amendment one, in favor. Against. It is rejected. Paragraph one, let's check.
Thank you.
Esteban González Pons
The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Paragraph one, original text in three parts. First part, in favor.
Against. Abstentions. Adopted. Second part, in favor. Against.
Let's check second part. The vote is open. The vote is closed. It is rejected. Third part, in favor.
Against. Abstentions. Let's check. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
It is adopted. Paragraph two, original text in two parts. First part, in favor. Against. Abstention.
Adopted. Second part, in favor. Against. Abstentions.
I think adopted, but let's check. Second part: the vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Paragraph 3, original text in two parts.
First part by roll-call vote: the vote is open. The vote is closed. It is adopted. Second part by roll-call vote: the vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is adopted. Paragraph 4, original text in two parts. First part: in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Second part: in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Paragraph 6, original text in five parts.
First part: in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Second part: in favor, against. Let's check. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is rejected. Third part: in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Fourth part by roll-call vote: the vote is open.
The vote is closed. It is adopted. Fifth part by roll-call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is adopted. Amendment six by roll-call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is rejected.
Paragraph seven in two parts. First part, in favor. Against. Abstentions. Adopted.
Second part, in favor. Against. Abstentions. Rejected. Amendment two, in favor.
Against. Abstentions. Let's check. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is adopted. Paragraph eight, original text in three parts. First part by roll-call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is adopted. Second part by roll-call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted.
Third part by roll-call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Paragraph 10, original text in three parts.
First part: in favor? Against? Abstentions? Let's check. Vote is open.
Vote is closed. And it is adopted. Second part: in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Let's check. Vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is rejected. Third part: in favor?
Against? Abstentions? Let's check. Vote is open. Vote is closed.
And it is rejected. Amendment 3: in favor? Against? Abstentions? Let's check.
Vote is open. Vote is closed.
And it is adopted. Paragraph 11, original text in two parts, first part in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Second part in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Let's check. Vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Original text in two parts, first part in favor, paragraph 13, sorry, in two parts, first part in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Second part in favor, against, abstentions, let's check. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. It is rejected. Paragraph 16, original text in four parts, first part by roll-call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Second part, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is adopted. Fourth part. The vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Second part by roll-call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed. It is rejected. Third part by roll-call vote.
The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Amendment 7 by roll-call vote. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. And it is rejected. Amendment 8 by roll-call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is rejected. Paragraph 21, original text in two parts. First part by roll-call vote. The vote is closed.
And it is adopted. Paragraph 24 original text in two parts, first part by roll call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Second part by roll call vote, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Paragraph 27 original text in three parts, first part in favor, against, abstentions, let's check. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is adopted. It was clear. Second part in favor, against, abstentions, let's check. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
It is adopted. Third part in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Paragraph, let's check, open, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
It is adopted. Paragraph 39, original text in two parts. First part: in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Let's check, I don't see the hands. The vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Second part: in favor?
Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Paragraph 41, original text by roll-call vote. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Paragraph 42, original text in two parts. First part: in favor? Against?
Abstentions? Adopted. Second part: in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Paragraph 43, original text in two parts. First part by roll-call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
Paragraph 44, original text by roll-call vote. And it is adopted. Paragraph 46, original text in two parts. First part by roll-call vote. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Paragraph 58, original text in three parts, first part in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Second part in favor, against, abstentions, let's check. Second part, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Sorry because it was clear. Third part in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Let's check, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. It is rejected. Paragraph 60, original text by roll-call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is adopted. Amendment 4: in favour, against, abstentions, let's check. And it is adopted. Recital D original text in two parts: first part by roll-call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is adopted. Second part by roll-call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
It is adopted. Recital C, original text, in two parts. First part, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Second part, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Check.
The vote is open. The vote is closed. It is rejected. Recital D, original text, by roll-call vote. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. It is adopted. Recital G, original text, in two parts. First part, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Second part, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected.
Check. The vote is open. The vote is closed. It is adopted. Recital G, original text, in two parts.
First part, by roll-call vote. The vote is open.
And it is adopted. Recital O, original text in three parts. First part in favor, against, abstention adopted. Second part in favor, against, abstentions, let's check. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. It was clear, adopted. Third part in favor, against, let's check, I think it's rejected. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
It is adopted. Recital W, original text in three parts. First part in favor, against, abstentions adopted. Second part in favor, against, abstentions rejected. Third part, second part, check, let's check.
The vote is open. The vote is closed. It is adopted. Third part in favor, against, let's check. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. It is adopted.
Recital Z, original text by roll-call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed. It is adopted. Recital AA by roll-call vote.
The vote is open. The vote is closed. It is adopted. Recital AB, original text by roll-call vote. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. It is adopted. Recital AC, original text in two parts. First part by roll-call vote. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Second part by roll-call vote. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
And it is adopted. Recital AE, amendment 5: in favor, against, abstentions... Let's check. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
It is adopted. Citation 9, original text by roll-call vote. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Citation 10, original text, in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Citation 19, original text by roll-call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Vote resolution as a whole by roll-call vote, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. And it is adopted. Objection genetically modified soybean GMB151. Vote resolution as a whole by roll-call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
The objection is adopted. Objection genetically modified soybean MON 894313. The resolution as a whole is voted, the vote is open by roll-call vote. The vote is closed.
The objection is adopted. I would like to remind members who are on the speaker list for the first debate in the afternoon to remain in the chamber as the debate will start immediately after the votes. Objection genetically modified maize MON 87460. We are going to vote the resolution as a whole by roll call vote. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. And the resolution is adopted. Thank you very much for your help.
Christel Schaldemose
Dear colleagues, please take your seat and we will start the debate. But before that I would like to say that the minutes of yesterday's sitting and the text adopted are available. Are there any comments? No, the minutes are approved. And then we go to the next item on the agenda and that is the topical debate requested by a political group, EPP, after according to rule 169, sorry, one second.
Stop gold-plating, relieve SMEs, Member States must implement EU legislation without adding extra bureaucracy. I would like to inform members that for this debate there is no catch-the-eye procedure and there are no and no blue cards will be accepted.
And the first speaker is the author, and I will give the floor to Markus Ferber from EPP for four minutes, sorry.
Markus Ferber
Vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen. Wenn Mitgliedstaaten auf europäische Regelungen noch nationale Sondervorschriften drauf satteln, dann ist das nicht nur ein Bürokratieproblem, sondern auch ein Binnenmarktproblem. Wenn Brüssel gemeinsame Regeln beschließt und die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Umsetzung zusätzliche Pflichten drauf satteln, wird aus europäischem Recht wieder ein nationaler Flickenteppich. Für einen Konzern ist das nur teuer und lästig, für einen Mittelständler ohne eigene Compliance-Abteilung wird es zur unüberwindbaren Markteintrittsbarriere. Nur ein Beispiel: Die Richtlinie über Elektroabfälle schreibt keinen monatlichen Meldezyklus vor.
Das Land, das ich am besten kenne, verlangt ihn trotzdem, bis zum 15. des Folgemonats. Aus einer europäischen Vorgabe werden so 12 Meldeprozesse im Jahr. Das bindet Zeit, Personal, schafft Kosten und schafft kein höheres Schutzniveau. Auch in der Finanzmarktregulierung sehe ich diese Probleme. Auch wieder ein Beispiel aus meinem Land: Die Bundesagentur für die Finanzaufsicht war die erste, die mit ESG-Anforderungen um die Ecke kam, bevor wir in Europa überhaupt darüber beraten haben.
Man wollte Vorreiter sein, hat den Markt aber nur verwirrt. Das sind klassische Beispiele dafür, wie es nicht laufen darf. Aber lassen Sie mich auch ganz klar sagen: Nicht jede nationale Abweichung ist auch unzulässig. Oft lässt der europäische Gesetzgeber bewusst einen Spielraum bei der nationalen Umsetzung. Selbst bei Verordnungen geben wir den Mitgliedstaaten noch Spielräume zur Interpretation und Ausgestaltung, um Besonderheiten Rechnung zu tragen.
Das Ziel kann aber natürlich nicht sein, dass die Mitgliedstaaten dann weit über das europäische Recht hinausgehen und den Harmonisierungsgedanken im Prinzip ad absurdum treiben. Der Binnenmarkt ist das große Pfund, mit dem Europa wuchern kann. Er ist unsere Chance, um mit den USA, um mit China mitzuhalten. Er ist die Grundlage für Wachstum, für Skalierung, für Wohlstand und damit auch für soziale Sicherheit in ganz Europa. Doch die Idee des Binnenmarktes funktioniert nur, wenn nicht aus einer Regel 27 nationale Regeln werden, die sich zum Teil dann im Binnenmarkt auch wieder widersprechen.
Und jetzt muss das endlich mal auch angegriffen werden. Heute Vormittag hat die Kommissionspräsidentin in ihrer Rede zur Lage der Europäischen Union dieses Thema ja auch selbst benannt.
Wer beim Bürokratieabbau ernst macht, braucht einen Pakt gegen Gold-Plating. Das ist die richtige Diagnose, aber sie muss auch jetzt politische Konsequenzen haben. Diese Ankündigung darf nicht bloß eine Aufforderung bleiben an die Mitgliedstaaten, sondern ist auch eine Aufforderung, Herr Kommissar, an die Kommission, die ja zu prüfen hat, wie die Mitgliedstaaten europäisches Recht in nationales Recht übersetzen. Deshalb erwarte ich von der Kommission, dass sie sich dieses Problems nun wirklich annimmt und nicht nur die Situation beobachtet oder beschreibt, sondern wirklich handelt. Wenn Mitgliedstaaten ohne triftigen Grund draufsatteln, braucht es klare Konsequenzen: klare Fristen, verbindliche Nachbesserungen, die die Mitgliedstaaten liefern müssen, und wenn nötig auch ein Vertragsverletzungsverfahren gegen unbegründete nationale Zusatzlasten.
Und wir sollten ehrlich sein: Was ein Mitgliedstaat draufsattelt, darf er hinterher auch nicht als Brüsseler Bürokratie kritisieren. Am Ende geht es um Vertrauen. Unternehmen investieren dort, wo sie sich auf Regeln verlassen können, nicht dort, wo sie in 27 Rechtsordnungen 27 Mal herausfinden müssen, was eine europäische Vorgabe eigentlich in einem Land auch wirklich bedeutet.
Wer den Binnenmarkt stärken will, muss diese Verlässlichkeit zur politischen Priorität machen und nicht nur zu einer Fußnote. Lassen Sie uns deswegen das Versprechen eines echten europäischen Binnenmarktes einlösen. Dafür trägt die Kommission Verantwortung, aber mit Verlaub auch wir als Europäisches Parlament. Vielen Dank.
Thank you very much. And for the Council, Minister Byrne, for three minutes, please.
Thomas Byrne
Thank you, President. Thank you, honorable member, members, Commissioner. Gold-plating occurs when EU law is transposed or implemented in a way that brings requirements, reporting obligations, or procedures that exceed what we set out in EU legal acts. As a result, it undermines the very purpose of the single market, which is to ensure the free movement of goods, services, capital, and people through harmonization, predictability, and a level playing field. SMEs, and they represent the vast majority of all of our companies, they bear the brunt of single market barriers.
For example, the single market strategy calls out EU rules as becoming overly complex and overlapping, resulting in high compliance costs and other avoidable administrative burdens.
Small companies often lack the personnel required to assess and to ensure compliance with duplicate or divergent EU and national rules. Therefore, the way in which member states transpose and apply EU law is one of a number of factors in determining whether our simplification agenda succeeds or fails in practice, particularly with SMEs. The Commission identified the lack of single market ownership by the member states as one of the terrible ten barriers in our single market strategy. These barriers are often unintended consequences of real policy concerns by member states, but they can be created by a lack of transposition, incorrect transposition, or unnecessarily divergent or burdensome implementation of Union law. For these reasons, our efforts on the simplification agenda risk being thwarted if 27 different national transpositions bring back burdens afterwards.
The topic is significant for our economy and our competitiveness, and therefore it's a regular feature of our discussions in the Council and indeed at the level of the European Council. Let me recall that in March, our leaders called on the Commission, the co-legislators and the Member States to continue to ambitiously simplify rules and reduce the administrative burden at EU, national and regional level to ensure a regulatory framework that's both innovation and SME-friendly, including by applying the think small first principle, and without undermining predictability, EU policy goals, high standards or the integrity of the market. Since February 2025, the Commission and Commissioner Dombrovskis has presented 12 simplification proposals, known of course as the omnibus packages, with the shared objectives of lowering costs and obligations. The Council's fully committed to this exercise as we believe the omnibus packages will deliver savings of around 14 billion euro in recurrent administration costs. The Council also looks at progress regularly being made on dismantling the terrible 10 barriers, and it's really important to stop new barriers being created.
Lots of ways exist to limit or avoid gold-plating. Regulations instead of directives for legislation is probably the easiest approach. Enrico Letta in his report emphasizes this, and indeed to our leaders and to the General Affairs Council, he has also mentioned this as something that could work and should be done.
The Council supports the objective to make legislation simple by design, obligations clear and predictable. And we want to ensure that unnecessary complexity is not reintroduced during our national implementation and we want to ensure that the intended benefits are realized by businesses and SMEs. So member states should pay particular attention to preventing gold plating when transposing EU law, with the Commission providing help of course where needed. Tackling gold plating is a joint effort. Every actor at every level has a role to play in eliminating unnecessary burdens.
So in this regard we welcome the Commission's announcement to provide a toolkit of best practices and criteria which are intended to help member states identifying and avoiding gold plating. Thank you.
Thank you very much. And for the Commission, Commissioner Dombrovskis, please the floor is yours.
Valdis Dombrovskis
Madam Chair, Mr. Minister, honorable members. Thank you for this opportunity to discuss the issue of gold plating right after the 2026 State of the Union address by President von der Leyen that also addressed this problem.
I welcome European Parliament's attention to this topic, which is highly relevant for the functioning of the single market and for the businesses across European Union. The communication on a clearer, simpler and better enforced EU rulebook adopted this April announced an initiative to tackle the issue of regulatory gold-plating. It follows up on a single market strategy and the identification of terrible ten most harmful barriers. And I would like to quote President von der Leyen from earlier today in this house. Yes, we are doing our best at the European level to cut red tape, but now it's time for member states to step up.
We are, if we are serious about simplification, we also need a pact against gold-plating. Gold-plating happens when a member state, when transposing or implementing EU law in a given policy area, introduces wider scope, stricter rules or obligations that go beyond the requirements set in the EU legal act. Creating more burdensome procedures than what is necessary to implement the EU law can also be considered gold-plating. Gold-plating is problematic for several reasons. Divergent national rules create uneven conditions for businesses across member states.
This may distort competition and fragment the single market. Excessive national requirements may also increase compliance costs, especially for SMEs, and can discourage cross-border activity and undermine competitiveness. Large firms can often absorb complexity. SMEs cannot. This is why simplification is also a fairness issue.
As today's debate shows, the issue of gold-plating is high on the political agenda. It is part of the broader simplification agenda, but also linked to the One Europe, One Market roadmap. And it follows up on the European Council of 19th of March, which called on Member States to avoid gold-plating and disproportionate national requirements. Unlawful gold-plating can be addressed through enforcement action, for example, when it leads to national legislation being incompatible with a directive. But often gold-plating relates to national policy choices or practices that are not contrary to the EU law, but still undermine the single market and is harming businesses.
This is why action is needed beyond enforcement of EU law. Subsidiarity is an essential principle, but it should not be used to increase bureaucracy.
It's a matter of striking the right balance. The Commission will therefore work closely with Member States to pursue three objectives: better detection, better follow-up and, of course, better prevention. For better detection of gold-plating, we aim to use stakeholder consultations, for example, through implementation dialogues held by commissioners. Investigations under the Commission's single market focus areas for enforcement will also help detect instances of gold-plating. For better identification as well as better follow-up, the European Semester and the Single Market Enforcement Taskforce and the Single Market Sherpas can be leveraged further.
This year, the European Semester spring package and country-specific recommendations include more references to national barriers to the single market, including gold-plating. This analysis will be deepened further next year. In any case, tackling gold-plating depends on the participation of Member States. This is why the Commission is preparing a toolkit with an overview of best practices to support Member States in detecting and preventing gold-plating.
As a first step, we have recently circulated a questionnaire to the Member States to gather information on national approaches, as well as a survey to stakeholders. Finally, the Commission will also take into consideration the risk of gold-plating when making legislative proposals and formulate them in a manner that minimizes that risk. For example, prioritizing regulations over directives where appropriate and comprehensively addressing the matter being legislated can reduce room for gold-plating. The co-legislators therefore also have an important role to play here. Thank you very much and I look forward for today's debate.
Thank you very much, Commissioner, and we will now begin with the speakers on behalf of the political groups, and we will begin with Jörgen Warborn from EPP, one and a half minute, please.
Jörgen Warborn
Thank you, Madam President, Commissioner, Minister. We need to simplify Europe because the European entrepreneurs, they are frustrated today. They are actually doing two jobs. One job which they like, meaning they are building their businesses, they are serving their customers, and they are creating new jobs.
But then there is the other job they are doing: dealing with reporting, with compliance, with documentation and with growing bureaucracy. And that's why we need to simplify Europe. And that means three things. The first one is to truly introduce the one-in-two-out principle. For every added euro in costs from new legislation, two euros have to be removed.
And then we need to change and simplify faster. Today the businesses, they do not feel that we are delivering simplification, and that has to change. And thirdly, stop the gold-plating. Cutting red tape in Brussels means little if capitals add new layers at home. Red tape is red tape, no matter where it comes from.
So less bureaucracy, more time to build, to hire and to innovate. Simplify Europe. That is my commitment to the 25 million entrepreneurs of Europe. Thank you.
Thank you very much. Thank you very much, and on behalf of S&D, the next speaker is Marc Angel for one minute please.
Thank you Chair, dear colleagues, Commissioner and Minister.
Marc Angel
It's very clear that unnecessary bureaucracy creates disproportionate burden on our European SMEs. Our single market needs one set of rules, common standards and a level playing field. And therefore we must put an end to gold-plating where national transposition of EU laws creates unnecessary red tape with no added value. And it's good that President von der Leyen recalled that Member States have a primary responsibility to ensure that EU rules are implemented simply, effectively and proportionately. But let us be clear, simplification must never become a race to the bottom.
Higher standards do not equal bureaucracy when they deliver stronger rights, greater social security and better protection for people, businesses and environment. We don't need weaker regulation, we need smarter regulation. And safeguarding the integrity of the single market means ensuring that compliance is clear and accessible, and never asking workers, consumers or our climate to pay the price of deregulation. We as Socialists and Democrats want European businesses to innovate, to grow, to compete globally, and protecting them means investing in Europe's future. Thank you.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms Enikő Győri for one minute on behalf of Patriots please.
Képviselőtársaim, megszámolni sem tudom, hogy hány vitát folytattunk már le ebben a házban a bürokrácia csökkentése jegyében.
Enikő Győri
Ezzel az a baj, hogy sok a beszéd és kevés az eredmény. A 383 Draghi-ajánlásból nem egész 16 százalékot sikerült teljesen végrehajtani. Habár ezek egy részét nem osztom, az alacsony teljesítmény jól mutatja, hogy a Bizottság és e ház többsége bort iszik és vizet prédikál. Önök a baloldali néppárti nagykoalícióban csak beszélnek bürokráciacsökkentésről. Nem is csoda, hiszen pontosan önök szavazták meg ezeket a lebontandó szabályokat.
A deregulációt szitokszónak tartják, pedig nem elég az egyszerűsítés, sokkal kevesebb szabályra volna szükség. A Néppárt rájött, hogy arcvesztés nélkül nem tudja teljesíteni a választási ígéretét, ezért most von der Leyen asszonnyal közösen azt találta ki, hogy azért nagy a teher, mert a tagállamok túlszabályoznak. Kérem, hagyják abba a felelősség áthárítását. Legyen bátorságuk kimondani, hogy uniós szintű deregulációra van szükség. Csak így lesz Európában üzletbarát környezet és versenyképesség.
Mi, patrióták, ezért küzdünk. Köszönöm.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Bert-Jan Ruissen on behalf of ECR and for one minute, please.
Bert-Jan Ruissen
Dank u wel, voorzitter. In dit debat over gold-plating gaat het over een hardnekkig probleem. Lidstaten die Europese regels onnodig streng interpreteren en daarmee de concurrentiepositie van bedrijven ernstig ondermijnen. In mijn eigen land liggen de voorbeelden voor het oprapen. Ik denk aan de beslissing om heel Nederland in het kader van de nitraatrichtlijn als kwetsbaar aan te merken.
Geen Europese verplichting, Nederland deed het toch. Gevolg: veehouders die aanhikken tegen enorme mestafzetkosten. Ik denk ook aan de Nederlandse stikstofnormen die veel strenger zijn dan in omliggende landen. Gevolg: talloze boerenbedrijven die in hun voortbestaan worden bedreigd. En zo kan ik nog wel even doorgaan.
Voorzitter, laten we stoppen met nationale koppen. Ze brengen het gelijke speelveld ernstig in gevaar. Ik weet dat we landen niet kunnen dwingen af te zien van strengere regels, maar laten we de landen er op zijn minst op aanspreken. Dank u wel.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr Sandro Gozi on behalf of Renew and for one minute, please.
Sandro Gozi
Thank you, President. Our single market remains fragmented and national gold-plating is one of the main causes. Let's call it what it is.
Governments cannot blame Brussels bureaucracy while creating more bureaucracy themselves at home. They cannot demand simplification in Europe and then transform one European rule into 27 different national regimes, adding obligations, procedures and paperwork. That is political hypocrisy and our small and medium businesses pay the price. Simplify, yes. Remove duplication and unnecessary reporting, yes.
But simplification must not mean weaker protection for businesses and consumers. So stop gold-plating, implement what we decide together faithfully, on time and without national bureaucratic extras, and enforce it equally everywhere. The single market was created to eliminate national barriers, not to allow governments to rebuild them through bureaucracy. One market, common rules, no national gold-plating. That is the simplification Europe needs.
Thank you.
Vladimir Prebilič
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Prebilic for one minute on behalf of the Green Group, please.
Spoštovani. Kar 99 % vseh podjetij v Evropi predstavljajo mala in srednja podjetja. To je 100 milijonov ljudi. Toda vsakič, ko v Bruslju sprejmemo direktivo, jo države članice zadušijo pod plastmi lastnih administrativnih zahtev.
Vladimir Prebilič
To je birokratska sabotaža. Poglejmo Slovenijo. Mala in srednja podjetja predstavljajo 99 % našega gospodarstva in zagotavljajo 70 % delovnih mest. Pa vendar mora danes obrtnik iz Kočevja ali ustanovitelj tehnološkega podjetja iz Maribora ves čas namenjati izpolnjevanju birokratskih zahtev, namesto da bi se posvetil svojim strankam. Zato predlagamo dve rešitvi.
Prvič, uveljaviti moramo strogo pravilo, da za en predpis mora biti odpravljeno dva. Če ministrstvo uvede eno novo breme, mora odpraviti dve prejšnji. In drugič, moramo brez izjeme prepovedati vsak prenos evropske zakonodaje v nacionalno, ki ni prestal obveznega in neodvisnega preizkusa izvedljivosti za mala in srednja podjetja. Hvala lepa.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Flanagan for one minute on behalf of the Left Group.
Thank you very much. The ACRES environmental scheme in Ireland is the most complex environmental scheme we have seen. That's according to DG ENVI. Now, I'm not here to argue that the scheme shouldn't be so complex. Irish farmers are well-educated and if paid well enough for the scheme, which they're not, then they would deal with the complexity.
And I don't want to hear, well, we had a record number of people sign up to it.
Luke Ming Flanagan
They have no other option but to get money. Why wouldn't they sign up to it? They have no other option. What I want to know is why don't government politicians have the backbone to defend the decisions they've made? I've heard government politicians criticize the EU for decisions that their own government have made and on this scheme, and they have blamed Europe.
And to me, there's a massive danger in that. Because what happens is you end up with people becoming Eurosceptics like myself. I got elected here believing loads of bad decisions were made by Europe when in fact they were made by your government. So if you're going to gold-plate, own it and take responsibility for it. Otherwise, you will destroy the European Union if you don't own what you do.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Sypniewski for one minute on behalf of the ESN Group, please.
Dziękuję bardzo. Szanowni Państwo, gospodarkę budują przedsiębiorcy, a nie kolejne procedury i kolejne debaty. A przedsiębiorca potrzebuje mniej formularzy, mniej kontroli i prostych zasad prowadzenia działalności. To wydaje się oczywiste. I od dwóch lat słuchamy, jak dużo tutaj mówimy o konkurencyjności i deregulacji.
Marcin Sypniewski
Tylko mam wrażenie, że te wszystkie uproszczenia idą zdecydowanie za wolno. Tutaj jakbyśmy skalpelem próbowali wyciąć coś zbędnego, a tutaj tak naprawdę przydałoby się pożyczyć od prezydenta Milei tę piłę i wycinać te przepisy seriami, żeby rzeczywiście Europa mogła być konkurencyjna, żeby łatwiej było prowadzić działalność gospodarczą. Bo z jednej strony mówimy o uproszczeniu, a z drugiej przedsiębiorcy teraz dostają PPWR, czyli w zasadzie ograniczenie możliwości przesyłania towarów między krajami w Unii Europejskiej, a za chwilę dojdą jeszcze kolejne procedury. I najbardziej to boli małe firmy, bo duża korporacja ma dział prawny i księgowych i całą armię ludzi, a mały przedsiębiorca każdą nową procedurę opłaca własnymi pieniędzmi oraz własnym czasem. Dziękuję serdecznie.
Thank you very much. So colleagues, we're a little bit behind schedule time-wise today, so I would really recommend all of you to stick to your speaking time, please. And the next speaker is Ms. Walsmann for one and a half minutes, please.
Frau Präsidentin, meine Damen und Herren, diese Debatte ist dringend notwendig. Als SME Europe der EVP fordern wir seit langem, dass unser Mittelstand hier endlich gehört wird.
Marion Walsmann
Das sogenannte Gold-Plating, also wenn Mitgliedstaaten bei der Umsetzung von EU-Recht noch zusätzliche nationale Pflichten on top draufsetzen, kostet unsere Unternehmen Zeit und Geld und ist wettbewerbsschädlich. Dass Kommissionspräsidentin von der Leyen heute in ihrer Rede zur Lage der Union einen Pakt gegen Gold-Plating gefordert hat, zeigt, das Problem ist längst auf höchster europäischer Ebene angekommen. Und gerade Deutschland liefert leider besonders viele Beispiele dafür, warum dieser Schritt notwendig ist. Wenn wir uns konkrete Beispiele anschauen, zeigt sich immer wieder: Zusätzliche Belastungen entstehen häufig nicht durch höhere Schutzstandards, sondern durch zusätzliche Verfahren. Schauen Sie aufs Verpackungsrecht: Deutschland koppelt die Registrierung unmittelbar daran, ob Produkte überhaupt in Verkehr gebracht werden dürfen.
Und das, obwohl die europäischen Vorgaben diese konkrete Verknüpfung so nicht verlangen. Wir müssen stärker auf das hören, was uns die KMU vor Ort zurückmelden. Die Praxis zählt. Die neue Simplification-Plattform der Kommission ist deshalb ein richtiger Schritt, aber jetzt muss sie auch wirken. Und wenn unsere Mitgliedstaaten über die europäischen Vorgaben hinausgehen, muss klar ausgewiesen werden: Was ist der EU-Rechtskern, was ist nationale Zusatzregel, und was kostet diese Zusatzregel unsere Unternehmen?
Danke.
Thank you very much. Colleagues, I know it's difficult, please stick to speaking time. And the next speaker is Ms. Gossmann for one minute, please.
Elisabeth Grossmann
Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, Herr Minister, meine Damen und Herren! Zunächst möchte ich ein häufiges Missverständnis ausräumen: Gold-Plating ist nicht dasselbe wie höhere nationale Standards. Wenn Mitgliedstaaten bei der Umsetzung von EU-Recht ungerechtfertigte zusätzliche administrative Anforderungen schaffen, dann müssen wir das selbstverständlich verhindern. Aber wenn ein Mitgliedstaat Arbeitnehmer:innen, Verbraucher:innen, Gesundheit und Umwelt besser schützen will, dann muss dieser Spielraum bei Umsetzung einer Richtlinie selbstverständlich erhalten bleiben. Vereinfachung darf nicht zum Deckmantel für Deregulierung und Herabsetzung von Standards werden.
Und wir müssen natürlich unnötige Bürokratie abbauen. Gerade für Kleinstunternehmen können dieselben administrativen Anforderungen eine wesentlich größere Belastung darstellen als für große Unternehmen.
Deshalb brauchen wir für Kleinstunternehmen verhältnismäßige und gezielte Ausnahmen, wo sie sinnvoll sind. Insgesamt machen wir die Einhaltung der Regeln einfacher, aber nicht die Regeln schwächer.
Thank you, Mr. Vossman. Thank you. I know it's difficult and I really hate to interrupt you, but we need to stick to the speaking time, otherwise we will cause problems later on today. And the next speaker is Mr. Panpi for one minute, please.
Pierre Pimpie
Chers collègues, c'est donc le PPE qui se plaint de la surbureaucratie, sachant qu'il gouverne l'UE depuis 20 ans. Certes, nous devons alléger l'empilement des normes et des charges qui s'abattent sur nos PME et qui mettent l'Europe à l'arrêt. L'Omnibus 1 veut réduire la charge réglementaire de 25 %, soit. Mais retrancher un tiers de cette folie normative ne suffira pas à recouvrer un environnement sain. Le problème n'est pas seulement la surtransposition zélée des textes européens par les États, c'est d'abord la manie perverse de l'UE de s'insinuer partout.
Je mets le PPE au défi de mettre un terme à cette rage réglementaire dont il est la première cause. Nous avons besoin de liberté.
Thank you very much also for sticking to your speaking time. And the next speaker is Ms. Libaldini for one minute, please.
Mariateresa Vivaldini
Deregolamentare e semplificare non sono slogan, sono una necessità economica. Gli eccessi normativi prodotti dall'Unione Europea negli ultimi anni non hanno soltanto imposto costi alle nostre imprese, ma hanno anche ridotto lo spazio degli Stati membri per costruire politiche industriali adatte alle proprie economie. Siamo d'accordo nel contrastare il gold plating e sovraregolamentazione nazionale. Ma se l'onere nasce già a Bruxelles, non possiamo scaricarne la responsabilità sugli Stati membri. I dati ci dicono che l'industria soffre, le imprese chiudono e troppo poche ne nascono per sostituirle.
E a pagare il prezzo più alto sono soprattutto le PMI, che rappresentano il 99% delle imprese europee e milioni di posti di lavoro. Proprio mentre vogliamo rilanciare la manifattura europea, dobbiamo quindi cambiare metodo: regole proporzionate, un approccio realmente su misura per le PMI e più spazio all'innovazione e alla digitalizzazione. Non possiamo chiedere alle nostre imprese di competere nel mondo mentre continuiamo a legare loro le mani in Europa. Se vogliamo cambiare rotta, i primi a farlo dobbiamo essere noi, qui a Bruxelles.
Nikola Minchev
Thank you very much, Madam President, Mr. Commissioner, dear colleagues. Our entrepreneurs have ideas, talent, and ambition. But they lack a business environment where these ideas can flourish. And that's on us. We make it hard for them with too heavy administrative burden and then, in some Member States, we pile on another layer of national requirements and obligations.
And SMEs are paying the highest price: higher compliance costs and countless hours spent on paperwork instead of focusing on what they do best: build, innovate, and create jobs. The single market simply cannot mean 27 different rulebooks. Fragmentation weakens our economy, discourages investments, and ultimately makes Europe less competitive. If gold-plating continues, we won't solve our competitiveness issue because we will be standing in our own way. So the message for Member States is clear: implement EU rules properly, but do not turn every European law into a national bureaucratic project.
We need clarity, predictability, and less red tape.
This is how we make Europe more competitive. Thank you.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Boeselager for one minute, please.
Damian Boeselager
Dear colleagues, I couldn't have said it better. Our businesses have to do two jobs at the same time at the moment. One is their real job, what they're doing, their profession, and the second one is to report on it. Just yesterday I spoke to a friend who runs a bakery in Berlin. And because of European rules and their German interpretation, he's now currently considered a packaging producer because he dared to put his own logo on his bags, which needs, which means that now for every croissant that he sells, he has to report that in a database.
Colleagues, when a baker needs a compliance department, we are doing something wrong and we have lost the plot. It doesn't mean that we need to tone down our ambition when it comes to sustainability and saving the planet. Actually, we have to do more. And for example, the single-use plastic ban in supermarkets is an example of how we can achieve that. But we cannot, under no circumstances, overwhelm our businesses when we want to kickstart our economy.
And therefore, let's stop all gold-plating, let's have the same rules across the common market and save the planet. Thank you.
Thank you very much. Og den næste taler er hr. Klarskov for et minut. Værsgo.
Per Clausen
Jeg må sige, at jeg synes, det er en meget forenklet debat, der foregår her om gold-plating. Jeg synes, at I glemmer, at lande, der går foran med beskyttelse af borgere, miljø, klima og natur, kan være til stor fordel for os alle. Og det er ikke bare noget, jeg siger. Jeg har selv været med til at gennemføre et forbud mod hormonforstyrrende bisfenol A i Danmark. Vi gik foran, og så fulgte EU bagefter.
Vi har haft indsats mod klimaskadelige e-gasser, f-gasser, hvor både Danmark og Østrig viste, at det er muligt at udfase dem. Vi var forgangslande, der drev udviklingen. Ting, der skete, fordi vi kunne have forgangslande. Og det er den mulighed, som I nu lægger op til at stoppe. Og der vil jeg sige, at være bange for, at nogen går foran, er en rigtig dårlig idé.
Det er jo netop den mangfoldighed og de muligheder, det giver, som faktisk har været med til at skabe grobund for flere af EU's mange innovative virksomheder.
Så at droppe muligheden for at gå foran er efter min mening både fjollet og forkert.
Christel Schaldemose
Mange tak. And the next speaker is Mr. Schnurbus for one and a half minute, please.
Volker Schnurrbusch
Frau Präsidentin, meine Damen und Herren, zwischen 2019 und 24 wurden in der EU rund 13.000 Rechtsakte verabschiedet, Gesetzgebungsakte, delegierte Rechtsakte und 5.700 Durchführungsrechtsakte. Leider setzen Mitgliedstaaten wie mein eigener gerne noch zusätzliche Auflagen obendrauf. Frau von der Leyen verspricht bis 2029 die Belastung für Unternehmen um mindestens 25 % zu senken, für kleine und mittlere Unternehmen sogar um 35 %. Das Ziel: 37,5 Milliarden Euro weniger Verwaltungskosten pro Jahr. Doch allein in diesem Jahr kommen weitere Pflichten hinzu: CBAM, DAC8, die Lohntransparenzrichtlinie, der KI-Akt, die Verpackungsverordnung und der Cyber Resilienz Akt.
In der Summe entstehen Berichtspflichten, Nachweispflichten, Prüfpflichten, Dokumentationspflichten und vor allem Kosten, die meisten davon mit freundlicher Unterstützung der CDU, die heute dieses Thema auf die Tagesordnung gesetzt hat. Bürokratieabbau misst sich nicht an neuen Omnibuspaketen und neuen Versprechen.
Es misst sich daran, ob ein Unternehmer weniger Formulare ausfüllt, weniger Berater bezahlen muss und mehr Zeit für Mitarbeiter, Innovation und Kunden investieren kann. Wer 25 % weniger Bürokratie verspricht, muss endlich aufhören, mehr neue Bürokratie zu produzieren. Vielen Dank.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms. Jovanović-Šošoćka for one minute, please.
Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă
Mulțumesc. Da, ce uimitor, PPE-ul, cel care conduce Uniunea Europeană, cel care o are pe doamna von der Leyen, cel care a făcut un congres în România în timpul pandemiei, unde nu s-a respectat nicio regulă ca s-o aleagă pe doamna von der Leyen, are tupeul să ne întrebe de ce considerăm noi să mai facem cu birocrația. În România, toate actele pe care le adoptăm aici devin de o sută de ori mai greu de implementat pentru că avem dosare cu șină, avem șpagă de dat pentru că este cea mai coruptă țară din Uniunea Europeană, șpagă care se mai împarte și cu cei de pe aici.
Și vă întreb, cum puteți dumneavoastră să implementați aceeași lege pentru mai multe națiuni care sunt total diferite de la tradiție și istorie și concepții, iar în România, de exemplu, avem ciobani pe cărora le-ați omorât oile, le interziceți să mai exporte și acum îi condamnați la moarte, iar ieri în Piața Victoriei în fața Guvernului, guvern care este pus de dumneavoastră de la Bruxelles, au bătut oierii, au bătut ciobanii, i-au gazat și i-au călcat în picioare. Asta este democrația Uniunii Europene.
Thank you, and the next speaker is Ms. Winzig for one and a half minute, please.
Angelika Winzig
Danke Frau Vizepräsidentin, Herr Kommissar. Ein Reisebüro, 20 Beschäftigten, unmittelbar in unserem Nachbarland, braucht jetzt einen Datenschutzbeauftragten. Nicht weil Europa das verlangt, sondern weil das nationale Gesetz das fordert. Dasselbe Reisebüro in Österreich braucht das nicht. Und wen macht dieses Reisebüro schuldig?
Natürlich Brüssel. Brüssel ist schuld. Das ist Gold-Plating. Europa gibt den Rahmen und die Mitgliedstaaten legen drauf. Das schadet unseren Betrieben, unserem Standort und schädigt den Ruf Europas.
Die Rechnung zahlt die gesamte Wirtschaft. Österreichs Betriebe verbringen viel Zeit mit Bürokratie und diese fehlt dann beim Kerngeschäft. Positiv anzumerken ist, dass Sie, Herr Kommissar, im April einen Maßnahmenkatalog gegen Gold-Plating für die Mitgliedstaaten ins Leben gerufen haben. Bei jeder Umsetzung muss klar ausgewiesen werden, was verlangt Europa und was wird national draufgesetzt.
Denn dann kann die Chefin oder der Mitarbeiter sagen: Ja, okay, das ist Gold-Plating und das wollen wir nicht, wir brauchen weniger Bürokratie.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Wölken for one minute, please.
Tiemo Wölken
Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Nationale Autonomie beschränken, das fordern hier gerade EVP, EKR, ID und ESN in diesem Parlament. Klingt absurd, ist es auch. Eine der größten Stärken der Europäischen Union ist doch eigentlich, dass wir Dinge gemeinsam angehen und das heißt dann leider meistens auch, sich auf einen kleinen gemeinsamen Nenner zu einigen. Und jetzt wollen Sie, die immer nach Souveränität schreien, den Mitgliedstaaten das Recht nehmen, mehr Arbeitsschutz, mehr Klimaschutz, mehr Menschenrechtsschutz umzusetzen, anstatt sich darauf zu konzentrieren, wie die Umsetzung des europäischen Rechts für alle funktionieren könnte.
Sie sind es doch eigentlich immer, die Souveränität fordern, und deswegen verstehe ich das nicht und muss Sie fragen: Na, was wollen Sie denn jetzt? Mehr Europa, weniger Europa, gar kein Europa? Diese Gleichung geht bei Ihnen nicht auf. Ich will das kurz ausrechnen: Für Sie bedeutet weniger europäisches Recht gleich weniger Bürokratie, aber die Realität ist doch, wenn wir das europäische Recht zurückfahren, haben wir 27 Einzelregelungen und 27 Mal mehr Bürokratie. Diese Rechnung geht nicht auf.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Martín Frías for one minute, please.
Jorge Martín Frías
Gracias, señora presidenta. Señores del Partido Popular Europeo, bienvenidos al camino de la desregulación. Ahora falta pasar de las palabras a los hechos. Porque hoy se suman al carro de la desregulación, pero el Partido Popular Europeo, junto con los socialistas, los verdes, etc., son los máximos responsables de la mayor asfixia regulatoria que sufren las empresas europeas. Además, no es coherente denunciar la sobrerregulación nacional mientras sigue intacto el monstruo burocrático que ustedes han creado con la señora von der Leyen a la cabeza.
Nosotros decimos no a la sobrerregulación y decimos sí a la simplificación y sí a la recuperación de la prosperidad que han arrebatado a los europeos.
Y señor comisario, si no saben cómo hacerlo, se pueden descargar el programa de desregulación de Vox, que está a su servicio, que es el único partido que se compromete...
Christel Schaldemose
Listen, Mr. Buxadé, you are not allowed to show images while speaking, please.
Jorge Martín Frías
Bueno, después de la interrupción de la presidenta, que es el único partido que se compromete a acabar con la desregulación para deshacer y para derogar tres normas por cada una de nueva creación para deshacer todo lo que ha hecho el gobierno corrupto y de ruina de Pedro Sánchez.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, your time is over. The next speaker is Mr. Eriksson for one minute, please.
Dick Erixon
Jag tror vi är eniga om att saker och ting behöver förenklas. EU:s omnibusinitiativ är ju ett sånt förslag. Och vi kan nog vara eniga om att de nationella myndigheterna är övernitiska i att uttolka de här EU-reglerna som vi fattar beslut om här i kammaren. Men det viktiga beslutet, eller det viktiga ställningstagandet här, är ju att vi måste vända kursen här. Vi måste avreglera.
Vi måste vara öppen med att tala om avreglering. Vissa regler, tunga regler, är nödvändiga och de ska vara väldigt väl utformade. Men det är på det sättet som vi kan se till att underlätta för företag, verksamheter, att inte hamna i en överbureaukratiserad EU-massa av regler. Den vägen behöver vi gå. Tack.
Christel Schaldemose
Tack så mycket. The next speaker is Ms. Storch for one minute, please.
Thank you, Madam President.
Anna Stürgkh
Der Fisch fängt vom Kopf zu stinken an, das wissen wir alle. Nur in der EU, da stimmt das nicht immer. Viele Hürden und Aufwand, mit denen unsere Unternehmen tagtäglich beschäftigt sein müssen, die kommen nicht von der EU oder dem Kopf. Die kommen daher, dass die 27 Flossen alle in irgendeine andere Richtung schwimmen wollen. Wie absurd ist es zum Beispiel, dass in Österreich die Autos viel öfter zum Pickerl müssen als in anderen Ländern der EU, als ob sie in Österreich mehr Gefahr darstellen würden oder anders Verbrauchsspuren zeigen.
Das ist nicht nur absurd, das ist tatsächlich auch eine Bürde für Menschen, aber auch für Unternehmen. Gut, dass wir das jetzt ändern, aber noch besser, dass bereits 11 Länder mit Österreich die Allianz für Entbürokratisierung eingegangen sind. Aber das heißt auch, dass da noch Platz ist, nämlich für 16 andere Länder, auch für Irland. Es ist Zeit, dass die 27 Flossen endlich in eine Richtung schwimmen und wir Europa leichter machen. Vielen Dank.
Thank you very much and the next speaker is Ms. Roth Neveďalová for one minute please.
Katarína Roth Neveďalová
Ďakujem, pani predsedníčka. Vážení kolegovia, kolegyne, ja som veľmi rada, že tu dnes máme túto debatu, pretože nie sú to NGO-čky, mimovládky, nie sú to aktivisti, ale sú to práve firmy, podniky a priemysel, ktorí sú chrbtovou časťou Európskej únie a ktorí naozaj nám pomáhajú dosiahnuť to, čo potrebujeme. Dnes aj pani predsedníčka Európskej komisie Ursula von der Leyenová prvé, čo hovorila, bol práve boj proti gold-platingu a podpora malých a stredných podnikov, ale nepovedala úplne presne, že akým spôsobom to môžeme robiť. Firmy dnes, aj malé firmy, majú stále nejaké nové zelené normy, ktoré tu prijímame, majú stále viac a viac reportingu, musia stále viac a viac formulárov vyplňovať, musia kontrolovať svojich dodávateľov a podobne. Keď nastupovala táto Komisia, tak bolo sľúbené, že ak prijmeme nejakú novú legislatívu, bude sa robiť audit tej súčasnej legislatívy a že za každú jednu novú legislatívu nejaká iná sa odstráni.
Ja sa chcem spýtať Európskej komisie, kde je toto pravidlo a koľko takýchto zbytočných zákonov už zatiaľ Európska komisia a Európska únia odstránila, pretože toto je skutočne to, ako môžeme pomôcť firmám v Európskej únii. Ďakujem.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Cunha for one and a half minutes, please.
Paulo Cunha
Senhora Presidente, senhor Ministro, senhor Comissário, a concretização do mercado único é essencial para que possamos atingir os nossos objetivos enquanto União Europeia. E para termos um mercado único é absolutamente fundamental que haja igualdade de concorrência entre as várias empresas dentro do espaço europeu. O que nós temos assistido é à criação de barreiras em vez da eliminação dessas mesmas dificuldades. Com um conjunto de regras europeias que muitas vezes têm como propósito a redução dessa mesma burocracia, o que acontece não menos vezes é que os próprios países aproveitam o processo de transposição dessas diretivas para criar dificuldades, para criar obstáculos numa dinâmica protecionista de cada um dos mercados internos. Pois bem, a proteção do mercado interno de cada país não casa com a proteção do mercado único que é europeu.
E nós queremos ser competitivos à escala global. Hoje de manhã ouvimos a senhora Presidente da Comissão falar em competitividade. E essa mesma competitividade pressupõe que, em primeiro lugar, os 450 milhões de habitantes da União Europeia possam ser servidos por um único mercado. Só assim nós conseguiremos ser mais fortes, mais resistentes. Só unidos no propósito de construir um mercado que seja um mercado europeu alimentará a vontade de sermos resilientes a nível global.
Muito obrigado.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Bajada for one minute please.
Thomas Bajada
Meta nitkellmu dwar il-kompetittività Ewropea, irridu nibdew minn realtà sempliċi. Għal negozju żgħir kull proċedura għandha prezz, prezz fil-ħin, fil-flus, fil-ġiri bejn uffiċċji, accountants u esperti differenti. Kull siegħa l-sid ta' negozju jgħaddi ma' proċeduri li ma jżid l-ebda protezzjoni hija siegħa li ma jkunx qed jinvesti fin-negozju tiegħu. U għalhekk is-simplifikazzjoni hija meħtieġa, imma rridu nkunu ċari dwar dan x'ifisser. Ma tfissirx li nnaqqsu l-protezzjoni tal-konsumatur, tal-ħaddiema jew tal-ambjent.
Tfisser li nneħħu dawk li huma doppji, mhux meħtieġa jew sproporzjonati. Ir-regoli Ewropej għandhom jagħtu ċertezza lin-negozji u protezzjoni liċ-ċittadini. Ix-xogħol tagħna huwa li nagħmluha aktar faċli biex l-SMEs tagħna jinvestu, jadattaw u jikbru mingħajr ma nnaqqsu l-istandards li l-Ewropa hija mibnija fuqhom, għax Ewropa kompetittiva mhijiex Ewropa b'inqas regoli, imma Ewropa b'regoli aħjar. Grazzi.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Mr. Buczek for one minute, please.
Tomasz Buczek
Szanowni państwo, Europejska Partia Ludowa, największa siła w Parlamencie Europejskim, zwołuje debatę o walce z biurokracją. Żałosna komedia. To nie jest troska o firmy, to wasza próba wybielenia wizerunku, który Europejczycy coraz częściej dostrzegają. To wy przez lata z socjalistami i zielonymi dławiliście europejską gospodarkę. To wy przez dekadę głosowaliście za lawiną dyrektyw: Zielony Ład, sprawozdawczość, polityka klimatyczna.
To wy zawiesiliście kamień u szyi każdej firmy, która jeszcze chce w Europie coś produkować. To wy stworzyliście ten system, system żerowania na pracy i przedsiębiorczości Europejczyków. Ta sama hipokryzja w Polsce. W Brukseli dzisiaj krzyczycie: stop regulacjom, a w Warszawie jutro będziecie dalej dokręcać unijne przepisy i nękać nimi małe i średnie przedsiębiorstwa. Jednego dnia płaczecie w Parlamencie Europejskim nad losem firm, a drugiego w Warszawie i innych europejskich stolicach tacy jak wy zaciskać będą biurokratyczną pętlę jeszcze bardziej.
Przedsiębiorcy nie potrzebują kolejnej debaty. Wasze kłamliwe słowa nic nie zmienią. Potrzeba twardej reformy politycznej i odrzucenia waszej niszczycielskiej polityki, inaczej za kilka lat z Europy będą gospodarcze ruiny.
Thank you very much, dear colleague, thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Van Dijk for one minute, please.
Kris Van Dijck
Dank u, voorzitter. Economische groei, dat is de prioriteit van de EU om welvaart en welzijn te bestendigen. En kmo's zijn daarvoor cruciaal. Maar onduidelijke regels en verschillende implementaties maken het voor hen onmogelijk om de vruchten van een eengemaakte markt te plukken. In kleinere lid- en deelstaten, meneer de minister en commissaris, is het vaak nog ingrijpender.
Bedrijven in een kleinere economie hebben minder ruimte om extra administratieve lasten en afwijkende nationale regels op te vangen. Hoe pakken we dit nu aan? Eén: de EU moet in de eerste plaats zorgen voor duidelijke en rechtszekere regels die niet voor interpretatie vatbaar zijn. Ten tweede: minder regels, minder administratieve lasten, zodat ondernemers kunnen ondernemen. En ten derde: de Commissie moet duidelijk in kaart brengen welke regels lidstaten extra opleggen, waarvoor soms een goede reden is, maar ook welke gevolgen die hebben voor grensoverschrijdende activiteiten, raadpleegbaar voor iedereen.
Pak het aan, commissaris.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms. Kulmuni for one minute, please.
Katri Kulmuni
Madam Speaker especially today blaming the EU seems to be quite fashionable and I must admit that I also quite often do that but if one puts aside the bad mood and the populism heard especially in the morning it has not been a failure to agree for example about the inner market Obviously nothing is perfect that's been made by the people but it is not a minor thing to have a hundred million inhabitants larger inner market than the United States for example has The decisions taken at the parliamentary level are not perfect They are compromises which usually everyone criticizes but still they reflect the maturity What I do hope are the legislation framework to be flexible enough for the member states and for the member states encouragement to use the flexibilities agreed and this is not at all often tested for example in my Nordic home state of Finland
Madam Speaker, especially today, blaming the EU seems to be quite fashionable, and I must admit that I also quite often do that.
Thank you very much and the next speaker is Ms Kasui-Pihowicz for one and a half minute please
Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz
Szanowni Państwo, fragmentacja rynku, która jest właśnie skutkiem nadmiernej regulacji, kosztuje naszą gospodarkę setki miliardów euro rocznie. Dzisiaj na stole, jak wyliczają eksperci, leży 713 miliardów euro, jeśli skończymy z tą praktyką. Celem europejskiego prawa musi być harmonizacja przepisów tak, aby nasze gospodarki mogły sprawnie funkcjonować. I weźmy prosty przykład. Jeżeli ciężarówka może ważyć do 44 ton w Belgii, a tylko do 40 ton we Francji, no to musi zatrzymać się na granicy i towary również.
Zakładamy, że dzięki Schengen granice przestały być barierami, ale w praktyce wciąż nie osiągnęliśmy tego celu. Zbyt często państwa członkowskie, wdrażając prawo unijne, dodają własne normy i procedury administracyjne. I zamiast prostych, jednolitych zasad otrzymujemy jeszcze więcej biurokracji dla przedsiębiorców, dla obywateli. Dlatego jednym z priorytetów zespołu Sprawdzamy było ograniczenie tego zjawiska. W Polsce zidentyfikowaliśmy około 100 przypadków, w których właśnie Polska rządów PiS-u przyjęła bardziej restrykcyjne przepisy, niż wymagało tego prawo unijne.
I dzisiaj nasz rząd podejmuje działania, by to zmienić. Nasza siła tkwi w jednolitości rynku. Polska dzisiaj przewodzi w walce z nadmierną regulacją i czas, aby inne państwa członkowskie poszły w nasze polskie ślady. Dziękuję.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Mr. Benifei for one minute, please.
Brando Benifei
È giusto porci l'obiettivo di ridurre la burocrazia per le imprese, ma lo dico subito ai colleghi della destra: giù le mani dalle tutele per i lavoratori e dal modello sociale europeo. Con la direttiva sul lavoro tramite piattaforme abbiamo lasciato agli Stati lo spazio per dare maggiori tutele su condizioni di lavoro e gestione algoritmica, così come con il regolamento sull'intelligenza artificiale per evitare un grande fratello digitale nei luoghi di lavoro. Lo stesso dovrà valere per la revisione degli appalti pubblici: regole comuni sì, ma gli Stati devono poter andare oltre sulle tutele sociali e ambientali. Noi siamo per l'armonizzazione europea e crediamo nelle regole comuni, ma la destra di Vannacci, Salvini, Le Pen invoca invece la sovranità nazionale per poi riscoprire il primato europeo solo quando fa comodo per deregolamentare e fare gli interessi dei potenti e schiacciare i più deboli. Non glielo lasceremo fare.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Ms. Ciccioli for one minute, please.
Thank you.
Anna Maria Cisint
Oggi finalmente parliamo di piccole imprese e di artigiani, di quelli che avete colpevolmente dimenticato, mai ascoltati quando scrivete i provvedimenti, sempre vessati da costi e burocrazia purtroppo insostenibili. Avete preferito le logiche delle lobby e delle grandi industrie che peraltro sono fallite anche esse, dimenticando la peculiarità del Made in Italy che ha reso grande l'Italia e l'Europa. E questa mattina la Presidente von der Leyen ci ha annunciato di fatto un nuovo Green Deal, il terrore. Ma non vi bastano i danni che avete già fatto? Volete davvero che le nostre imprese chiudano tutte?
Noi vogliamo e combattiamo certo per un'Unione Europea unita sì ma diversa, più nazioni, meno ideologia, meno burocrazia, energia a costi sostenibili e regole costruite sulla realtà delle nostre imprese. Se soffocate chi produce non state salvando l'Europa, la state condannando al declino.
Thank you very much and the next speaker is Mr. Kobosko for one minute please.
Dziękuję pani przewodnicząca, panie komisarzu, panie ministrze. Gold-plating stał się zmorą naszej Unii, w tym także Polski. Rok temu polskie organizacje pracodawców opublikowały raport, w którym opisano aż sto konkretnych przypadków nadregulacji.
Michał Kobosko
Nadregulacji, które zniechęcają do zakładania biznesu, zatrudniania ludzi, prowadzenia nowych inwestycji. Konieczny jest przegląd prawa krajowego, by usunąć takie przeszkody. Tak, potrzebujemy dziś paktu przeciw gold-platingowi, o czym mówiła rano przewodnicząca von der Leyen. Dlaczego? Dlatego, że dziś jako cała Unia działamy w realiach kryzysu.
My, reprezentanci instytucji unijnych i parlamentów krajowych, mamy nie więcej niż dwanaście miesięcy, by pokazać naszym przedsiębiorcom, że potrafimy im pomóc przez wprowadzanie zachęt inwestycyjnych, upraszczanie przepisów, obniżanie cen prądu. Inaczej staniemy się poddostawcami i podwykonawcami firm chińskich i amerykańskich. Mamy jeszcze czas, by uratować nasze MŚP i miejsca pracy, by zatrzymać w Europie najlepsze talenty. Każdy, kto zasiada w tej izbie, powinien to uznać za nasze zadanie numer jeden. Dziękuję bardzo.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much and the next speaker is Mr. de la Hoz Quintana for one and a half minutes please.
Raúl de la Hoz Quintano
Gracias presidenta. Llevamos ya unos cuantos paquetes ómnibus que estamos viendo se están demostrando absolutamente insuficientes, básicamente por su falta de ambición.
Y mientras tanto, aquí y también en los parlamentos nacionales, dedicamos nuestro tiempo a regular para introducir más cargas, más obligaciones, más trámites, más burocracia a las empresas y en ocasiones, como también hemos visto aquí, con ocasión de la transposición de normas comunitarias. En este sentido aplaudimos el anuncio que esta mañana hacía la presidenta de la Comisión de ese pacto contra la sobrerregulación. Pero ojo, el pacto no puede quedarse en una simple declaración de buenas intenciones por parte de los firmantes. Para que el pacto tenga sentido, debe de incluir el compromiso firme de los Estados y de la Comisión. De los Estados para asumir el principio, en primer lugar, de que una carga se crea, una carga se elimina.
En segundo lugar, para asumir también por parte de los Estados la obligación de realizar estudios de impacto de aquellas normas de transposición de carácter económico o medioambiental sobre las pequeñas y medianas empresas. Y en tercer lugar, el compromiso también de los Estados para que las normas de transposición incluyan un anexo en el que se especifique claramente qué parte es transposición y qué parte es aportación de cada uno de los Estados. Y por último, en la lógica, el compromiso de la Comisión para, por un lado, lógicamente, hacer seguimiento de los procesos de transposición, pero también para exigir responsabilidades en caso de incumplimiento. Porque, señorías, concluyo, simplificar no es desregular, simplificar es regular mejor manteniendo los estándares. Nada más.
Thank you very much.
And the next speaker is Ms. Eriksson for one minute, please.
Sofie Eriksson
Tack för ordet. Ja, ni pratar gärna om avreglering, men för mig så handlar det här om lokaldemokrati. I Avesta har kommunen sagt att på vår mark så ska det vara seriösa företag som får bygga. Man ska ha kollektivavtal, schyssta löner och villkor. Men det kravet har domstolen stoppat och hänvisar till EU-rätten.
Det här handlar om vem som ska få bestämma hur vi löser våra problem. Vi har lokala kommunpolitiker, folkvalda. Vi har 349 riksdagsledamöter som svenska folket har valt för att stifta våra lagar. Då är det orimligt om de gång på gång ska mötas av svaret att EU tillåter inte det. Det vi ser här, det är bland annat någonting när vi försöker bekämpa arbetslivskriminaliteten.
Vi ser det när vi vill kunna välja lokalt odlad mat till skolbarn och patienter. Och det riskerar vi att se ännu mer av om vi i den här kammaren trycker på för mer strikta EU-regler och gör det till ett självändamål att samma regel ska genomföras exakt lika överallt. Tack.
Tack så mycket.
André Rougé
Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, la dérive normative qui afflige l'Europe est particulière dans les régions ultrapériphériques où l'application des directives relève du sabotage économique et social. Les entreprises, les agriculteurs et les pêcheurs ultramarins étouffent sous des contraintes environnementales et des réglementations phytosanitaires conçues pour le continent européen. Dès lors, comment les entreprises ultramarines pourraient-elles être compétitives dans leur environnement régional ? Les RUP n'en peuvent plus de cette folie normative et je me réjouis que la nouvelle vision stratégique présentée par le vice-président Fito commence enfin à y apporter un début de réponse. Mais d'autres simplifications sont encore nécessaires.
Lorsque des projets européens sont entérinés, il faut que les bénéficiaires puissent compter dans la longue phase de déblocage des fonds sur la garantie de l'UE, sans quoi, par une inconséquence administrative coupable, les plus belles initiatives finiront mort-nées. Je vous remercie.
Thank you, and the next speaker is Mr. Sanchez for one minute please.
Julien Sanchez
Un fardeau administratif terrible pèse sur nos PME. Soyons honnêtes, les textes votés ici sont souvent déconnectés de la réalité, voire totalement dingues. C'est le cas du pacte vert, texte nocif que mon groupe des Patriotes pour l'Europe a combattu sans relâche car il organise la décroissance européenne. Mais certains États aggravent encore les choses. En France, la technocratie parisienne sabote notre souveraineté nationale en surtransposant vos normes.
Quand l'Europe autorise, Paris interdit, plongeant nos paysans dans une concurrence mortifère et asphyxiant nos PME. Cette folie est encore pire dans nos territoires ultramarins écrasés par des contraintes inadaptées. Les autres victimes de ce rouleau compresseur sont nos collectivités. Sur le terrain, nos maires font un boulot héroïque. Face à eux, l'administration se comporte comme une mante religieuse, elle paralyse l'action locale pour la dévorer sous la paperasse.
Simplifions les marchés publics pour leur permettre de commander directement aux entreprises de leur territoire. Enfin, j'alerte ce Parlement. Le prochain budget européen risque d'être vérolé par la gauche avec les conditionnalités du budget genré et le Do No Significant Harm. J'appelle le PPE à se réveiller, ne donnez pas vie à ce délire, cessez de céder aux lubies socialistes et redonnons du bon sens à l'Europe et à la France.
András Gyürk
Köszönöm a szót, elnök asszony. Jelenleg 90 millió európai polgár dolgozik KKV-kban. A feladatunk az, hogy segítsük a boldogulásukat. Ebben Brüsszel és a tagállamok azonban idáig kudarcot vallottak. A sorozatos ígéretek ellenére a KKV-kat sújtó bürokratikus terhek egyre csak nőnek.
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Mr. Jurek for one minute, please.
Ezt jelzi, hogy egyre több kisvállalkozás kényszerül arra, hogy munkaerejének több mint 10 százaléka adminisztratív feladatokat végezzen, ami elfogadhatatlan. Aggályos az energiaárak kérdése is. Ma egy európai kisvállalkozó két-háromszor fizet többet az áramért és négy-ötször a földgázért versenytársaihoz képest. Ilyen tehertétellel mind a versenyképesség, mind a nagyvállalattá történő átalakulás ellehetetlenül. Végül elfogadhatatlan az is, hogy a KKV-k többsége a pályázati feltételek túlzott szigorúsága miatt nem jut célzott támogatásokhoz.
Újabb üres ígéretek helyett a KKV-knak valódi bürokráciacsökkentésre, alacsony energiaárakra és könnyen elérhető támogatásokra van szüksége. Köszönöm a szót.
Thank you very much. And now I will give the floor back to the Commissioner. Commissioner Dombrovskis, please, the floor is yours.
Thank you, Chair, Minister, honorable members.
Valdis Dombrovskis
Thank you for these useful comments and reflections. In finding ways to tackle harmful gold-plating, we must keep in mind that this task is first and foremost the responsibility of Member States when implementing the EU law. The Commission will support Member States in avoiding gold-plating, for example, by providing transposition guidance and a toolkit. We will also play an active role in detecting gold-plating when it occurs and will cooperate with Member States to remove it. Where gold-plating is found to be illegal, the Commission will make use of its most powerful tool, infringement proceedings.
The European Parliament as co-legislator also has an important responsibility to reduce the opportunities for Member States to gold-plate. In sum, the Commission aims to address gold-plating with a focus on protecting the single market, minimizing its detrimental effects on businesses, consumers, and competitiveness as a whole. As we finalize our toolkit and deepen our analysis on the single market barriers in the context of European Semester, we hope to see real changes in the coming months and years. Thank you.
Thank you very much, Commissioner. And now I will give the floor back to the Minister, Minister Byrne, to close the debate, please, the floor is yours.
Thomas Byrne
Thank you very much, Madam Vice-President. Well, I have to say this was a fantastic display of unity today because I think nobody likes gold-plating, nobody in this in this chamber, nobody in the Council, nobody in the Commission, because it undermines the harmonization and the smooth functioning of the single market, which is the backbone of all of our economies in which our SMEs operate. So the Presidency, of course, considers that addressing this to be a crucial topic in Council discussions. But it's up to all of us as well. We are the legislators.
If we see our Member States gold-plating, we should point this out and point out this is not the law that we passed here on behalf of the people in the European Union. So all EU institutions must play their part in preventing and reducing gold-plating and red tape and ensuring that legislation is of a high quality and contains clear and unambiguous rules. The Council is fully committed to the One Europe One Market roadmap and to tackling the terrible ten barriers. Reducing gold-plating is a key element of that commitment. Thank you very much.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, Minister. And the debate is closed.
Then we go to the next item of the agenda, but we just need to exchange speakers, so I will give you a few seconds to do that. Thank you very much, colleagues. So, the next item of the agenda is the presentation by the Council of its position on the draft general budget 2027 financial year. And I will begin by giving the floor to Minister for Finance, Mr. Simon Harris. Please, the floor is yours.
Simon Harris
Go raibh maith agat, thank you very much, President, honorable members, Commissioner. I'm honored to present today the Council's position on the draft budget of the European Union for the financial year 2027. We have worked on the Commission's proposal since it was presented on the 10th of June, and I'm pleased to report that following a thorough examination, the Council adopted its position unanimously on the 4th of September. I'd like to highlight three elements that we consider important. First, the budget must stand at an appropriate level for the implementation of policies and programs.
Second, it must safeguard our ability to cope with ongoing crises and challenges. And thirdly, it must leave room for flexibility to deal with unforeseen circumstances, of which we have seen only too many in recent years. To ensure all of this, the Council's position provides for 191.9 billion euro in commitment appropriations and 202.1 billion euro in payment appropriations, excluding appropriations foreseen for special instruments outside the multiannual financial framework ceilings. In line with the MFF mid-term revision, the budget for 2027 aims to safeguard key EU priorities: our capacity to respond to ongoing crises, notably in Ukraine and in the Middle East, to enhance defense readiness and preparedness, and manage migration pressures. Guided by these priorities that are endorsed by this Parliament, the Council's position has been carefully calibrated to ensure the Union continues to deliver on its commitments while retaining the necessary flexibility to deal with unforeseen challenges in the coming year.
Let me continue by pointing out the main lines of our position. Looking at programs, they will deliver more than in 2026.
However, the Council considers that some of the increases proposed by the Commission compared to the voted budget of 2026 should be moderated. National finances are under pressure and the difficult fiscal situation of the Member States or the unforeseen challenges we've been facing in the recent years should also be taken into account. This is why these adjustments are made across the other budget headings. Nevertheless, the Council also sees where certain programs can be reinforced and in today's difficult geopolitical world, humanitarian aid cannot be overlooked. The Council has consequently increased the Commission's proposed allocation in heading six for this.
Concerning the Union's ability to deal with unforeseen circumstances, we saw the need to limit the use of special instruments and to create additional margins, preserving resources for unforeseen circumstances and for future needs. On debt management, we support the Commission's proposal for the financing costs of the new Ukraine support loan. We took a more cautious stance on the forecasted disbursements related to NextGenerationEU. Our approach to the financing costs of NextGenerationEU is fully consistent with the revised MFF regulation and reflects the agreement reached during the conciliation on the budgets for 2025 and 2026 with regard to the 50-50 approach to be applied annually. The Council's position also includes horizontal adjustments to some support expenditure lines, maintaining them at their 2026 levels.
Finally, turning to payments, the Council has not touched the payment appropriations apart from proportionate changes to the adjustments made in the commitments. The Council's recurrent objective is to ensure that the EU budget is managed prudently, responsibly, and realistically, with a clear focus on achieving tangible results and delivering value for taxpayers' money, benefiting all Europeans. This goes beyond political rhetoric. EU resources must be allocated to where they can have greatest impact while safeguarding the Union's financial sustainability. Moreover, an effective and accountable use of the EU budget will not only strengthen the delivery of the Union's priorities, but will also reinforce citizens' trust in the very European Union.
I look forward to your comments and feedback today and to a constructive dialogue with you today and in the weeks and months ahead. Thank you very much for your attention, go raibh míle maith agaibh go léir.
Thank you very much, Minister for Finance. And now I will give the floor to the Commission and Commissioner Serafin, please, the floor is yours.
Thank you, Madam President, honorable members, dear Deputy Prime Minister. I would like to thank you for the presentation of the position of the Council on the draft budget for 2027.
Piotr Serafin
But as you can also expect, it is an opportunity to share some reflections on your approach. I guess you will not be surprised to hear that in our view, the cut of 1 billion euro proposed by the Council is not justified. The Commission have prepared the draft budget for 2027 in a context of very limited availabilities and flexibilities. We should all be aware of these constraints. This is the last year of the current multiannual financial framework and the space for maneuver is very limited.
Our proposal is prudent and addresses the current challenges to the extent possible. But most importantly, it allows the EU to respect its commitments. That is why we are concerned with the position of the Council. The cuts proposed by the Council target, for example, Horizon Europe, the flagship program for research and development. Digital Europe and Connecting Europe Facility, our common programs to fund investments in digital and trans-border infrastructure.
Erasmus+, one of the most successful programs for our students and researchers.
EU4Health, strengthening our healthcare systems in all Member States. Or the program supporting rights and values at a time they need to be protected as never before. To be frank, we are confused and we do not understand the signal that the Council wanted to send with these cuts. The Council position includes also a cut of 180 million euro for the NGEU financing costs. Let me remind you that the draft budget delivers already on an agreed-together benchmark of 50% for the EURI cascade mechanism.
We need to wait, of course, until the final data are available, but at this point this cut is for sure not justified. On a positive note, let me say that we appreciate that the compromise on Heading 7, Administration, that it does not include major changes to the Commission proposal. This is recognition of the efforts made by the Commission and all institutions to keep administrative spending in check. We will continue these efforts, even if it is clear that the administration will remain under substantial pressure.
Some modifications to the final 2026 salary adjustment rate may be needed after the publication by Eurostat at the end of October. I also want to underline that in its approach for financing the interest costs for Ukraine support loan, the Commission has carefully assessed the existing budgetary availabilities and special instruments while taking into account existing obligations and prudent budgeting. In terms of next steps, the amending letter will include the updates of the needs for the EURI interest line, I referred to it already, the Ukraine support loan and heading 7. It will also include the usual update to agricultural expenditure. Following the Parliament's reading, we will send the usual executability letter as an input to the conciliation.
As always, we'll do our best to facilitate the process and to reach a successful outcome, successful and timely, I should add, outcome on the 2027 budget. Thank you.
Thank you very much, and now we will have the two rapporteurs from the European Parliament speaking. The first one is Mr. Usakovs, please, the floor is yours.
Nils Ušakovs
Thank you, President, Deputy Minister Harris, Commissioner Serafin, colleagues. Europe faces several crises at once, and public finances are among them. No one in this chamber would dispute that prudent budgeting is essential, and especially so for the EU budget.
Minister, thank you for the Council's position on the EU draft general budget 2027. We value it. It does, however, raise questions of method and of consistency. If I understand the method correctly, the Council took the 2026 figure for each line and, wherever the draft budget was higher, simply cut it. Not on budgetary criteria such as absorption, not on political criteria such as lower priority.
A top-down approach that ignores the needs and added value of individual programs. It also does real damage to small budget lines and actually saves at the same time barely half a percent of the overall budget. Allow me to quote the presidency's own program. "We will support all efforts to respond to the exceptional energy crisis facing Europe." And yet, the Connecting Europe Facility, the program that builds on energy interconnections, is cut by 47 million euro.
Another quote: "Health innovation will be a central contributor to Europe's competitiveness and technological leadership." And EU4Health is cut by 41 million after losing 1 billion in the MFF revision.
The health cluster of Horizon Europe loses a further 74 and a half million. One more quote. We will advance educational mobility through Erasmus+. Erasmus+ is cut by 159 million in addition after the Commission's own downward adjustment of 357 million. An unusual way, if I may say so, to advance educational mobility.
Horizon Europe, our flagship, heavily oversubscribed, with a measurable impact on growth and jobs, loses more than 230 million in total. The presidency plans to host an AI summit on empowering our people to thrive in a digital society. Meanwhile, Digital Europe loses 55 million and the digital skills line is cut by more than a third. Behind every one of these lines are our students, our researchers, our patients, our people in Ireland, in Latvia, in every Member State. Minister, we are grateful for this position.
It gives this House every reason to answer with a solid, united counter-proposal, real priorities instead of a sterile, across-the-board haircut, and I trust rather more consistent with the priorities of the presidency itself. Dear shadow rapporteurs, political group advisors, APAs and the budget secretariat, a demanding task lies ahead of us.
Thank you, colleagues.
Thank you very much, and the next speaker, the next rapporteur is Mr. Hajdu-Pandela, arriving. Please, the floor is yours.
Michalis Hadjipantela
Thank you for the floor, Madam President, Honorable Commissioner, Minister Harris, welcome to the European Parliament. Thank you for presenting the Council position on the draft general budget for the European Union for 2027. With this debate, we are entering the final and particularly important stage of the budgetary procedure. As always, our responsibility is to find a European compromise while ensuring that the Union and its institutions have the resources necessary to deliver for European citizens. The 2027 budget comes at a particularly challenging moment.
It is the final year of the current MFF and the pressure on the European budget has increased considerably over the past years. This is particularly evident under Heading 7, which finances the European public administration and the institutions of the Union.
We have to be realistic about the need for efficiency and sound financial management. All institutions have a responsibility to use European taxpayers' money carefully and they have to make significant efforts to improve efficiency, redeploy staff and identify savings. As rapporteur for the other sections, I will continue to focus on the core functions of all the Union's institutions. The European Parliament, the Court of Justice, the Court of Auditors, the European Economic and Social Committee, the Committee of the Regions, the European Ombudsman, the European Data Protection Supervisor and the European External Action Service all have different responsibilities, but they share one fundamental requirement: they must have sufficient capacity to perform the tasks assigned to them in the service of the European citizens. In particular, cybersecurity and physical security have become essential to the functioning of every European institution.
The same applies to the development and responsible use of artificial intelligence. These are not optional investments. They are increasingly necessary conditions for the security, resilience and effective functioning of the Union's administration and for ensuring a safe working environment for those who serve our institutions.
This is not about increasing expenditure for its own sake. It's about making sure that the Union's institutions can do the work that citizens, Member States, and the European Parliament expect them from. The final year of the current MFF should therefore be an opportunity to address the remaining structural pressures under Heading 7. I hope that through constructive negotiations between Parliament, the Council, and the Commission, we will find a balanced solution that respects budgetary discipline while ensuring that the European institutions have the capacity to deliver on their responsibilities. Our citizens expect European institutions that are effective, secure, and capable of responding to the new challenges.
It is our responsibility to make sure that the budget allows them to do precisely that. Thank you.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And now I will give the floor back to Minister Harris to close the debate, please.
The floor is yours.
Simon Harris
Agamil Mahagov, thank you so much, Madam Vice-President, honorable members, Commissioner. Firstly, can I say thank you for this valuable and constructive exchange today. Today's initial exchange and initial debate has shown that despite differing views on specific points, we do all share a common goal. And that common goal and duty is to establish a robust and effective European Union budget in a timely manner for 2027. And I very much look forward to the European Parliament's position on the budget for 2027.
And I hope that that will allow for constructive, meaningful engagement on our respective positions, which will allow us to converge and reach a final agreement in November. We look forward to and trust the Commission's role as an honest broker to bridge that gap between positions and to help develop balanced, compromised solutions. While I'm presenting the Council's position today, the unanimous Council's position, our presidency's aim is defined by action and delivery. And we are determined to achieve the best possible agreement for the budget for 2027 together with you all. Such a budget must balance competing priorities, recognizing that not everything can be prioritized, while remaining accountable and responsive to the needs of our European citizens.
And I'm truly confident that working together, we can achieve that outcome in that timely manner.
So thank you very much again today for your time, for your attention, and I look forward to the constructive engagement in the weeks ahead. Go raibh míle maith agaibh go léir.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. Dear Minister, dear Commissioner and colleagues, thank you very much for your presentations. The debate is closed. And we will move on to the next item on the agenda. I'll give people a chance to arrive and, yeah, good, great.
Yes, the next item on the agenda is the Council and Commission statements: the impact of the implementation of the packaging and packaging waste regulation on SMEs, its administrative burden and challenges for the European single market. And we will give the Minister, Minister Byrne, a chance to get back, so we will just wait a couple of seconds.
Just a few seconds more and then we will begin with the Council. Perfect. Yeah, we need the papers. We will give you a couple of seconds more to get... It's okay, don't worry.
Perfect. Thank you very much. And now I will give the floor to the Council and Minister Byrne again, please, to open the debate. Please, the floor is yours.
Thomas Byrne
Thank you very much, Deputy President, honorable members, Commissioner. One month ago, the EU's new packaging rules came into effect, making an important step towards a more circular and sustainable future for the European Union.
The packaging legislation was agreed with the objective of reducing packaging waste, bringing more recycled materials into circulation, and making packaging safer for consumers. Although our institutions agreed on these rules more than two years ago, these objectives are still crucial and we remain as committed as ever to building a circular economy as we were then. And yet, I thank you for calling the debate today as it brings another crucial perspective into play, the perspective of those who have to comply with the rules. Businesses all over Europe, big or small, look to us to set clear rules. Not weak rules, but simple rules.
And they're right. It's important that the rules we set do not only work for environmental protection, which they must work for environmental protection, but they must work for business as well. As Council Presidency, I can assure you that member states are attached to this principle. We've been working on simplifying various pieces of EU legislation with exactly that purpose, to make the life of EU businesses easier without undermining environmental protection. In the legislative work done over the last years, the Council has paid particular attention to small and medium enterprises.
They're the backbone of our economy. They provide jobs to 90 million people. Now, specifically on the packaging rules, the Council is well aware of the concerns raised about the administrative burden placed on packaging producers, especially for SMEs that only produce a limited amount of packaging every year.
And we heard earlier of one bakery that was caught by some of these rules. The obligation to appoint an authorized representative in up to 27 Member States may appear even more costly for very small producers with limited trade to other Member States. It's therefore appropriate to discuss whether this obligation should be adapted. There are various ways to approach this issue. For instance, exemption thresholds from the obligation to appoint an authorized representative based on national registers or having one EU-wide register of producers.
At the same time, let's not forget the reason why the obligation to appoint an authorized representative was introduced. The current system is set up to ensure fair competition and to avoid free-riding. This is particularly important in the case of packaging producers from third countries who could become nearly untraceable if any changes to the existing regime are not carefully thought through. To that end, we would need to find a comprehensive systemic solution. We believe that the upcoming proposal on the Circular Economy Act is the right platform to define a well-calibrated solution for the different waste streams.
We therefore look to you, Commissioner, expecting a proposal helping to build a single market with a clear set of rules across different product and waste streams. Only with a systemic review can we ensure a careful balance between reducing the administrative burden for EU businesses and therefore helping the creation of jobs and preserve their competitiveness, but also ensuring a level playing field with regard to third-country producers. And I look forward to hearing what the Commission and indeed what the members say here today. Thank you very much.
Thank you very much, Minister. And now for the Commission, Commissioner Roos-Vohl, please, the floor is yours.
Jessika Roswall
Thank you, Madam President, honorable member, Minister Born. Thank you for organizing this debate. This is an important opportunity, first to clarify some aspects of the new Packaging and Packaging Waste Regulation, second also to outline the steps that we are taking to ensure a smooth implementation and ease the burden for SMEs, from bakers that was mentioned, winemakers and online merchants. And third, to ensure you that we have listened to and continue to listen to a wide range of stakeholders throughout this entire journey, especially small businesses. The regulation was designed to cut unnecessary business costs, strengthen circular business models, reduce our dependence on virgin resources, create a more predictable market for investments and decrease waste.
Ambitious but important goals that will boost our competitiveness and protect our economy. Designing this regulation was not easy and the final agreement represents a careful negotiation balance between environmental ambition and economic realities, between harmonization and national circumstances, and between the need to transform our packaging systems on the one hand and the capacity of businesses to adapt on the other. We should preserve that balance. But that does not mean ignoring problems that emerge during implementation. Good regulation means being ready and able to act when rules create unnecessary costs and unintended barriers.
We cannot ask small companies selling small quantities across several Member States to set up authorized representatives in each national market. Hundreds of businesses have spoken to me about this issue. For some, this is forcing them to stop selling across EU and this is totally unacceptable for me. A regulation designed to strengthen the single market cannot create new barriers to participating in it and that is why the Commission acted to provide immediate relief to these businesses. Last December, we proposed to suspend these obligations and I really urge you to approve this proposal as quickly as possible.
More broadly, the regulation already includes exemptions and flexibilities for smaller companies. SMEs want to rely on the documentation available from their packaging suppliers, we clarify that they can. SMEs ask to use the stocks of packaging, we told them how to do so. SMEs said they cannot be ready on day one, we allowed authorities to hold off on imposing fines. But having flexibilities on paper is not enough.
It must also work in practice. And that means ensuring that businesses understand what is required of them, that Member States implement the regulation consistently, and that we intervene when unnecessary complexity emerges. We have established an expert group to give stakeholders a direct voice in implementation. We will improve practical guidance to help SMEs navigate in the new rules, and we are intensifying the discussions with Member States, and also I encourage national authorities to make full use of the flexible available flexibilities that are available. We should also remember that several of the major requirements will only apply from 2030.
Companies will have time to redesign packaging, adapt product lines, establish reuse systems, and invest in new recycling technologies. And we don't stop there.
As part of the upcoming Circular Economy Act, we will ensure that the extended producer responsibility will work better across Europe. Here we will propose clear actions for simplification, harmonization and digitalization to support our SMEs and our single market. Honorable members, this regulation, together with the Circular Economy Act, is an essential building block of a genuine European circular economy. It holds enormous potential for Europe and for European businesses. I have no doubt of this.
For European consumers, it means more protection from substances of concern, including PFAS or the so-called forever chemicals. For our single market and European businesses, it means harmonized packaging rules across Member States with less complexity and less costs. And for Europe's economic resilience, it means less waste, less demand for virgin resources. It means more recycled and more reused where it makes environmental and economic sense. And it means also new markets for circular products and materials.
So let us move forward with ambition in our objectives and pragmatism in how we achieve them.
Let us work together to quickly adopt the simplification proposals that we made in the Omnibus, and let us continue to identify concrete solutions to the problems our businesses encounter. So we can deliver on the single market for the environment and for European SMEs, the backbone of our economy. This is our responsibility, but it's also, as I see it, a major opportunity. So let us grasp this opportunity together. Thank you.
Thank you very much, Commissioner, and we will now go to the round of speakers on behalf of the political groups, beginning with Mr. Salini for two minutes. Please.
Massimiliano Salini
Grazie, Presidente. Grazie, Commissario. Abbiamo, e grazie, signor Ministro. Abbiamo effettivamente concluso nella precedente legislatura uno dei negoziati più complessi. Sono molto felice di vedere qua oggi insieme a me, a noi, i colleghi che hanno condiviso quella fase negoziale così articolata.
L'esito finale è buono, ma è chiaro che adesso bisogna renderlo concretamente percorribile attraverso la fase di implementazione. E come spesso accade su regolamenti così complessi, la fase di implementazione presenta dei possibili inciampi. Sia il Ministro che la Commissaria hanno citato alcuni degli argomenti su cui questo può accadere. L'obiettivo è tutelare la circular economy, però al contempo evitare il più possibile che ci siano barriere interne nel mercato europeo.
Su questo secondo punto stiamo, diciamo, correndo dei pericoli. Il caso, ad esempio, della responsabilità estesa del produttore è stato citato. Il fatto che si individui, appunto, un rappresentante autorizzato per ognuno dei paesi membri può essere un fatto irrilevante per le grandi compagnie, non lo è per le piccole e medie imprese. C'è una discussione nell'Omnibus sull'argomento e io apprezzo molto la decisione della Commissione di intervenire sull'argomento. Io mi auguro che nel negoziato non si riduca alle microimprese questa revisione, ma che venga estesa almeno alle medie, perché anche quelle vengono coinvolte.
Oppure l'annosa questione della interpretazione del bando ex allegato cinque di alcuni imballaggi in plastica. Ecco, diciamo, il negoziato parlamentare aveva generato un risultato. Io mi auguro che l'interpretazione della Commissione non lo contraddica, ad esempio estendendo quel bando anche ai prodotti compositi nei quali sia presente una percentuale inferiore al cinque per cento di plastica, perché la volontà del legislatore è stata chiara e deve essere rispettata. Vi è poi anche il tema del Consiglio, dove a volte alcuni dei punti di accordo che troviamo vengono rallentati per altri motivi. Io mi auguro quindi che si mantengano entrambi gli obiettivi: circular economy forte in Europa e dall'altro una reale armonizzazione tra i ventisette paesi membri.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur Salini.
Nous poursuivons la discussion, Delara Burkhardt.
Delara Burkhardt
Thank you, President, dear Commissioner. Manchmal ist es so, dass sich Kartons schneller stapeln, als die Müllabfuhr kommt. Und dann ist die Frage, wer zahlt eigentlich für die Entsorgung? Und genau hier kommt das Prinzip der erweiterten Herstellerverantwortung ins Spiel. Die Verursacher von Abfällen sollen sich stärker an der Beseitigung dieser Abfälle finanziell beteiligen, denn sonst bleibt das bei den Kommunen bzw. bei den privaten Haushalten hängen.
Die erweiterte Herstellerverantwortung, und dabei geht's hier, darf aber nicht zum Hindernis für den erweiterten Binnenmarkt werden. Der europäische Binnenmarkt ist einer der größten Errungenschaften der europäischen Integration und er muss eben genau besonders für die kleinen Unternehmen funktionieren. Mir hat ein Hersteller von elektronischen Musikinstrumenten aus Leipzig geschrieben. Er hat neun Beschäftigte, liefert in 20 Länder in der EU. Fixkosten für die Registrierung und Benennung von Bevollmächtigten in diesen Ländern für seine Verpackungen sind jährlich ungefähr 5.000 Euro.
Dieser Leipziger Musikinstrumentenhändler will Verantwortung für seine Verpackung übernehmen, das hat er mir geschrieben, aber er kann schlicht und einfach keine 20 nationalen Systeme bespielen. Er wird daher als Konsequenz Länder aus seinem Shop rausnehmen müssen. Das ist ein Verlust für den Händler, aber es ist vor allen Dingen auch ein Verlust für die Vielfalt in unserem Binnenmarkt und für uns als Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher. Ein fairer Binnenmarkt sieht anders aus. Regeln müssen so gestaltet sein, dass kleine europäische Unternehmen grenzüberschreitend tätig sein können und nicht strukturell gegenüber großen Plattformen benachteiligt werden.
Dabei schickt er teilweise nur bis zu vier Pakete in diese 20 Länder.
Und dafür brauchen wir die erweiterte Herstellerverantwortung, aber eben europäisch. Die Abschaffung der Bevollmächtigtenpflicht im grenzüberschreitenden Handel ist deswegen nur ein erster Schritt. Wir brauchen einen größeren Wurf über das Kreislaufwirtschaftsgesetz, ein europäischer digitaler One-Stop-Shop und nicht 27 nationale Bürokratien.
Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, votre PPWR est une immondice bureaucratique de plus made in Brussels. Au nom de l'écologie, vous imposez à toutes nos PME et micro-entreprises de s'enregistrer dans chaque pays de l'Union européenne pour désigner un mandataire.
Anne-Sophie Frigout
27 fois, 27 formulaires, et à chaque fois, cela représente entre 600 et 2000 euros de frais par an. Pour un caviste, un éditeur, un artisan français, c'est tout simplement la mort de l'export. Et qui paiera la facture ? Le consommateur, parce qu'au bout du compte, ces frais, ce sont toujours les prix qui les absorbent. Et le pire est que vous avez avoué avoir demandé aux États de ne pas appliquer vos règles, de ne pas sanctionner les entreprises, parce que ce texte est, je cite, clairement disproportionné.
Vous l'avez rédigé, vous l'avez voté, et vous demandez vous-même de ne pas l'appliquer. Un comble. Alors arrêtez l'hypocrisie. Abrogez ce texte, rendez aux États et à nos entreprises la liberté d'entreprendre et cessez vos mesures d'écologie punitive.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Je ne vois pas Jacek Ozdoba, à moins qu'il arrive maintenant. Il pourra prendre la parole plus tard s'il rejoint l'hémicycle. Ana Vasconcelos.
Speaker 197
Colleagues, the ideal of the single market is that anyone in a Member State can sell across all 27 Member States without borders. I can only imagine the perplexity of so many Europeans with small businesses when they realized in the middle of August that yet another bureaucratic barrier was raised for them to operate in the single market, realizing that it is now easier to sell outside of the EU for them than inside of the EU. And just in the past month alone, since these rules came into force, several businesses announced they were canceling their shipping orders or shutting down their businesses altogether. This is simply unacceptable for the EU. Even more perplexing is that the Commission saw this coming and tried to stop it, and Parliament is broadly supportive of its initiative to do so, of suspending these rules.
So what is really perplexing is that Council refused initially to negotiate. Now we asked, as parliamentarians, a group of us, if Council wants to reconsider its position. I think I got another minute from my colleague who didn't speak?
Ten seconds.
I'll finish.
Ten seconds.
We have seen hopeful signs from some member states that they are moving in that direction, and my appeal is that we deliver fast. The circular economy cannot come at the cost of the single market and surely not at the cost of hardworking Europeans. Thank you.
Jutta Paulus
Merci beaucoup, Jutta Paulus. Vielen Dank, Herr Präsident, liebe Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, ohne vernünftige Abfallverwertung keine Kreislaufwirtschaft. Und wer Verpackungen in Verkehr bringt, muss Verantwortung für Sammlung und Entsorgung übernehmen. Logisch. Klar ist aber auch, die Umsetzung muss verhältnismäßig sein.
Seit August muss ein kleines Unternehmen, das nur wenige Pakete über die Grenze schickt, einen Bevollmächtigten benennen in jedem EU-Mitgliedstaat, in den es liefert. Für Amazon und Zalando sind solche Verpflichtungen kein Problem, für ein Kleinstunternehmen aber schon. Bis zu 26 Registrierungen für vielleicht ein paar Handvoll Kunden, das ist kein freier Binnenmarkt, das ist ein Markt mit 26 Hindernissen.
Und das geht zu weit. Es ist mir ein Rätsel, wieso ein Unsinn in den Gesetzesvorschlag der Kommission geraten konnte und in den Verhandlungen durchrutschen konnte. Das hat weder der Check für SMEs gefunden, noch die selbsternannte Wirtschaftspartei EVP. Aber ich will auch klarstellen: Korrekturen ja, Abschaffen nein. Denn der Freifahrtschein für große Online-Unternehmen lässt unsere Kommunen und Bürger auf den Kosten sitzen.
Deshalb sinnvolle Schwellenwerte zur Entlastung der Kleinstunternehmen und ein digitales Online-Portal statt Papierkrieg in 21 Amtssprachen. Danke schön.
Hanna Gedin
Jag är väldigt glad att vi nu sätter högre press på storföretagen och e-handelsjättarna. Äntligen så måste de ta ansvar för den enorma mängd avfall som de står för. 173 kilo förpackningsavfall per person i snitt i EU 2023 och prognosen är en explosionsartad ökning.
Hav fyllda av plast, skogar som huggs ner och här måste företagen ta sitt ansvar. Men nu hör vi också rop på hjälp från de allra minsta företagarna. Enskilda lokala skapare som står inför samma regler som e-handelsjättar som Amazon. Under sommaren så har person efter person hört av sig för att de är rädda. Rädda att behöva sluta göra det som driver dem.
Stina som gör klistermärken och vykort, Elena som tillverkar egen parfym. Stina skriver att hon upplever att mikroföretagen kastas ut med badvattnet till förmån för de miljövidriga e-handelsjättarna. Låt oss inte glömma syftet med förordningen, en enad motreaktion till jättarnas ohämmade förpackningsslöseri och utsläpp. Och vi i Vänstern vi kommer aldrig att acceptera att reglerna vattnas ur och skräpet fortsätter förgifta vår jord. Men låt oss hjälpa de minsta för schysstare konkurrens och mer tid till anpassning.
De kreativa mikroföretagen som faktiskt utgör mer hållbara alternativ till storföretagen.
Småbarnsmamman som börjat sälja sina handgjorda bokmärken, hon ska inte behöva konkurrera på Jeff Bezos villkor.
Arno Bausemer
Ja, Herr Vorsitzender, meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren, gute Absichten können Politik nicht ersetzen und sind auch noch lange keine gute Politik. Der europäische Binnenmarkt ist ohne tatsächlichen Wettbewerb unvorstellbar, aber dieser Wettbewerb braucht natürlich auch faire Regeln. Die heute diskutierte Verpackungsverordnung ist wieder ein trauriges Beispiel für Überregulierung und damit für unfaire Regeln. Wenn etwa kleine und mittelständische Versandtreuhäuser, ihre Händler, ihre Waren ins Ausland verkaufen, dann sollen diese Unternehmen sich separat in jedem Land registrieren und sogar einzelne Bevollmächtigte benennen. Diese bürokratische Mehrbelastung wäre unsinnig, sie wäre teuer und sie wäre der Sargnagel für viele kleine und mittelständische Unternehmen.
Wenn Frau von der Leyen mit ihrer Kommission diesen kleinen, vor allem Familienunternehmen den Krieg erklären möchte, dann müssen wir als Parlament diesen Unsinn stoppen. Mit der ESN-Fraktion wird es diesen Unsinn jedenfalls nicht geben. Ein weiterer Anstieg der Betriebspleiten muss jedenfalls zum Schutz unserer Volkswirtschaften und zum Schutz unserer Bürger unbedingt verhindert werden. Und deshalb gehört diese Verpackungsverordnung ohne Umweg selbst in den politischen Mülleimer. Vielen Dank.
Peter Liese
Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, es ist richtig, dass wir auch durch europäische Regeln die Plastikflut, die Verpackungsflut insgesamt bekämpfen. Aber wir haben hier wirklich extreme bürokratische Auswüchse und das Parlament ist sich hier einig. Wir brauchen ganz schnell Änderungen gegen diese bürokratischen Auswüchse. Aber wie konnte es dazu kommen? Und liebe Kollegin Paulus, eigentlich wollte ich heute nicht die Geschichte wiederholen, aber die EVP anzugreifen in dieser Situation zwingt mich dazu.
Im letzten Parlament hat die EVP frühzeitig gesagt, wir machen zu viel. Stopp, halt, nicht jedes Problem, was die Grünen in zehn Jahren identifiziert haben, kann auf einmal im grünen Sinne geregelt werden. Und als wir Stopp, halt gesagt haben, hat die Kollegin Paulus mich angerufen und gesagt: Warum bist du gegen das Nature Restoration Law? Da hab ich gesagt: Weil wir zu viel auf einmal machen und da passieren Fehler. Und ich hab die Kollegin Paulus gefragt: Weißt du, was wir gerade bei der Verpackungsverordnung machen?
Und dann hat sie mir wörtlich gesagt: Da habe ich keine Ahnung von, das macht ein Kollege. Heute hier die EVP zu beschimpfen ist unanständig, Kollegin Paulus. Das geht so nicht. Unser Gegner sitzt hier. Der Rat, die Omnibusse sind gut.
Die korrigieren die Fehlentwicklungen aus der letzten Periode.
Und an dieser Stelle blockiert der Rat. Ich sag's auf Englisch: Minister, shame on you, shame on your presidency and shame on the member states. Und zu den Rechten: Sie singen immer das Hohelied der Mitgliedstaaten. Nicht das Parlament, nicht die Kommission verhindert hier eine bürokratische Erleichterung, sondern der Rat. Machen Sie Druck.
Younous Omarjee
Mr. Liese, Mr. Liese, Mr. Liese, dear Mr. Liese, Mr. Liese, you have a blue card. Yes, yes, Mr. Liese, yes, you have a blue card, but Madame Paulus have the right for a response, so I give you the floor.
Jutta Paulus
Ja, ich mache es auch kurz. Als du mich angerufen hast wegen Nature Restoration Law, ging es nicht um die Verpackungsverordnung. Ich will aber nur damit sagen, in den Verhandlungen hat offensichtlich keine der beteiligten Parteien gesagt, Moment, was bedeutet das für Kleinstunternehmen? Denn auch meine Fraktion wäre selbstverständlich bereit gewesen, hier vernünftige Schwellenwerte oder Ausnahmen festzulegen. Es hat einfach niemand dran gedacht.
Auch die Kommission nicht, auch meine Fraktion nicht, aber auch Ihre Fraktion nicht. Danke.
Peter Liese
Also, dass da niemand dran gedacht hat, das stimmt. Und das liegt eben daran, dass wir zu viel auf dem Tisch hatten. Und dass die kleinen Unternehmen eben keine Lobby in Brüssel haben. Und das muss sich natürlich ändern. Aber dieser Satz ist gefallen, liebe Jutta Paulus.
Ich habe gesagt: Weißt du, was wir gerade bei der Verpackungsverordnung verhandeln? Und deine Antwort war: Das weiß ich nicht, weil das verhandelt ein Kollege. So, und das ist doch symptomatisch, dass wir Gesetze beschließen, wo selbst die Grünen nicht mehr wissen, was ihre verschiedenen grünen Ideen am Ende bewirken. Und deswegen brauchen wir diese Omnibusse. Und deswegen muss auch der Rat an der Stelle konstruktiver mitarbeiten, als dass er das bisher getan hat.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Vous poursuivrez cet échange peut-être en dehors de cette enceinte. La parole est à Heléne Fritzon.
Heléne Fritzon
Tack, herr talman, kommissionär Roswall. Ja, Europa måste minska mängden förpackningsavfall. Och just därför behövs denna reglering och därför ska ambitionerna i den cirkulära omställningen vara höga.
Men höga ambitioner handlar också om att ta vara på det som redan fungerar. I mitt land i Sverige har vi byggt upp ett pantsystem där konsumenter, producenter och handel tillsammans tar ansvar. Och nästan nio av tio burkar och PET-flaskor samlas in och kan bli till nya förpackningar. När denna reglering nu genomförs så måste nya krav på återanvändning utformas så att de inte motverkar de välfungerande system som redan levererar hög insamling och materialåtervinning. Vi måste höja blicken.
Om jag åker och handlar i Tyskland och köper en PET-flaska så borde man kunna panta den i mitt hemland i Sverige. Så vi tar höjd för höga gemensamma miljökrav i Europa. Tack.
Paní komisařko, kolegyně, kolegové. Zeptejte se malé firmy, která obchoduje přes hranice, kolik ji stojí povinný zástupce v jiném členském státě. Tyto náklady často převyšují hodnotu zboží, které tam prodá. I členské státy upozorňují na nedostatečnou právní jistotu a nejednotný výklad.
Antonín Staněk
Firmy přitom musí nařízení o obalech dodržovat již dnes. Kolegové, pokud stejné obavy vyjadřují podnikatelé i vlády napříč Evropou, je zjevné, že problém je v nastavení pravidel. Podporuji výjimku pro firmy s malým objemem obalů a systém One Stop Shop, jedno kontaktní místo, jeden systém, ne 27 různých administrativních režimů. Rada jednání v červnu pozastavila, je čas je znovu otevřít. Každý další měsíc odkladu znamená, že firmy platí za regulační nejistotu, které samy nezpůsobily.
Jednotný trh nemůže fungovat, jestli malé firmy platí za administrativu víc než za zboží, které prodávají.
Buongiorno a tutti. PPWR perfetto, però voglio rompere le scatole alla commissaria perché uno, il PPWR, SUP, CLP e Critical Raw Material dicono quattro cose un po' diverse e questo è già un problema.
Younous Omarjee
Seconda cosa, armonizzazione in Europa. Molti materiali riciclati hanno definizioni diverse in vari Stati. L'atto scorso settimana ero in un impianto di riciclo del litio, è più facile per loro esportare in Cina per poi riportarlo dalla Cina che non esportare in Francia dall'Italia e questa è una roba da pazzi. E un ultimo punto è in alcune zone europee, soprattutto dove sono meno densamente popolati, c'è mancanza di materiale riciclato per cui saranno anche dei problemi a ottenere e arrivare ai numeri che sono delineati dentro il PPWR. Per cui io quello che chiedo è guardiamo queste cose qua, aumentiamo il riciclo, togliamo tutte queste robe, armonizziamo l'Europa.
Ci deve essere la libera circolazione dei materiali perché altrimenti il PPWR sarà solamente... Merci beaucoup. Merci beaucoup, Sigfried Mureşan.
En kæmpestor multinational koncern eller en lille enkeltmandsvirksomhed er to helt forskellige ting. Og det skal vi lige holde os for øje, når vi laver lovgivning. Vi skal selvfølgelig have grønne ambitioner for klodens skyld.
Sigrid Friis
Vi skal også samtidig passe på vores små europæiske virksomheder. Den gode nyhed er, at begge dele er muligt. Men det skal ikke være sådan, at små virksomhedsejere frygter, at deres virksomheder kommer til at betale den største pris for at være med på Europas indre marked. Fordi en lille butik med begrænset salg af få varer får uforholdsmæssigt høje administrative omkostninger. De allermindste virksomheder har brug for, at vi kommer dem til undsætning nu, og derfor bør medlemslandene genoptage forhandlingerne om miljøomnibussen.
Det gælder både klodens ressourcer, sørge for at reducere emballageaftrykket for emballageaffald, og så at kombinere den vigtige og rigtige prioritet med de rigtige proportioner. Vi kan gøre det klarere, og vi kan gøre det klogere end i dag, og derfor er det tilbage til forhandlingsbordet.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup d'avoir respecté scrupuleusement votre temps de parole. Volker Wissing.
Herr Präsident, meine Damen und Herren, die EU-Verpackungsverordnung ist für kleine Händler, Selbstständige und Handwerksbetriebe nichts weniger als eine Zumutung. Wer nur wenige Pakete in andere EU-Staaten verschickt, soll sich mit Registrierungen, Gebühren, Berichtspflichten und Bevollmächtigten in den einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten herumschlagen. So schafft man keinen Binnenmarkt, so errichtet man neue Bürokratiegrenzen.
Volker Schnurrbusch
Mehr als 80.000 betroffene Bürger fordern ein Moratorium, und selbst die Kommission hat inzwischen erkannt, dass das eine Fehlleistung war. Wir brauchen ein Moratorium für die grenzüberschreitenden Pflichten, eine EU-weite Bagatellgrenze für Kleinstunternehmen und endlich eine zentrale Anlaufstelle statt eines Flickenteppichs nationaler Vorschriften. Unser Mittelstand braucht Rechtssicherheit und weniger Brüsseler Bürokratie. Und an die Adresse von Dr. Liese, der ist nicht mehr da, und Frau Paulus und von der SPD-Kollegin: Die einzigen, die dagegen gestimmt haben im Umweltausschuss 2023, waren wir. Eine Kollegin von mir hat damals im Umweltausschuss als einzige dagegen gestimmt, und heute jammern diejenigen, die uns das eingebrockt haben, jammern darüber, dass sie einen Fehler gemacht haben.
Bisschen spät.
Herr talman, fru kommissionär. Vi vill alla att EU ska minska mängden förpackningsavfall och ta miljöfrågorna på allvar. Men vi måste också se till samtidigt att reglerna fungerar för de företag som faktiskt vill följa dem. Tänk er en småföretagare som tillverkar smycken i mitt hemland Sverige.
Jessica Polfjärd
Genom sin webbshop har hon fått kunder över hela Europa och byggt upp ett företag som fungerar. Men nu möts hon av nya krav på registrering, rapportering och producentansvar i varje medlemsland hon säljer till. För att skicka några få paket kan administrationen till slut kosta mer än vad själva försäljningen inbringar. Då återstår kanske bara ett alternativ: att sluta sälja till kunder i andra EU-länder eller i värsta fall att lägga ner sin verksamhet. Småföretag som byggts upp tack vare EU:s inre marknad riskerar nu att behöva stänga ner på grund av den, för att de inte längre kan använda den möjlighet och de stora möjligheter som ges tack vare den.
Och det här är helt orimligt. Hela tanken med EU:s inre marknad är att det ska bli enklare, inte svårare, för företag att sälja över gränserna. Vi behöver därför mer proportionalitet och enklare harmoniserade regler för småföretag. Kommissionen måste agera nu innan fler småföretag tvingas att lägga ner.
För EU:s inre marknad ska öppna dörrar för småföretag, inte stänga dem. Tack.
César Luena
Merci, président. El reglamento de envases acaba realmente de empezar a implementarse, pero hay quienes ya quieren utilizar cualquier problema o dificultad en su aplicación para reabrirlo y rebajar sus objetivos. Comisaria, no cometamos ese error. Es cierto que existe un problema concreto para una microempresa que vende pequeñas cantidades en varios Estados miembros, tener que nombrar a ese representante autorizado en cada país y enfrentarse a sistemas nacionales distintos, pues genera costes y cargas desproporcionadas. Eso es así.
Pero resolvamos ese problema concreto con una manera específica, no reabriendo el reglamento o desmontándolo. Por eso yo creo que suspender esa obligación durante años tampoco va a ser una solución. Eso va a ser aplazar el problema. Solución que le planteo: aproveche la futura ley de economía circular, presente una solución europea que simplifique, que armonice los sistemas de responsabilidad ampliada del productor y que facilite el comercio transfronterizo, especialmente para las empresas más pequeñas. La solución está en la ley de economía circular, no en reabrir, desmontar o en rebajar el reglamento.
Elisabeth Dieringer
Bei vielen europäischen Gesetzen erreicht man leider nicht das, was die Bevölkerung von uns erwartet, nämlich eine Verbesserung. Man denke nur an die Medizinprodukteverordnung von 2021, die aus einer linken Moralpanik heraus entstand, mit der Folge dreimal längerer Zulassungswartezeiten und massiver Kostensteigerungen für europäische Patienten. Bei der Verpackungsverordnung ist es wieder einmal so weit. Der fromme Wunsch, Verpackungsmaterial zu minimieren, wurde zum Bürokratiealptraum. Kleine und mittlere Unternehmen stellen wegen rechtlicher Unsicherheiten reihenweise den Versand ins Ausland ein.
Kein Wunder: In der Folgenabschätzung der Kommission werden KMUs nicht als betroffene Gruppe aufgeführt, sondern schlicht als Hersteller deklariert. Ob Konzern oder Ein-Personen-Startup ist völlig egal. Weiter führen vage definierte Strafen zur absoluten Fragmentierung des Binnenmarktes. Nationale Behörden sollen sie umsetzen. Nur haben elf Mitgliedstaaten noch nicht einmal eine zuständige Behörde benannt.
Das Gesetz schafft also 27 verschiedene Wahrscheinlichkeiten einer Bestrafung für dasselbe Vergehen. Es ist wie so oft bei EU-Gesetzen: gut gemeint, schlecht gemacht.
Tack. Ett av huvudargumenten att gå med i EU, det var den fria handeln. Men nu, nu lyckas EU förstöra även det här.
Beatrice Timgren
Titta bara på det nya förslaget om förpackningar. Om du driver en webbshop och får kunder i ett annat EU-land, då borde ju det vara fantastiskt: fler jobb, fler kunder, bättre ekonomi. Men nej. Säljer du direkt till konsument i ett annat EU-land, då ska du utse särskilt ombud och du ska registrera dig. De stora företagen, de klarar det här.
Men ta ett litet företag, till exempel en liten garnbutik, där ägaren kanske själv sitter med administrationen. Det blir helt omöjligt. EU skulle riva handelshinder. Nu bygger man nya. För om EU inte ens kan leverera fri handel, då måste man ställa sig frågan: vad är ens poängen med att vara med i EU?
Tack.
Dear Commissioner, dear colleagues. Seit August stirbt das Herz der Europäischen Union, der Binnenmarkt, jeden Tag ein kleines Stückchen mehr, denn die Verpackungsverordnung PPWR ist in Kraft getreten.
Andreas Glück
Und es beinhaltet eine neue Pflicht für kleine Versandhändler auch, für alle Versandhändler, unabhängig von der Größe, dass man, wenn man Pakete ins EU-Ausland verschicken muss, neue Auflagen erfüllt werden müssen, zum Beispiel ein bevollmächtigter Vertreter benannt werden muss, was mit hohen Kosten verbunden ist. Von wegen niemand hat das Risiko erkannt. Die FDP hat dieses Gesetz ganz klar abgelehnt und von dem her stimmt es einfach nicht, was der Kollege da vorher gesagt hat. Der grenzüberschreitende Handel wird so jetzt abgewürgt. Und wer in Sonntagsreden Bürokratieabbau verspricht und unter der Woche solche Gesetze entscheidet, das kann nicht richtig sein.
Das führt zum Vertrauenslust von Menschen. Irgendwann mal hat das Problem auch die Kommission erkannt. Dann kam aber die Blockade durch den Rat, viel zu lange. Auch Deutschland viel zu lange im Bremserhäuschen. Jetzt langsam ein Umdenken.
Liebe Freunde, wenn wir tatsächlich nicht noch mehr Vertrauen verlieren wollen in die Demokratie, dann muss so ein Blödsinn schnell aufgeräumt werden.
Gracias, presidente, comisaria Roswall. Reducir los residuos de envases, mejorar la circularidad y armonizar las normas son objetivos sin duda positivos. Por eso, el Reglamento de envases y residuos de envases ha contado con un amplio apoyo. Pero una buena legislación no se mide solo por sus objetivos, también se mide por su aplicación.
Speaker 218
Mire, si queremos obtener resultados, debemos afrontar las dificultades que plantea el Reglamento. Su aplicación debe reforzar el mercado, no fragmentarlo. Tenemos que ser realistas. Si estamos comprometidos con nuestra industria, con nuestras pymes y con la competitividad europea, debemos escucharles y avanzar de su mano. La competencia global es feroz y nuestras empresas ya soportan demasiadas cargas burocráticas.
Cada euro, cada hora que una pyme dedica a trámites administrativos son recursos que no puede destinar a innovar, invertir o crecer, en definitiva, a ser más competitiva. Impulsar la economía circular y fortalecer nuestro tejido empresarial no son objetivos incompatibles, al contrario, deben avanzar juntos. Por eso la Comisión debe dar solución a los reclamos planteados y avanzar hacia una verdadera economía circular, un marco más simple, coherente y predecible. Necesitamos seguridad jurídica, reglas claras y un mercado que funcione sin cargas innecesarias. Permitamos a nuestras empresas, especialmente a nuestras pymes, sean parte de la solución y puedan competir en mejores condiciones en nuestro mercado.
Muchas gracias.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, dear colleague. There's a request for blue card come from João Oliveira. No? Okay. Sorry.
We continue our discuss with Alessandra Moretti.
Alessandra Moretti
Il regolamento imballaggi e rifiuti è un pilastro imprescindibile del nostro cammino verso un'economia circolare. Di fronte alla crisi climatica, agli sconvolgimenti meteorologici, non possiamo permetterci passi indietro. Deviare oggi significherebbe tradire i nostri impegni e prolungare un modello insostenibile, creando i presupposti per un disastro ambientale, ma anche economico e sociale. Tuttavia la transizione ecologica non può avvenire sulla carta. Deve realizzarsi nelle fabbriche, con i lavoratori, tra la gente.
Per questo dobbiamo garantire che questi obblighi siano semplici da attuare per le nostre industrie, fornendo loro tutto il supporto di cui hanno bisogno. In particolare le piccole e medie imprese, che rappresentano il motore della nostra economia, ma dispongono di minori risorse, devono avere sostegno, sentire che l'Europa è con loro. Con gli obiettivi fissi e i tempi previsti, chiediamo anche più semplificazione amministrativa, incentivi finanziari condizionati e linee guida chiare. Grazie.
Virginie Joron
Merci Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Ministre, Madame la Commissaire.
Tout le monde connaît cette expression : faites ce que je dis mais pas ce que je fais. La Commission européenne, elle, semble avoir choisi une autre devise : ne faites ni ce que je dis ni ce que je fais. C'est toute la philosophie du règlement emballage ou PPWR pour les adeptes. Quatre lettres qui sentent bon la bureaucratie hors-sol. Quatre lettres qui pourraient bientôt conduire à l'interdiction des emballages des packs d'eau.
C'est la Commission européenne qui décidera de leur sort. Voilà où nous en sommes chers collègues. À Bruxelles nous allons bientôt devoir décider si nos concitoyens européens pourront continuer à porter, acheter un pack d'eau ou s'ils devront désormais porter leurs bouteilles une par une. On pourrait en rire si ce n'était pas si révélateur d'une Union européenne pardon à l'ouest. On l'a vu avec les bouchons de bouteilles d'eau et donc chère Madame la Commissaire je vous demanderai juste une seule chose : pas de revoir cette copie mais tout simplement de la jeter dans la poubelle jaune.
L'industrie a besoin d'une visibilité et de cohérence. Je vous remercie.
Sander Smit
Voorzitter, commissaris, de nieuwe verpakkingsverordening raakt nu elk bedrijf dat een doos of pakketje verstuurt.
Niet alleen multinationals, ook de zuivelhandelaar, de boer, de bakker. De webwinkel van Renske uit Etten-Leur kan voorlopig niet aan Europese klanten leveren, omdat onze ondernemers in rechtsonzekerheid worden gestort. De registratie, gemachtigden en rapportages per land zijn vaak duurder of gecompliceerder dan de bestelling zelf. Dat is geen interne markt, commissaris, dat is een interne markt aan diggelen. Een schoolvoorbeeld van doorgeschoten groene EU-regeldruk.
Goede bedoelingen, slechte uitvoering. De Commissie hield star vast aan de invoeringsdatum, waar ondernemers om uitstel vroegen. Ondernemers hebben meer nodig. Eén registratie voor de hele Unie en werkbare vrijstellingen voor het mkb. Anders prijzen we onze ondernemers uit de interne markt, en dat kan toch niet de bedoeling zijn.
Dank u wel.
Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin. Über den Sommer haben sich auch bei mir zahlreiche Kleinunternehmen gemeldet, die ihre Produkte nicht nur in Deutschland, sondern selbstverständlich in anderen Mitgliedstaaten verkaufen wollen. Doch statt eines funktionierenden Binnenmarktes haben sie Bekanntschaft mit der neuen Verpackungsverordnung gemacht. Zusätzliche Registrierungspflichten, Kosten, unterschiedliche nationale Verfahren.
Oliver Schenk
Entweder haben sie ihren Versand eingestellt oder sie sind zu Amazon gegangen auf den Marketplace. Die Kommission sagt heute selbst, eine Regelung, die den Binnenmarkt stärken soll, darf keine neuen Hürden für den Binnenmarkt schaffen. Und genau darum geht es. Wenn kleine Unternehmen wegen einer europäischen Vorschrift den Verkauf in andere Mitgliedstaaten einstellen, dann ist nicht das Unternehmen das Problem, dann ist die Vorschrift das Problem. Deshalb haben wir Ihnen, liebe Frau Kommissarin, als CDU/CSU-Gruppe konkrete Vorschläge unterbreitet.
Eine vorübergehende Aussetzung reicht nicht. Wir brauchen eine einfache, dauerhafte und rechtssichere Lösung. Entlastung bei der Bevollmächtigtenpflicht und ein möglichst einheitliches europäisches Registrierungsverfahren. Sie haben bereits weitere Vereinfachungen im Circular Economy Act angekündigt. Das ist gut.
Diese müssen jetzt konkrete Entlastung für unsere Unternehmen bringen. Das wird auch unser Maßstab der Bewertung des neuen Acts sein. Europa braucht beides: ehrgeizigen, ambitionierten Umweltschutz und einen Binnenmarkt, der diesen Namen verdient und unsere Wettbewerbsfähigkeit stärkt. Vielen Dank.
Kære kollegaer, jeg kommer fra Vestjylland, og der ved vi godt, hvem der betaler, når EU finder på nye tossede regler.
Majbritt Birkholm
Det gør borgerne, og det gør virksomhederne. Og se bare på emballageforordningen. Et godt formål, det drukner i krav om registrering og papirarbejde. Det koster tid, det koster penge, og regningen den ender hos forbrugerne. Vi taler om Europas konkurrenceevne, om at skabe arbejdspladser, men hvad gør vi?
Vi lægger lag på lag på lag af regler oven på virksomhederne. Og det er de små og mellemstore virksomheder, der bløder, for giganterne, de har jurister og konsulenter til at klare det, men det har de mindre virksomheder ikke. Vi tvinger simpelthen virksomhederne ud af Europa med bøvl og bureaukrati. Og sådan er EU: ét problem, tusind regler, og til sidst et bureaukratisk monster, som ingen kan overskue. Vi skal gøre det lettere at drive virksomhed i Europa, og så skal vi stoppe med at sende regningen til borgere, som i forvejen bliver mødt af tårnhøje priser.
Tak for ordet.
Paolo Inselvini
Grazie, Presidente, Commissario. Sul packaging si sta commettendo l'ennesimo errore. Si impone nuovi obblighi e si lascia alle imprese, le PMI e gli artigiani senza indicazioni chiare su come rispettarli.
Il regolamento è in vigore da un mese, ma chiediamo alle imprese di investire oggi e poi regolamenteremo domani. È un'assurdità e purtroppo a pagarne il costo sono quelli che lavorano, producono e creano occupazione. Per anni, infatti, abbiamo chiesto alle imprese di investire miliardi nel riciclo. L'Italia ha risposto raggiungendo l'85%, costruendo una filiera di eccellenza fatta di aziende che hanno investito e innovato. Oggi invece diciamo a queste imprese che il riciclo è un errore, che bisogna puntare sul riuso, anche quando le analisi del ciclo di vita dimostrano che sarebbe utile il contrario.
Ma che senso ha quindi chiedere investimenti e sacrifici se poi si cambia continuamente direzione? Non si può chiedere alle imprese di programmare il futuro se non si hanno regole certe. Quindi, lasciate lavorare le imprese, perché la transizione tanto cara si fa con loro, non contro di loro. E soprattutto l'economia circolare si fa riciclando gli imballaggi e non imballando le imprese nella burocrazia. Grazie.
Merci beaucoup, cher collègue, Ingeborg Ter Laak.
Thank you, thank you Chair, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner.
Ingeborg Ter Laak
Honderden e-mails hebben we gekregen sinds afgelopen zomer, sinds het ingaan van de nieuwe verpakkingswet. Allemaal voornamelijk kleine bedrijven die tegen ons zeiden: wij willen verduurzamen, maar op deze manier werkt het niet voor ons. De nieuwe wet stelt regels om het aantal verpakkingsmateriaal te verminderen, om te zorgen dat het duurzamer van duurzamer materiaal is gemaakt, dat we beter kunnen recyclen en het hergebruik. Allemaal belangrijk en doelen waar ik ook volledig achter sta. Maar we zullen het samen moeten doen.
Het moet praktisch uitvoerbaar blijven. En als Parlement moeten we ervoor zorgen dat we dit probleem nu aanpakken en het bedrijfsleven tegemoetkomen. Ik hoor van ondernemers dat ze juist graag willen verduurzamen. Ze willen hun steentje bijdragen. Niet alleen omdat ze maatschappelijk verantwoord willen zijn, maar omdat ze erin geloven dat dat duurzame bedrijfsvoering is.
En we kunnen het als Parlement niet alleen. We hebben hiervoor de lidstaten nodig. Dus laten we onze groene ambities vasthouden, doe het samen, maar durf ook te luisteren naar de praktijk als het anders moet. Dank u wel.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Ingeborg. Yes, vous avez une demande de blue card de João Oliveira. Monsieur Oliveira, vous avez la parole.
Obrigado, Presidente. Senhora Deputada Ter Laak, tendo em conta as suas responsabilidades e as responsabilidades do Partido Popular Europeu neste ficheiro, queria colocar-lhe quatro questões muito concretas.
João Oliveira
Primeiro, se defende a manutenção dos critérios de redução de embalagens e de salvaguardas de matérias-primas que estão na base deste regulamento que estamos a discutir. Em segundo lugar, se está de acordo com derrogações aos Estados-Membros para que possam adaptar os métodos e os mecanismos e o horizonte temporal para alcançar os objetivos que estão definidos em função da sua realidade concreta. Em terceiro lugar, se concorda com o apoio aos investimentos necessários para prosseguir os objetivos nacionais de gestão de resíduos. Estas são questões absolutamente essenciais nesta discussão que estamos a fazer a propósito do alívio das pequenas e médias empresas nesta matéria. Merci.
Dank u wel. En dank u wel, collega, voor uw vraag. Ik denk dat het essentieel is dat we het samen met het bedrijfsleven oppakken. Kleine ondernemers hebben niet de tijd om naar Brussel te komen en zich in te lezen in onze nieuwe regels. Maar zij moeten wel kunnen ondernemen, innoveren en ook verduurzamen.
En voor die uitdaging staan we gezamenlijk. Dank u wel.
Ivaylo Valchev
Благодаря, господин председател. Уважаеми колеги, много е радостно, че все повече говорим и гласуваме за намаляване на свръхрегулациите, за повишаване на конкурентоспособността и за стимулиране на икономиката, но хората искат от нас реални действия. На първо място трябва да опростяваме общоевропейското законодателство, а не да усложняваме националното. Нужни са облекчения за малките и средни предприятия, които не могат да усетят в достатъчна степен ползите от единния пазар. Един пример за свръхрегулация и абсурдна административна тежест, които са създадени с текстове, гласувани в тази зала, е темата на настоящия ни дебат.
Европейските занаятчии не са индустриални замърсители, които да бъдат принуждавани да плащат на 27 различни посредници, за да продадат ръчно изработен продукт. Екологичните такси трябва да отразяват реалното количество отпадък, а не да карат бизнеса да издържа бюрокрацията. Точно тази европейска бюрокрация, която те препъва, създава недоверие в Съюза и поражда антиевропейски настроения. Нека да намалим безсмислената регулация, да дадем на бизнеса да диша, свобода да работи, да расте и да развива европейската икономика. Благодаря.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, et pour conclure, je donne la parole à Monsieur Ozdyba Jacek, qui intervient au nom du groupe ECR et qui n'était pas là en début de séance.
Jacek Ozdoba
Thank you very much, I speak in Polish. Szanowni Państwo, jak patrzę na to, że Europa rozwija, świat rozwija się, wymyśla nowe technologie, to Europa walczy z folią do grupowania produktów, siatkami, torebkami, saszetkami, nawet szamponem, który będzie w hotelach, bo to jest załącznik numer pięć. Ale co najgorsze, przedsiębiorcy nie wiedzą, z czym tak naprawdę te rozwiązania dzisiaj są, z czym to należy, jak to należy wprowadzać. Jeżeli ktoś wymyśla, że paszport za produktem ma jechać, to to przypomina jakąś dziwną zabawę w Orwella, a jak nie w Orwella, to jakieś naprawdę wariactwo. To niczym komedię dzisiaj przypomina kształt stu dwudziestu czterech stron dla przedsiębiorców, gdzie nawet dyskutuje się nad tym, czym jest doniczka.
To może pani komisarz odpowie na to, czym jest doniczka, czy jest opakowaniem, czy też nie. No jeżeli my dzisiaj się zastanawiamy nad takimi rzeczami, to pokazuje jedno: za dużo biurokracji. Odpowiedź jest prosta: po prostu wyrzućmy to do kosza, dajmy święty spokój przedsiębiorcom, a oni najlepiej będą wiedzieli, ci najmniejsi szczególnie, jak rozwijać swój biznes. Dziękuję.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, chers collègues. Nous ouvrons à présent la séance Catch-the-eye et pour commencer, je donne la parole à Krzysztof Hetman.
Dziękuję bardzo, panie przewodniczący. Dziś rano na tej sali przewodnicząca Ursula von der Leyen powiedziała: tam, gdzie obciążenia administracyjne spowalniają działalność przedsiębiorstw i MŚP, musimy je zdecydowanie ograniczyć.
Krzysztof Hetman
Bardzo się cieszę z tej deklaracji, ale jak wygląda rzeczywistość? Nowe prawo dotyczące opakowań obowiązuje przedsiębiorców zaledwie od miesiąca, a przynosi już wiele niepewności oraz obciążeń. Nadal brakuje jasnych odpowiedzi dotyczących między innymi zasad stosowania opakowań wielokrotnego użytku czy wymogów etykietowania. Potrzebne jest też wyłączenie folii służących do stabilizacji i ochrony produktów umieszczanych na paletach w celu ponownego użycia. Publikacja wytycznych zaledwie 12 dni przed rozpoczęciem stosowania rozporządzenia absolutnie nie daje przedsiębiorcom czasu na podjęcie odpowiednich decyzji inwestycyjnych i organizacyjnych.
Dlatego apeluję do Komisji o pilne przyjęcie brakujących aktów wykonawczych, zapewnienie wystarczającego czasu na wdrożenie nowych wymogów oraz stosowanie ograniczonych kontroli i sankcji w sytuacji, gdy wytyczne nie są jeszcze dostępne, a przede wszystkim o poważne traktowanie przedsiębiorców. Dziękuję.
Maria Grapini
Legat de regulamentul privind ambalajele, eu am făcut o scrisoare la Comisie în urma unor petiții de la producători, pentru că sunt foarte multe neclarități, începând de la definiția producătorului, ce se întâmplă când un produs este realizat de un producător, îl comercializează alt întreprinzător, ambalajul este de la alt întreprinzător și uite așa există de fapt o pasare a responsabilității, este o neclaritate și am cerut un răspuns clar. Pentru că cea mai mare povară, bineînțeles, cu acest regulament este pe IMM-uri. Și dacă mai este și neclar, atunci cine va răspunde la un anumit control? De asemenea, excluderea foliei pentru ambalaje. Păi cum vă imaginați că se va putea transporta, de exemplu, dozele de sucuri sau de bere sau de... cum să le înlocuim?
Pentru că dacă le înlocuim cu ambalaj din lemn este mai costisitor și mai poluator. Deci practic acest regulament cred eu nu s-a calculat impactul înainte și vreau un răspuns concret: ce fac întreprinzătorii, cum aplică? Mulțumesc.
Merci beaucoup, Madame Grapini. Sebastian Tynkkynen.
Arvoisa puhemies, EU:n uusi pakkausasetus tavoittelee pakkausjätteen määrän vähentämistä, mutta siinä samassa se tulee lahdanneeksi pienyrittäjät.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Ei päätä eikä häntä, siinä on EU:n uuden ympäristösääntelyn logiikka. Nimittäin, jos Villen vaatekauppa haluaa myydä lippiksiään jokaiseen 27 jäsenmaahan, voi Villen vaatekauppa joutua rekisteröitymään, raportoimaan pakkauksensa, maksamaan tuottajavastuumaksuja ja nimeämään paikallisen edustajan erikseen jokaiseen 27 jäsenmaahan. Amazonin kaltaiselle jättiläiselle tämä ei ole ongelma, mutta suomalaiselle tai mille tahansa eurooppalaiselle pienyrittäjälle tämä on katastrofi. Jos jo yhdenkin lippalakin myyminen herättää henkiin tämän sääntely- ja kustannushirviön, pienyrittäjän kannattaa olla myymättä. Verkkokauppoja on jo suljettu ja toimitusmaita vähennetty.
Hyvät päättäjät, lopettakaa jo tämä Euroopan hengiltä kuristaminen. Kiitos.
Merci beaucoup Monsieur Tynkkynen. João Oliveira.
João Oliveira
Registamos neste debate a hipocrisia de quem diz defender as pequenas e médias empresas, mas não quer mexer uma palha para reverter a política de aumento das taxas de juro do Banco Central Europeu, que é duramente penalizadora das pequenas e médias empresas. E também a hipocrisia de quem neste debate defende objetivos ambientais, mas ao mesmo tempo aceita a imposição do negócio com a recolha de resíduos, como acontece com o sistema volta, que é uma verdadeira tragédia do ponto de vista da gestão de resíduos e a transferência de custos para o consumidor. Registamos também a contradição de quem diz...
Obrigado Presidente.
Younous Omarjee
Oui, il y a un problème de traduction. Donc nous vous redonnerons l'intégralité de votre temps de parole une fois que le problème sera réglé. Question quelques minutes. Il va falloir qu'on apprenne tous le portugais, hein. Nous faisons une interruption de séance de quelques minutes le temps que le problème soit réglé.
Nous reprenons, vous avez l'intégralité de votre minute.
João Oliveira
Merci. Monsieur le Président, registamos neste debate a hipocrisia de quem diz defender as pequenas e médias empresas, mas não quer fazer nada para reverter o aumento das taxas de juro decidido pelo BCE, que tanto penaliza as pequenas e médias empresas. E registamos também a hipocrisia de quem aqui defende os valores ambientais, mas ao mesmo tempo aceita a transformação da recolha de resíduos num negócio como aquele que resulta do sistema Volta, que impõe aos consumidores custos pelo sistema de tratamento de resíduos. E registamos também a contradição de quem diz defender as pequenas e médias empresas e também o mercado único, sabendo como o mercado único está moldado à medida das grandes empresas, dos grandes grupos económicos e das multinacionais. Aquilo que defendemos é que se mantenham os critérios e as referências para a redução de embalagens desnecessárias e a salvaguarda de matérias-primas, que se criem exceções para a aplicação do regulamento em relação às pequenas e médias empresas para adaptar a situação concreta destas empresas, a criação de derrogações aos Estados-Membros para que possam definir condições a partir da sua realidade nacional de aproximação aos objetivos traçados nesta matéria, de apoio ao investimento público necessário para prosseguir os objetivos nacionais da gestão de resíduos, a rejeição, naturalmente, da transferência de custos para o consumidor e a gestão pública do setor da gestão de resíduos com o reforço do papel dos municípios.
De apoio ao investimento público necessário para prosseguir os objetivos nacionais de gestão de resíduos. A rejeição, naturalmente, da transferência de custos para o consumidor e a gestão pública do setor da gestão de resíduos com a reversão das privatizações que foram sendo feitas ao longo dos anos.
Petras Gražulis
Taip, gerbiami europarlamentarai, gerbiama komisare. Kaip jums gali kilti tokia mintis paruošti tokį atliekų reglamentą? Ar jūs kosmose gyvenat? Ar jūs negirdėjot, ką šiandien von der Leyen kalbėjo, jūsų komisarė? Kad jūs mažinat, supaprastinat taisykles, kad mažinat biurokratiją, o iš tikro ją tik kuriat.
Pati savęs negirdėjo von der Leyen. Aš skaičiavau per jos kalbą, jinai pasakė dar įkurs aštuonias naujas institucijas Europos Sąjungoj. Tai ką, mažės biurokratija? Biurokratija tik didės.
Jūs, kurie sukūrėte šitokią biurokratiją, tokias problemas, belieka vienas jums kelias - atsistatydinti ir užleisti kitoms politinėms partijoms vietą. Jūs griaunate Europos verslą, Europos Sąjungą ir to nematote.
Salvatore De Meo
L'applicazione del regolamento sugli imballaggi presenta oggettive criticità per il settore ortofrutticolo all'ingrosso. In primo luogo, queste imprese, nonostante acquistano imballaggi progettati, fabbricati e certificati da industrie specializzate, vengono comunque qualificate come fabbricanti e devono quindi produrre una propria certificazione di conformità per il solo fatto che mettono sull'imballaggio il proprio nome o logo commerciale. Si evidenzia che questa personalizzazione, necessaria per la tracciabilità del prodotto, non altera le condizioni dell'imballaggio. Il regolamento inoltre non chiarisce con quale metodologia e frequenza debbano essere effettuate le analisi per verificare il rispetto dei limiti PFAS e dei metalli pesanti di cui all'articolo 5. Infine, una bozza di studio richiesto dalla Commissione propone un minimo di 50 cicli per le cassette riutilizzabili per l'ortofrutta senza considerare adeguatamente i requisiti di igiene e sicurezza alimentare.
Alla luce di ciò, come ho già interrogato la Commissione, chiedo che ci siano chiarimenti correttivi per un settore agricolo rendendo il regolamento applicabile concretamente a questa filiera senza inutile ed onerosa burocrazia.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup Monsieur De Meo. Je ne vois pas d'autres demandes. Vous avez la charge Madame la Commissaire de répondre à toutes les questions qui vous ont été posées.
Jessika Roswall
Thank you very much President, Minister, honorable members. Thank you very much for for this debate. I may be biased from my portfolio, but for me I've never been in a debate where actually we were so consensual when it comes to the need on make it easier the burden for small businesses. And that gives me hope because exactly what member of the Parliament Anna-Michelle Asimakopoulou just said, we need to act fast. To César Luena I want to just to say I don't disagree what you said, but the packaging packaging waste regulation applies now, so that is why we need a solution now.
That of course means delivery quickly on on the Omnibus. That was a pause for the Council. It is up to us, so let us solve this within a month. That is my plea. Many of you talked about the single market and harmonization, but also some questions on flower pots.
I just want to remind you all that this is harmonization when it is as at its best. I am totally convinced that it's better for businesses, especially small businesses, with one rule instead of 27.
Then of course we need to work very closely with stakeholders when we are enforcing this, and I said a little bit about that in my first intervention. On to Heléne Fritzon about the return and deposit and return systems. I know that there are member states that have well-advanced deposit and return systems. And the regulation as such do allow member states to implement several national exemptions if they are reaching a certain conditions. I just want to mention that also.
Finally, on circularity. Thank you very much for everybody who brought that into this discussion because of course this is really circular. And Europe needs to go circular. And yes, Oliver Schenk, it is key that the changes that we are proposing is really making is made on the ground, that small businesses and industries see the benefits of harmonization. And I really look forward to working with all of you on that path forward.
Circularity, whether it is packaging or anything else, it of course it is to reduce waste streams, but also obviously it is about our economy, it's creating new businesses, but it's also about our security, making us less dependent. So thank you very much again for this debate, and let us roll up our sleeves and make it work. Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Madame la Commissaire. La parole est au Conseil à présent et à Monsieur le Ministre Thomas Byrne.
Thomas Byrne
Merci beaucoup, and I will speak in Irish. Agus ba mhaith liom sa mhéid seo leis an gCoimisinéir inniu, tá sé iontach dineach éisteacht de chainteanna de gach cineál sa díospóireacht inniu ar rudaí de chainteanna de gach cineál ar fud an tSeomra seo sa díospóireacht roimhe seo, bhí muid ag plé cúrsaí orfhlatha ar rialúcháin agus bhí a lán daoine ar aon intinn maidir leis sin. Lorg ar son an Chomhairle, ní mór dúinn oibleagáidí idirnáisiúnta a chinntiú agus a choimeád, agus freisin caithfimid ár dtaiscíocht comhionann, cosaint comhionann a choimeád freisin.
Tá tábhacht an ábhair seo soiléir agus tá an Chomhairle i mbun oibre cheana féin. Táimid ag plé go gníomhach ar na dúshláin a bhaineann leis an rialúchán pacáistíochta agus freisin, gan dabht, tá na ballstáit ar an eolas maidir leis na deacrachtaí atá ag tarlú ar fud an Aontais Eorpaigh. Agus táimid ag maíomh agus ag déanamh machnaimh ar na céad chéimeanna eile lenár n-oibríocht mar a dúirt an Coimisinéir, an bille cuimsitheach cohail. Go raibh maith agat.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur le Ministre d'État. Le débat est clos et je vous propose une suspension de séance de quelques minutes avant la reprise où nous examinerons les déclarations du Conseil et de la Commission sur le soutien de l'Union européenne à l'Ukraine. Deux minutes d'interruption.
La séance est reprise et l'ordre du jour appelle les déclarations du Conseil et de la Commission, besoin urgent d'un soutien de l'Union à l'Ukraine face à l'escalade de la guerre d'agression russe. Nous ouvrons la discussion, j'ai le plaisir de souhaiter la bienvenue à Madame la Haute Représentante et Vice-Présidente, Madame Kaja Kallas, à qui j'ai le plaisir de donner la parole à présent.
Merci, Mr. President, honorable members.
Kaja Kallas
July and August were the deadliest months for Ukrainian civilians since the start of this war. With its army bogged down on the ground, Russia is killing civilians from the skies. If Russia's original plan was to invade a sovereign country and take land that wasn't theirs to take, today its goal is even more intolerable. The Russian military is now indiscriminately and blatantly targeting Ukrainian people. For example, in the last few months, Russia has destroyed around 90% of food storage infrastructure inside Ukraine, and that is why we are helping Ukraine to increase its grain storage capacities.
And we already we already know what Russia is gearing up to over the coming winter: intensify its attacks against energy facilities to make life even more unbearable for ordinary families in Ukraine. This year, the European Union has made 75 million euro available for housing repairs and insulation plus essential supplies, including warm clothing, blankets, portable water stations and generators.
Winterization efforts are priority, second only to military support and air defense. Putin believes his forces can spread so much fear amongst Europeans that we will stop supporting the Ukrainian people. Be it by bombarding trains carrying foreign dignitaries from Ukraine or carrying out attacks as close to NATO borders as physically possible. Putin's goal is to intimidate the West. I know there are fellow Europeans across the European Union, including I've heard MEPs in this house, who somehow view Ukraine as the obstacle to peace.
So I say to you, open your eyes. The only obstacle to peace is Russia. Putin now tries to spread hunger across the world by ordering strikes against Black Sea ports and commercial shipping. Inland logistics, warehouses and production facilities. These attacks are causing higher wheat prices, higher food prices and higher global food insecurity.
And this is why I'm working with our global partners international internationally for Black Sea moratorium.
We will be meeting in New York next week to discuss this further. The world must not capitulate to Russia's terrorism. Honorable members, the response to Russia's aggression is simple: we keep up the pressure on Russia and we support Ukraine. The European Union has adopted 21 packages of sanctions covering 3,000 individuals and entities. The last package was adopted on the 23rd of July and targeted Moscow's financial system, its military-industrial complex and energy sector.
Our sanctions have already deprived Russian economy of a trillion euro. We are now finalizing the largest number of listings yet. Sanctions work and they are even more effective when adopted in tandem with our international partners. With regards to our support to Ukraine, overall EU assistance amounts to over 220 billion euro since the start of the war.
The EU and the member states have provided more than 78 billion euros worth of military support to Ukraine. The Ukraine support loan provides 90 billion euros over two years with 60 million billion planned for military assistance. 8.35 billion has already been paid, including money destined for Patriot missiles. Russia's aim is to continue the war into next year. We must keep up our support to Ukraine.
The most obvious and immediate answer from the Europeans is to use financing available under the European Peace Facility. We could provide another 1 billion euro in new funding for military support. I'm working with member states to disperse this. Bilateral support is also important and should be stepped up, in particular from partners, partners' countries. In parallel, we keep supporting diplomatic efforts to bring Russia's war of aggression to an end.
We are always ready to step up our own engagement in this regard. Honorable members, even wars have laws and Putin's regime is breaking all of them, all of them. That is why I have been actively mobilizing support for both the International Claims Commission and the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine.
We need to ensure that they can operate as soon as possible. To this, we add our support for the return of Ukrainian deported children and for the release of every civilian detainee, many of whom are subjected to systematic torture in Russian prisons. The key to lasting peace, when the time comes, is accountability. Honorable members, wars end when the cost to continue the fight in money, resources, and human lives is greater than any expected gains. Putin has little regard for his own people's lives, but we can squeeze Russia's finances and resources to fuel the war.
If Putin will not come to the negotiation table voluntarily, collectively we apply pressure to bring him there. Thank you.
President, colleagues, High Representative, shanovni ukrayinski druzi, today is a very symbolic date.
Michael Gahler
Exactly today 12 years ago, the Verkhovna Rada and the European Parliament voted simultaneously, connected by live video link, to ratify the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement. It was a unique moment of parliamentary solidarity and a strong political commitment that Ukraine and Europe would move forward together. The European Parliament's solidarity with and support of Ukraine remains steadfast as Russia steps up its aggression from attacking military targets to systematically terrorizing the civilian population day and night by deliberately hitting the, among others, residential areas, petrol stations, supermarkets, warehouses and trains. Last Sunday I passed the Ukrainian border station in Yagodin two hours before the next train was hit. Our resolve is clear.
We call on Putin to accept a ceasefire and come to the negotiating table, but we don't see any will. As a consequence, our military, humanitarian and financial support must continue and we must make Russia pay for its aggression. I welcome your renewed considerations to revisit the issue of the Russian frozen assets. Moreover, we note that Russia's war is in many respects coming closer. And we see, for instance, if the drone in Leipzig had detonated and destroyed the Ukrainian planes, that would have been an act of warfare.
We escaped this discussion. But let us further tighten the grip on Russia's income and delay the shadow fleet's schedule in the Baltic Sea by intensely checking all ships passing. As Sweden, Finland and Denmark have stepped up their controls, these ships are more often taking a southern course. I therefore call on my German authorities to closely coordinate with all partners in the Baltic Sea and to dare to practice at least as much as the other Baltic Sea states. Ceterum censeo, the Taurus must be delivered.
Thank you.
Thijs Reuten
President, High Representative, colleagues, Russia is losing on the frontline and is starting to struggle economically. Its only recourse is intensifying its terror on Ukraine's citizens and cities, and this is now constant and more deadly than we have seen in recent years. And yes, Europe has provided unimaginable financial, military and political support. And yes, Europe will stand by Ukraine for as long as it takes. But frankly speaking, I'm getting sick and tired of this "as long as it takes".
It's taking too long and we need to make sure "it" does not take so long.
And we need to define "it" as a clear path to end Russia's aggression as soon as possible, through diplomacy if possible and military support where necessary. And for now, that means we have to stop being a reactive bystander and we make clear through actions that we will not back down. No, we double down. Ballistic missiles require more air defense. Low-cost cruise missiles require a Sky Shield.
And pressure on Russia requires deep-strike capabilities and a reparation loan. Slava Ukraini.
Viktória Ferenc
Ahogy hallgatom a vitát, az az érzésem, hogy messze ezektől a kényelmes parlamenti termektől az ukrajnai rögvalóság. A közel öt éve tartó háború gyászba borította az országot. Katonák és civilek ezrei haltak már meg, közöttük közel 700 gyermek. Több mint 100 kárpátaljai magyar férfi is a háború áldozatává vált. Örökre odavesztek.
Őket már semmilyen hatalom vagy szolidaritási nyilatkozat nem hozza vissza. Ekközben Európában tájékoztató füzetek készítik fel az embereket arra, mit tegyenek válság vagy fegyveres konfliktus esetén. Ukrajnában is így kezdődött. Ezért óriási a felelősségünk.
A politikai döntések mögött ugyanis nem számok vagy statisztikák vannak, hanem emberi sorsok, amelyek alakulására hatásunk van. Meggyőződésem, hogy az Uniónak világos célt kell követnie: a diplomácia erejével megakadályozni a háború kiterjedését, közelebb hozni egymáshoz a feleket és elérni, hogy Ukrajnában elhallgassanak a fegyverek. Mert minden politikai, gazdasági és hatalmi szempont előtt van valami, ami mindennél fontosabb: az emberi élet.
Adam Bielan
Dziękuję bardzo. Putin nie szuka pokoju. Prowadzi brutalną wojnę przeciwko Ukrainie i świadomie destabilizuje bezpieczeństwo całej Europy. Dziś nie możemy okazywać słabości. Rosja musi ponosić realne koszty swojej agresji: polityczne, gospodarcze i militarne.
Posługująca się terrorem Moskwa rozumie jedynie siłę i odstraszanie. Wsparcie Kijowa to nasze bezpieczeństwo. Nie możemy jednak tolerować problemu szalejącej tam korupcji i gloryfikacji zbrodniarzy UPA, których symbolem zawsze pozostaną nabite na widły polskie kobiety i dzieci. Oczekuję w tej sprawie twardej reakcji ze strony Komisji Europejskiej. Szanowni Państwo, przestańcie żyć złudzeniami, zacznijcie poważnie inwestować w obronę.
Nie można wspierać Ukrainy i jednocześnie Putina, importując rosyjski gaz do Europy. Musimy zwiększyć produkcję zbrojeniową, odbudować zdolności wojskowe i wypełniać zobowiązania wobec NATO. Naszą tarczą pozostaje silne NATO i silny sojusz z USA. Czas, aby Europa się obudziła, zanim będzie za późno.
Dwa procent PKB to za mało.
Petras Auštrevičius
Dear High Representative, honorable colleagues. The number of civilian casualties in Ukraine this past July was the highest since the start of Russian aggression. 437 innocent children, women and men lost their lives. Only mobilized, sufficient and timely support for Ukraine from Europe and its allies can stop Russia's bloody aggression. Putin is escalating its war efforts, seeking to influence peace negotiations by exerting biggest military pressure on Ukraine.
For our part, we must help Ukraine repel this growing aggression and force the Russians to the negotiating table.
Let's increase our military development and production with Ukraine, and by doing so, reinforce our preparedness to take down Russian drones invading our airspace. I also urge the European Union institutions and member states to extend sanctions against Russia with no further delay and to prepare the 22nd sanctions package as additional tool to punish and pressure the aggressor and its enablers. Thank you.
Virginijus Sinkevičius
Colleagues. Sunday, a Russian drone hits a passenger train just 2 kilometers from Poland. Monday, the sanctions list. Putin is included, but it's extended only for seven days because two capitals want to delist an oligarch. Tuesday, NATO jets shoot down a drone over Lithuania near a power plant, likely armed, likely from Belarus.
Moscow escalates day by day and we renew sanctions by the week. Putin's summer offensive once again has failed to break Ukraine's frontline. So now he is testing ours.
We need six more months of sanctions, not seven days, and no oligarch discounts. Close Ukraine's 23 billion defense funding gap with Russian frozen assets. Build interceptors with Ukraine at wartime speed and no peace deal without Ukrainians. Ukrainians are not asking us to fight for them. They are asking us to act.
Danilo Della Valle
Grazie Presidente, Alto Rappresentante. Oltre 200 miliardi di euro. Questa è la cifra che è costata finora ai contribuenti europei il sostegno all'Ucraina. La verità è che avete trascinato l'Europa in un pantano e non sapete più cosa dire per giustificare un'ulteriore escalation bellica. Così il drone che ha sfiorato l'aereo di Zelensky, che è passato a soli 160 km, ossia la distanza tra Milano e Torino.
Oppure la chiusura dell'aeroporto di Vilnius in Lituania, sempre a causa di uno sciame di droni, che poi in realtà si è rivelato essere uno stormo di uccelli. Ed eravate pronti ad alzare gli aerei della NATO, forse per capire se gli uccelli erano russi o ucraini? Ecco, se la situazione non fosse così tragica e spaventosa ci sarebbe da ridere per ore.
Eduardo Galeano diceva che i padroni del mondo amano l'umanità ma disprezzano gli esseri umani. Ecco, qui dentro vi riempite la bocca di democrazia, di parole come democrazia, libertà, diritti, ma disprezzate i cittadini europei, tagliando loro la spesa sociale e mandate a morire il popolo ucraino per ingrassare l'industria militare. Ecco, invece di preparare la guerra alla Russia, pensate a investire nella diplomazia, mandate un negoziatore di pace. Grazie.
Marcin Sypniewski
Dziękuję. Szanowni Państwo, dzisiejsza Ukraina ma za swoich bohaterów Banderę i Szuchewycza, ludzi związanych z ruchem, który odpowiada za masowe czystki etniczne na Polakach. Ponad 100 tysięcy polskich ofiar, głównie bezbronnych cywilów, kobiety, malutkie dzieci i osoby starsze. Ludzi, których mordowano z niewyobrażalnym okrucieństwem za to tylko, że byli Polakami i odpowiedzialność za te zbrodnie bezpośrednio spada na tych, których pomniki stoją dziś na Ukrainie. Jak możemy pomagać państwu, które buduje swoją tożsamość na kulcie zbrodniarzy?
Ukraina nie potrafi albo nie chce zapominać o swoich nazistowskich bohaterach.
Dlatego nie powinniśmy dawać ani jednego centa, dopóki Ukraina będzie uznawać za swoich bohaterów zbrodniarzy pokroju Bandery i Szuchewycza. To jest bardzo proste. Wystarczy zacząć od tego, żeby uszanować pamięć polskich ofiar i potępić zbrodniarzy i kolaborantów. Dziękuję bardzo.
Younous Omarjee
Merci. Bien. Nous arrivons au terme des orateurs qui se sont exprimés au nom des groupes politiques. Je serai à présent beaucoup plus ferme sur le respect du temps de parole. Sandra Kalniete.
Sandra Kalniete
Kolēģi, Krievija ir teroristiska valsts. To pierāda gan Leipcigas incidents, gan simtiem citu hibrīduzbrukumu visā Eiropā. Mums ir jāatbalsta Ukraina un jāpalielina, nevis jāsamazina spiediens uz Krieviju. Eiropas Savienībai ir jāpagarina sankcijas pret 3000 Krievijas personām. Divu valstu prasība atbrīvot oligarhu graudu Eiropas Savienības sankciju režīmā, tas ir nepareizs signāls Krievijai laikā, kad tā eskalē Ukrainas bombardēšanu.
Tāpat ir nepareizi, ka mēs nespējam vienoties visā Eiropā pārtraukt izsniegt vīzas krieviem, lai ierobežotu Kremļa aģentu aktivitātes.
Mums jāapzinās, ka šajā netaisnajā karā uzvaru izšķirs pretgaisa aizsardzības spējas. Ukraina ir identificējusi 5500 rietumu un Āzijas komponentu Krievijas raķetēs. Tāpēc mums ir jāsankcionē arī Krievijas raķešu ražošanas sistēma un tie, kas to atbalsta. Paldies.
Alessandra Moretti
Gli attacchi russi contro l'Ucraina sono sempre più violenti, basta pensare che a luglio le vittime civili sono aumentate del 70% rispetto all'anno scorso. Attacchi contro le infrastrutture energetiche, idriche, alzano l'allarme su nuovi blackout, mancanza di riscaldamento, oltre che a possibili malattie. Intanto l'Europa fatica a rendersi un attore credibile e autorevole sul piano internazionale, sempre alle prese a gestire gli interessi di qualche paese membro, sempre divisa e quindi debole. Oggi il popolo ucraino ha bisogno di noi, forse ancor più che in passato. Serve sostegno per la difesa aerea, ma anche sostegno umanitario in vista di un inverno durissimo.
Questo deve essere fatto anche attraverso la liquidità russa immobilizzata in Europa, è la Russia di Putin che deve pagare.
L'Europa è sotto attacco, lo vediamo ogni giorno dagli attacchi ibridi, dalla disinformazione. In gioco non c'è solo il confine ucraino, c'è il futuro di un intero continente e della sua democrazia. Grazie.
Alberico Gambino
Grazie Presidente, Alta Commissaria, colleghi. Putin non cerca una pace giusta, ma una pace alle sue condizioni e per l'Ucraina questo significherebbe la capitolazione. Oggi c'è una proposta concreta: fermare le armi, congelare il fronte e avviare un negoziato con Kiev, alla quale è pronta a discutere. Mosca continua però ad attaccare. L'Europa non può restare a guardare.
Noi europei dobbiamo essere grati alle donne e agli uomini ucraini che si sono battuti, hanno sacrificato la propria vita e continuano a resistere. Difendere la loro patria è anche un principio che protegge tutti quanti noi. I confini degli stati sovrani non possono essere modificati con la forza. Il governo Meloni lo ha compreso fin dall'inizio tutto questo. La minaccia russa riguarda direttamente la nostra sicurezza.
Sostenere l'Ucraina significa difendere anche noi stessi. Vogliamo la pace.
Vogliamo la pace, ma una pace imposta all'aggredito non ferma la legge del più forte, la legittima, e l'Europa non può restare a guardare. Grazie.
Dan Barna
Domnule președinte, stimați colegi, privind după patru ani și jumătate imaginile care continuă să vină din Ucraina sunt pur și simplu sfâșietoare. Vorbim despre oameni nevinovați, despre familii rămase fără un acoperiș deasupra capului în mijlocul iernii și despre infrastructură civilă distrusă de Rusia cu o cruzime imposibil de justificat. Suntem alături de Ucraina și așa trebuie să rămânem, dar pacea pe care ne-o dorim cu toții nu poate și nu trebuie să fie o capitulare mascată. Trebuie să fie o pace dreaptă, o pace în care sacrificiul acestor oameni este respectat, iar libertatea lor este garantată pentru viitor. În egală măsură, doar compasiunea și declarațiile frumoase nu opresc rachetele.
Ucraina are nevoie de ajutor militar real, predictibil, trimis acum, nu când va fi prea târziu. În același timp, e datoria noastră să aplicăm sancțiunile și să lovim regimul de la Kremlin exact acolo unde-l doare mai tare, în veniturile din energie și prin folosirea activelor rusești înghețate în Europa.
Putin și oligarhii săi trebuie să deconteze tragedia pe care au generat-o. Locul Ucrainei este în familia noastră europeană, iar perspectiva ei de aderare la Uniune rămâne una vitală. Chiar și sub ploaia de bombe, ei continuă reformele. Datoria noastră responsabilă este să susținem reconstrucția unei Ucraine libere, ancorată în statul de drept și fără corupție. Mulțumesc.
Villy Søvndal
I'm going to speak in Danish. I fredags rettede en russisk fregat et tændt blus mod en dansk militærhelikopter. Samme dag blev en formodet russisk drone fundet i Østersøen mellem Bornholm og Polen. Og for få dage siden angreb Rusland et tog i Ukraine få kilometer fra den polske grænse. Læg dertil cyberangreb og sabotage over hele Europa.
Det er ikke tilfældige enkeltstående hændelser. Rusland skruer op for aggressionerne og forsøger at skræmme os og splitte os. Måske fordi Putin vil vise styrke op til det russiske valg, mens økonomien skranter og krigens konsekvenser kommer tættere på den russiske befolkning. Vores svar må være det modsatte af frygt og tøven. Når Rusland øger aggressionerne, skal Europa øge støtten til Ukraine.
Flere våben, hårde sanktioner og et Europa, der står sammen.
For Ukraine forsvarer ikke kun sig selv, de forsvarer også os. Og så derfor til dem i parlamentet, der hele tiden ekkoer Putin. Det er ikke så svært. Denne krig slutter, når Rusland accepterer de internationalt godkendte grænser. Sværere er det ikke.
Tak.
Jonas Sjöstedt
Tack så mycket, herr talman, kollegor. Vårt stöd till Ukraina har aldrig varit så viktigt som nu. Vi ser hur Ryssland terroriserar Ukrainas civila befolkning och försöker skada landets infrastruktur inför vintern. Vi behöver stärka Ukrainas luftförsvar, vi behöver ge dem allt stöd de behöver. Men den ryska aggressionen är också ett svaghetstecken.
Därför att på marken så återtar ukrainska trupper ockuperat land och Ukraina orsakar mycket stora skador mot den ryska ekonomin. I helgen hålls så kallade val till den ryska duman. Vi kan förvänta oss att efter dessa val så kommer Ryssland att mobilisera hundratusentals män som ska tvingas in i kriget mot Ukraina.
Men vi kan också förvänta oss att tiotusentals unga ryssar kommer att försöka lämna landet för att de inte vill mörda ukrainare. Vi bör göra allt vi kan för att underlätta för dem att kunna lämna landet för att kunna istället vara framtiden för ett demokratiskt Ryssland. Tack.
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur Sjöstedt. Zsuzsanna Borvendég.
Zsuzsanna Borvendég
Önök a háború eszkalálásán dolgoznak, pedig a békét kellene elősegíteniük. Elvakultságukban azt sem hajlandók elismerni, hogy háborús bűnöket mindkét oldal elkövet. Az ukrán vezetés ráadásul saját polgárait sem kíméli. Az ukrán elnök ígéretet tett az új magyar kormánynak, hogy magyar nemzeti kisebbségek jogait garantálni fogja, cserében Budapest nem ellenzi a háború elnyújtásához szükséges pénzek folyósítását. Ez utóbbi megtörtént, de a nemzetiségi jogokat Kijev továbbra is lábbal tiporja.
A nyár folyamán az ukrán államnyelv-védelmi hatóság követelt egy magyar tannyelvű magániskolától, hogy tüntesse el a magyar feliratokat az osztálytermekből, és videófelvételekkel bizonyítsa az ukrán nyelv használatát. Ukrajna megfélemlíti az őshonos nemzeti kisebbségeket és korlátozza nyelvi jogaikat. A magyar kormány hallgat, de ilyenkor az EU sem aggódik a jogállamiságért. Szégyelljék magukat!
Ruth Firmenich
Meine Damen und Herren, mehr als 220 Milliarden Euro sind seit 2022 aus Europa an die Ukraine geflossen. Deutschland erbringt den Löwenanteil und hat die Ukraine alleine bilateral mit über 100 Milliarden Euro unterstützt. Und so soll es nach dem Willen von Bundeskanzler Friedrich Merz und seiner Parteifreundin Ursula von der Leyen auch weitergehen. Während bei uns brutal gespart wird und Geld für Gesundheit, Infrastruktur, Bildung fehlt, schicken Sie das hart erarbeitete Steuergeld der Menschen in die Ukraine, wo es in schwarzen Löchern versickert. Für die Verwendung der Gelder muss nicht einmal ein Nachweis erbracht werden.
Die Korruption in der Ukraine reicht bis in das direkte Umfeld von Präsident Selenskyj. Doch Sie unterstützen ihn und seine autoritäre Politik unbeirrt weiter und verweigern sogar einer Korruptionskritikerin wie Julia Mendel den Zugang zum Europaparlament. Das ist eine Schande.
Stoppen Sie endlich den Transfer europäischen Steuergelds in die korrupte Ukraine. Hören Sie auf, Europa zu zerstören.
Thank you, Mr. Altola. You have one minute, please.
Mika Aaltola
Arvoisa puheenjohtaja, komissaari. Jokaiselle eurooppalaiselle pitäisi olla päivänselvää, miksi Ukrainaa on tuettava. Sanomaa on toistettu vuosia, vuosia. Ukraina puolustaa koko Eurooppaa. Tästä huolimatta jahkailemme, epäröimme.
Venäjän jäädytetyt varat keräävät Euroopassa pölyä samalla kun Ukrainan kaupungit palavat. Yhtälö ei toimi. Ratkaisu on löydettävä nyt. Jokainen pitkitetty tauko, toimimattomuutemme kannustaa Venäjää testailemaan meitä. Näemme tämän jo kasvavassa määrin rajoillamme Liettuassa, Puolassa, Tanskassa, Saksassa.
Meidän ei kannata enää odottaa, että valintojemme hinta kasvaa korkeammaksi. Toimimattomuuden lasku on nimittäin verinen.
Puheet on pidetty, on aika siirtää varat, sulkea porsaanreiät ja laittaa hyökkääjä maksamaan. Kiitos.
Thank you, Mr Glucksmann.
Raphaël Glucksmann
Merci. Chers collègues, combien de communiqués de presse, combien d'alertes, combien de déclarations officielles appelant Poutine à mettre fin à son escalade ? Nous assistons passivement aux bombardements des villes, des infrastructures et des trains ukrainiens. Ce que nous avons fait pour le ciel d'Abou Dhabi, des Émirats, nous devons le faire pour le ciel de Kiev, nous devons le faire pour le ciel de Lviv. Nous avons abattu les missiles Shahed que les Iraniens ont envoyés sur les Émirats.
Personne à ce moment-là n'a considéré, par exemple, que la France entrait en guerre contre l'Iran. Pourquoi ce que nous avons fait pour les Émiratis, nous sommes incapables de le faire pour les Ukrainiens ? Est-ce que ça veut dire que nous considérons sérieusement que l'Ukraine est moins stratégique pour l'Europe que les Émirats arabes unis ? Est-ce que ça veut dire que nous considérons qu'Abou Dhabi est plus importante pour nous ici à Strasbourg que Kiev ou Lviv ? À un moment, il faut arrêter l'hypocrisie.
Si nous voulons réellement aider l'Ukraine, alors protégeons le ciel ukrainien.
Reinis Pozņaks
Dear President, dear High Representative, dear colleagues. When you have a serious bacterial infection, you need antibiotics. But if the treatment is too weak, you don't stop the infection, you only give it time to adapt, become resistant and spread. We have been making the same mistake with Russia. Two months ago we had our last debate about Ukraine.
In those two months, Russia has killed almost 500 civilians including children. It increased its attacks on Ukrainian civil infrastructure to the highest level from the beginning of invasion. For too long we have been giving just enough support to Ukraine to resist, but not enough to win. For too long treatment has been too weak and too slow. And we know what the proper treatment is: long-range capabilities, stronger economic sanctions, air defense and ammunition.
Give Ukraine the capabilities it needs to defeat the disease, otherwise the disease will reach us stronger than ever. Thank you.
Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann
Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Ich zitiere: Städte stehen in Flammen, Menschen und Mauern beben. Nichts kann uns mehr erschüttern, wir haben uns an alles gewöhnt. Nur zu, wirf deine Steine, wirf sie ohne Erbarmen, die Angst vor Steinen habe ich längst verloren. Das sind die Worte von Kateryna Korovina, 28 Jahre alt, die als Zivilistin im russisch besetzten Teil der Region Luhansk 2024 festgenommen und vor einem russischen Militärgericht zu zehn Jahren Haft verurteilt worden ist.
Vorwurf: Terrorismus. Sie hatte kleine Spenden an die ukrainische Armee überwiesen und unter brutalem Druck ein Geständnis abgelegt. Im Rahmen der Aktion Media der Menschenrechtsorganisation Media Initiative for Human Rights bin ich Katerynas Freedom Ambassador. Und ich fordere alle auf, zu unterstützen, dass sie und alle zivilen Gefangenen umgehend freigelassen werden, denn auch das passiert jeden Tag in der Ukraine. Und deswegen unterstützen wir weiter die Ukraine, helfen wir denen, in Freiheit zu kommen, damit sie in Frieden leben können.
Slava Ukraini.
Thank you, Mr. Lagodinsky.
Sergey Lagodinsky
You have one minute, please.
Colleagues, when I listen to what is going on here, sometimes I keep asking myself whether you are blind or you are heartless. Maybe both. Because when I hear complaints about the minority rights of Hungarian minority, or when I'm hearing complaints that there is money transfers from Germany to Ukraine, I'm asking myself: can you see what's happening? Do you see that people are being killed? Do you see that children are being bombed?
And the money that we're transferring is not to enrich someone, but to protect children. And that's why I think what is going on is shameless. And I am grateful to the Commission and I am grateful to many states, member states, who see what is needed. And it is about train wagons to supplement the railways in Ukraine. It is about also missiles and defense systems, also from our own stocks, to protect children.
And yes, I think we should start talking about partial air defense into the territory of Ukraine in order to protect ourselves, our Polish and Baltic allies. Thank you.
Speaker 264
Mr. Lagodinsky, you have a blue card from Mr. Mularczyk. Do you want to take it?
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Szanowny panie pośle, zgadzam się z panem, że Unia Europejska powinna wspierać walczącą Ukrainę również finansowo. Natomiast powinniśmy oczywiście wykorzystywać do tego zamrożone rosyjskie aktywa, które pozostają w Belgii, w Eurojuście. To jest 200 miliardów dolarów. Jak wiemy, kilka dni temu grupa 120 parlamentarzystów podpisała się pod apelem do Komisji Europejskiej o użycie tych środków. Jak pan wyjaśni, że pod tym listem nie podpisał się praktycznie żaden z posłów z rządzącej w Niemczech koalicji CDU, CSU, SPD?
Jak pan wyjaśni, czy jest to już taki cichy, ciche przejście z wspierania Ukrainy do dogadywania się z Rosją? Dlaczego nie ma tam posłów rządzącej koalicji w Niemczech?
Sergey Lagodinsky
Well, because I mean, first of all, I'm not a member of the coalition of the German government, so I cannot speak for the colleagues. The fact that the German Chancellor was quite active in order to enable us to use those assets and shifted his position also shows that there is movement in Germany and in German government. I think German government is not the problem here. We have other governments with whom we should be talking. But I think we should also be honest with our citizens.
If we will not get Russian assets mobilized and used, then we have to be honest with them and explain to them why it is our assets and our finances that we need to use to defend Ukraine. Because by defending Ukraine, we're defending our Polish citizens, our Baltic citizens, and ultimately also our German citizens. It is our duty.
Thank you, Mrs. Anderson. You have one minute, please.
Colleagues, this summer Putin killed more civilians in Ukraine than at any point since the start of the full-scale war of aggression. Ukraine's air defense is weakened by the lack of surface-to-air missiles. And why? Some EU member states are unwilling to use their own supplies.
Li Andersson
Donald Trump, without any criticism or condemnation from the EU, has used the US supply in his illegal war in Iran. This shows how in Europe we are still painfully dependent on the US when it comes to defense and security, and these dependencies have only deepened with the increased military spending. So yes, we need to support Ukraine now to stop Putin's relentless attacks. We need to support both Ukraine and the EU to reduce our unhealthy dependencies on the US and Donald Trump. And in addition to all of this, we need a stronger role for the European Union in the negotiations and the discussions about the future of Ukraine, the future of Europe, because we cannot let two aggressive imperialists decide.
Hans-Neuhoff VON DER SCHULENBERG
Danke Frau Präsidentin, Frau Hohe Kommissarin, Ladies and Gentlemen. Auch nach viereinhalb Jahren setzen alle Seiten, das hören wir gerade jetzt wieder, auf die Fortsetzung des Krieges. Und wir nehmen damit die Zerstörung der Ukraine in Kauf. Denn die Ukraine verliert zunehmend auf dem Schlachtfeld und kann sich heute nicht mehr gegen die massiven russischen Luftangriffe wehren.
Während wir noch glaubten, ukrainische Drohnenangriffe könnten Russland in die Knie zwingen, zerstören heute russische Gegenangriffe in weit größerem Ausmaße die Ukraine. Neben der Energieinfrastruktur, den Produktionsstätten und Warenlagern werden nun auch die Hafenanlagen am Schwarzen Meer und die Verkehrsverbindung nach Polen und Rumänien zerstört. Und während wir weiterhin darüber nachdenken, die Ukraine könnte den Krieg gewinnen, blutet das Land im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes aus und es entvölkert sich. Von einst 52 Millionen Ukrainern leben heute nur noch 22 Millionen in diesem zerstörten Land. Die Hälfte davon sind Rentner und Kriegsversehrte.
Es ist an der Zeit, dass wir uns im Parlament den neuen Realitäten stellen. Wenn wir die Ukraine noch retten wollen, gibt es keine militärische Lösung. Wir müssen mit Russland reden. Danke.
Thank you Mr. Millán Mon, you have one minute please.
Gracias presidenta. La intensificación de los crueles ataques rusos contra Ucrania durante estos últimos meses pone de manifiesto una vez más que Putin no busca la paz.
Francisco José Millán Mon
Rusia está aumentando el lanzamiento de drones y misiles apoyada en una capacidad de producción cada vez mayor mientras Ucrania no dispone actualmente de medios suficientes para interceptar todos estos ataques. En este contexto, tenemos que seguir apoyando al pueblo ucraniano, como decía esta mañana la presidenta de la Comisión, para que pueda defenderse frente a esta agresión que dura ya más de cuatro años y medio. Y este apoyo no puede limitarse a la financiación. Las fábricas europeas tienen que aumentar cuanto antes su capacidad de producción de armamento y municiones y proporcionar a Ucrania los medios que necesita. Esa iniciativa Freya parece un paso muy importante para reforzar nuestra cooperación con Ucrania en materia de defensa aérea.
Por otra parte, debemos utilizar mejor las sanciones sobre Rusia. Hasta ahora, lamentablemente no han tenido todos los efectos que esperábamos sobre su economía. Pero debemos perseverar y asegurarnos de que las sanciones se cumplen efectivamente y estudiar nuevas medidas. Y termino, quiero plantear una cuestión concreta a la Comisión y al alto representante: ¿por qué siguen siendo tan limitadas las sanciones contra el sector pesquero ruso y sus exportaciones a la Unión? Muchas gracias.
Thank you. Mr. Millán Mon, you have a blue card from Mr. Gražulis, ESN, on your right, 350. Do you wish to take it? It's on your right, 525, excuse me. Thank you.
Petras Gražulis
Taip, gerbiamas pranešėjau, jūs esate valdančios daugumos atstovas. Jau kartoju, Europos Sąjungoj gyvena beveik 50 milijardų gyventojų, beveik pusė milijardo. Penki metai vyksta karas ir jūs neapginat Ukrainos. Leidžiate žudyti žmones nekaltus. Jūs darot daug pareiškimų, priimat sankcijas, bet jų nevykdot, jas apeidinėja.
Galų gale, gal mažiau reikia tų pareiškimų, o realių veiksmų. Apginkite oro erdvę bent Ukrainos, suteikite ginklus. Tai kodėl nesijuokti iš Europos Putinui, jeigu jinai tai leidžia daryti ir leidžia naikinti Ukrainą?
Francisco José Millán Mon
Bueno, el que permite que haya víctimas en Ucrania lógicamente es Putin, ¿no?, que tendría muy fácil pues parar la guerra y ponerse a negociar la paz. Y por lo demás, yo no, yo defiendo, procuro defender a Ucrania dentro de mis posibilidades. Usted dice que estoy en el poder, pero yo no estoy en el gobierno en España, yo estoy en la oposición. Pero dicho esto, yo estoy de acuerdo en que hay que seguir ayudando a Ucrania, también proporcionarle medios. He dicho no solo financiación, no sé si hay un problema de traducción y a usted no le llega bien.
He dicho que también haya armamento y que las fábricas europeas produzcan más y más rápido para facilitar ayudas. Y on top of that, dije que además ese sistema Freya de cooperación para la defensa aérea de Ucrania me parece que podría ser útil. Gracias.
Thank you, Mrs. Fitzon. You have one minute, please.
Heléne Fritzon
Tack, fru talman. Ja, Rysslands brutala och olagliga krig kräver ett tydligt svar från EU. Ukrainas säkerhet är också vår säkerhet. EU och alla medlemsstater måste därför öka stödet till Ukraina. Det gäller luftförsvar, ammunition, annan militär materiel, men också ett långsiktigt ekonomiskt och humanitärt stöd.
Samtidigt måste trycket på Ryssland öka. Sanktionerna måste skärpas, kryphålen stängas och Europas beroende av rysk fossil energi upphöra. Idag köper Europas länder rysk gas för mer pengar än vad vi ger i stöd till Ukraina. Det är ingenting annat än hyckleri. Där måste vi skärpa oss.
Och Ukrainas framtid ska avgöras av Ukraina, såklart bygga på folkrätt, suveränitet och territoriell integritet.
Rysslands aggression får aldrig löna sig. Slava Ukraini.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Dziękuję. Wysoka Izbo, pani Wysoka Komisarz, co do jednej podstawowej kwestii nie powinno być tu żadnych wątpliwości. Nie możemy dopuścić do upadku Ukrainy i zwycięstwa Rosji. Każdy sukces Putina lub jego następców zachęci Moskwę do dalszej eskalacji. A eskalacja nie dotknie abstrakcyjnej Europy, ale przede wszystkim kraje Europy Centralnej i Środkowej: Polskę, Rumunię, kraje bałtyckie, Finlandię.
Ale też musimy pamiętać, że te działania hybrydowe, które dzisiaj się toczą, dotyczą praktycznie całej Europy. Dlatego też kraje, które dzisiaj są najbardziej zagrożone, od dawna już wydatkują powyżej czterech, blisko pięć procent PKB na bezpieczeństwo i obronność. Dlatego też Unia Europejska, a zwłaszcza największy kraj, Niemcy, powinny wziąć większą odpowiedzialność za finansowanie wschodniej flanki NATO i tworzenie programów, których celem jest podnoszenie bezpieczeństwa i odporności Europy Centralnej. Dlatego smuci mnie to, że ostatni list do przewodniczącej Komisji Europejskiej w sprawie zamrożonych aktywów nie podpisali posłowie CDU/CSU.
Powstaje pytanie, dlaczego? Nasze wsparcie dla Ukrainy musi trwać tak długo, jak będzie trwać wojna, ale jego finansowanie powinno spoczywać na rosyjskich aktywach zamrożonych, a nie na europejskich i polskich podatnikach. Dziękuję bardzo.
Thank you, Mr. Kobosko. You have one minute, please.
Michał Kobosko
Madam President, High Representative, the European Union is Ukraine's largest supporter and, looking honestly at the numbers, almost the only supporter carrying this burden at scale. Almost every day another tragedy is avoided by minutes or by meters: a passenger train at the Polish border, a drone crossing into European airspace. Dozens, sometimes hundreds of lives at stake each time. If anyone still doubted that Ukraine is fighting for us too, I do not know what clearer evidence they are waiting for. That is why I strongly welcome last week's initiative by over 120 members of this House to reopen the discussion on confiscated frozen Russian assets.
A solid legal solution here does exist. Poland, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Spain deserve credit for putting this issue back on the EU table. Russia has to pay finally, and Ukraine must have what it needs to defend itself and defend us in Europe. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Orlando. You have one minute, please.
Leoluca Orlando
Signora Presidente, signor Alto Rappresentante, da quasi cinque anni sentiamo ripetere doverosa condanna dell'aggressione russa e giusta solidarietà alle vittime innocenti e all'intero popolo ucraino. Adesso finalmente coloro che hanno delegato hanno detto basta di deleghe a Trump. Era ora. L'Unione Europea per troppo tempo ha delegato ogni soluzione diplomatica al perverso ambiguo sistema di affari del presidente Trump da un lato e dall'altro ha scatenato una colossale corsa al riarmo senza difesa né politica estera comune in subalternità ad affari miliardari di fabbricanti di armi specie americani. Una richiesta quella che faccio che è anche una critica forte.
Chiedo alla prego Alto Rappresentante come incredibilmente purtroppo fino ad adesso non si è fatto un incontro dell'Unione Europea con il presidente Zelensky e Putin. Sembra una proposta ingenua ma è normale che non si sia mai fatta una simile proposta dell'Unione Europea. Si faccia ogni sforzo per non far annegare in un mare di sangue e di denaro ogni dignità e lo stesso ruolo di pace e di diritti dell'Unione Europea. Grazie.
Thank you, Madame Mazure. Vous avez une minute s'il vous plaît.
Marina Mesure
Merci Madame la Présidente. Plus de 1660 jours de souffrance quotidienne et d'incertitude permanente pour les Ukrainiens confrontés aux attaques russes qui ne faiblissent pas. Au contraire, elles s'intensifient ces derniers mois, ciblant délibérément les infrastructures vitales pour asphyxier tout un pays. Pourtant, au cœur du chaos, la résilience ukrainienne tient bon, et nous la soutenons. La reconstruction est déjà en marche et des milliers d'ouvriers s'activent chaque jour dans les décombres pour rebâtir des abris, rétablir le courant et garantir l'accès à l'eau.
Mais qui protège aussi ces mains qui reconstruisent sous les bombes ? C'est le cri d'alarme des syndicats ukrainiens. Depuis le début du conflit, ils ont perdu la moitié de leurs membres mais continuent à se battre avec force et résilience pour des conditions de travail dignes et sûres. Défendre leur dignité, c'est redonner l'espoir et les perspectives à tout un peuple. Et parce que les travailleurs comme l'ensemble du peuple ukrainien n'ont qu'un seul objectif : retrouver leur liberté, vivre en paix, il y a urgence d'un cessez-le-feu et de rouvrir les voies de la diplomatie.
Solidarité avec les travailleurs ukrainiens, solidarité avec le peuple ukrainien.
Davor Ivo Stier
Predsjednice, povijest se ne ponavlja, ali često se rimuje. I to kažem jer mi u Hrvatskoj dobro znamo kamo vodi politika koja manjim narodima osporava pravo da sami odlučuju o svojoj budućnosti. Iz toga želim ponoviti da rat u Ukrajini nije posljedica politike proširenja niti Europske unije pa niti NATO-a, on je posljedica ruskog imperijalizma i neprihvaćanja suverene odluke ukrajinskog naroda da svoju budućnost gradi u Europi. Danas Rusija ponovno eskalira, napada civile, kritičnu infrastrukturu, ali testira i odlučnost Europe. I zato moramo djelovati odlučno, osigurati Ukrajini protuzračnu obranu, financijsku i humanitarnu pomoć.
To ne znači da nismo za mir, da nismo za mirovne pregovore, ali ono što ne želimo je kapitulaciju, jer kapitulacija bi bila nagrada agresoru, a nagrada agresoru je samo poziv za nove agresije, za nove ratove. Hvala.
Tobias Cremer
Colleagues, Putin is testing us. He's testing us in Ukraine, targeting passenger trains, even those carrying European officials. And he's testing us on our own soil, orchestrating sabotage, attacks on infrastructure, and even acts of state-sponsored terrorism like in Leipzig. And not even the most desperate Putin apologists in this house can seriously pretend that all of these are unrelated incidents. No, colleagues, this is a clearly calibrated intimidation campaign.
Putin is hoping to frighten us, to divide us, and to break our resolve. And why? Because he's been failing to do so for over five years in Ukraine. So, colleagues, let's show him that here too he is once again miscalculated. Instead of fear, let us show courage and finally use the 200 billion frozen Russian assets as a leverage for peace.
Instead of division, let us show unity and finally put a stop to Putin's shadow fleet. And instead of weakness, let us show strength and finally, finally send Ukraine the air defense missiles still sitting in Europe's depots gathering dust instead of saving lives. Colleagues, Putin is testing us. So let's make sure that he gets our response, that Putin will not be intimidated.
Mrs. Frešonová, please come forward. You have a minute, please.
Veronika Vrecionová
Rusko neustále eskaluje svoji válečnou agresi proti Ukrajině. Vidíme to každý den. Desítky mrtvých nevinných civilistů, znovu i v Buče, útoky na čerpací stanice, na vlaky, na obytné domy a nyní útoky téměř na ukrajinsko-polské hranici. To je realita posledních týdnů a obávám se, že bude hůř. Blíží se zima a všichni jsme už pátým rokem svědky brutálních útoků na civilní infrastrukturu a na energetickou soustavu.
Je to opakovaný zimní teror, jehož cílem je zlomit ukrajinský národ. Ale Ukrajina, stateční Ukrajinci se nevzdávají a my nesmíme vzdát naši plnou podporu, musíme pokračovat v dodávkách zbraní, munice a všeho, co Ukrajina potřebuje nejen na svoji obranu, ale i na dosažení vítězství nad zločinným Ruskem. Podpora Ukrajiny není otázkou volby, podpora Ukrajiny je naše povinnost. Je to i v našem zájmu. Děkuji.
Thank you, Mr. Stekis, you have a minute, please.
Mārtiņš Staķis
Kolēģi, vai tiešām kādam šajā zālē tiešām ir pārsteigums, ka Krievija atkal eskalē? Mums ir jādod asimetriska atbilde, jo vienīgā valoda, kuru saprot Putins, ir spēks. Par katru Eiropas novirzītu dronu, sankcijas un vīzu aizliegums Krievijas pilsoņiem. Par katru raķeti, kas krīt uz Ukrainas pilsētām, raķešu un dronu Ukrainas uzbrukumam. Krievijai jāsaprot, ka par katru sabombardētu zāļu noliktavu, par katru sagrautu elektrības apakšstaciju, atbilde būs iznīcinātas krievu degvielas rūpnīcas, loģistikas centri un infrastruktūra.
Tumšiem logiem Kijivā atbilde ir tumši logi Maskavā. Tikai tā. Spēks ir vienīgā valoda, kuru viņš respektē. Svētdien prezidents Tramps pieprasīja, lai Ukraina pārstāj uzbrukt Krievijas naftas rūpnīcām. Nu, Kremlis par to aplaudēja.
Mans vēstījums Ukrainai ir pretējs. Nu, turpiniet. Tas strādā. Sitiet tur, kur Krievijai un Putinam visvairāk sāp. Un Eiropa jums palīdzēs.
Miers caur spēku vai bezgalīgs karš, nu tā ir mūsu izvēle. Slava Ukrainai!
Thank you very much, dear colleagues, Madam Kallas. 1666. 1666 days of war, which is slowly turning into a soap opera with which many people in the European Union are tired with or don't anymore care about it. In the meantime, we've imposed many sanctions on Russia. I'm very grateful for that.
But at the same time, we overlook their circumvention.
Ondřej Kolář
We allow exceptions. We've handed peace negotiations over to a lunatic who mistakes the culprit for the victim and his bunch of sales representatives. We've watched Russia produce new and new weapons and have not provided Ukraine with enough to defend its children. We've mastered the art of standing by and being concerned. But allow me to remind you that standing by doesn't mean putting us into a standby mode.
Thank you.
Klára Dobrev
Putyin Ukrajnában háborúzik ugyan, de igazából az Európai Uniót támadja. Szabotázsakciók, bombákkal megrakott drónok, az elektromos és hálózatunk elleni támadások, dezinformációs kampány lassan mindennapossá válnak. És az Európai Uniónak elég erősnek kell lennie ahhoz, hogy megállítsa az agresszort, mert békét akarunk, de a béke nem az, hogyha egy nagyhatalom fegyverrel elvehet bármit a másiktól. A béke az, hogyha megvédjük az erős, független és európai Ukrajnát.
Ez a tartós békének a garanciája. És hadd szóljak azokhoz, akik a magyar kisebbségek háta mögé bújva próbálják meg Ukrajna Európai Uniós tagságát megakadályozni. Menjenek el Kárpátaljára, kérdezzék meg a magyarokat, kérdezzék meg a magyar kisebbséget, hogy az Európai Unió tagjai szeretnének-e lenni, mert a válaszuk az lesz, hogy igen. Aki a kárpátaljai magyarokon akar segíteni, aki Ukrajnának akar segíteni, aki az Európai Uniót akarja védeni, az Európai Uniós tagsága mellett van Ukrajnának. Nincs más választás.
Köszönöm szépen.
Thank you, meneer van Lanschot. U hebt één minuut, alsjeblieft.
Reinier Van Lanschot
Dankjewel. Last week in Ukraine I met a soldier, soon to return to the front. I asked him, what keeps you going? And he told me, when Russia occupies an area, they force the people there to fight for them. He told me he has a choice.
Either I fight now for the country I love, or in a couple of years I'll be forced to fight for the country I hate. We shook hands. I took a train back home and he took a train back to the front. Like him, we also have a choice to make.
We can choose to resist now or be forced to fight later. Because Putin does not stop. Anything he can conquer in Ukraine today, he will turn against us tomorrow. I've spoken up for a Ukrainian victory in this house often, because it is the right thing to do, but also because it's the smart thing to do. Thank you.
Katarina Barley
Thank you, Mrs. Niechl. Please come forward, you have one minute please.
Mirosława Nykiel
Rosja próbuje podpalić nasz europejski dom i robi to coraz bliżej naszych granic. W niedzielę rosyjski dron uderzył w pociąg jadący z Kijowa do Warszawy, dwa kilometry od granicy. W nocy myśliwce NATO strącały drona nad Litwą. I ktoś jeszcze pyta, czy to nasza wojna? I patrzę tu w stronę skrajnej prawicy i Konfederacji.
Rosja testuje Europę. Putin sprawdza, jak daleko może się posunąć. Sprawdza, czy będziemy solidarni, czy się cofniemy, czy pozwolimy mu przesunąć granice tego, co uznajemy za niedopuszczalne. Nie możemy mu na to pozwolić. Dlatego potrzebujemy trzech rzeczy.
Ukraina musi dostać wszystko to, co potrzebuje, aby chronić swoje niebo i infrastrukturę. Transze z pożyczki 50 miliardów euro muszą docierać do Kijowa szybciej niż papiery krążą po naszych biurkach. Po drugie, obrona powietrzna dla Ukrainy i dla wschodniej flanki Europy, to musi być jeden spójny system bezpieczeństwa, bo rosyjskie drony i rakiety nie respektują naszych granic. Po trzecie, zamrożone rosyjskie aktywa. Rosja niszczy Ukrainę, więc Rosja musi ponieść koszty tej wojny i odbudowy.
Po pierwsze, więcej broni dla Ukrainy i szybciej.
Więcej broni dla Ukrainy, więcej bezpieczeństwa dla Europy, mniej strachu przed Putinem i kropka.
Thank you, Mr. Rosati. Please come forward, you have one minute, please.
Gracias, presidenta. Hemos pasado la mañana aquí debatiendo en este hemiciclo sobre el estado de la Unión y, por supuesto, la lucha del pueblo ucraniano ha tenido también su espacio. Colegas, resulta insoportable ver cómo en este hemiciclo hay quienes boicotean activamente la ayuda y le hacen el juego a Rusia.
Marcos Ros Sempere
Los mismos que frenan la ayuda a Ucrania son los que mañana también torpedearán cualquier avance democrático y social, porque su táctica es el ruido, la estrategia de división y su objetivo, la destrucción de la Unión Europea. Y no podemos ser complacientes, y miro al Grupo Popular, abran los ojos, no pueden estar hoy con Ucrania y mañana blanquear en otros debates a quienes boicotean a Ucrania, porque el futuro de Europa y la victoria de Ucrania son inseparables, solo avanzarán de la mano de aquellos que queremos construir. Necesitamos reforzar nuestra ayuda no solo para que resista el pueblo ucraniano, sino para que ganen de una vez esta guerra y dejemos atrás de una vez a quienes solo han venido a destruir. Gracias.
Thank you, High Representative, Mrs. Kallas.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you for this debate. Actually, first I wanted to start with reacting to what MEP Kollar said, but of course he has left the room. So, I mean, he said that we are standing by and being concerned. This is so wrong.
I mean, the only ones who are very firmly standing behind Ukraine is Europeans, and we should not overlook that. I mean, 21 packages of sanctions, dealing with the circumvention of sanctions, going after the shadow fleet that fuels the Russian war, 220 billion of euros of support to Ukraine since the start of the war. So please, let's not undermine what we are doing. But at the same time, I also want to stress one thing. What I said in the beginning, Russia is increasingly targeting the civilians.
Civilians means homes, schools, hospitals, people, most of all people. And if we give in to this, if we say that okay, we will give you what you want because we just can't tolerate this, then aggressor gets what it wants. And then I can assure you that the appetite of the aggressor only grows. And not only Russia's appetite will grow, but actually also all the aggressors or would-be aggressors around the world can see that this works. This works.
So we will see more of it in the world. About talking to Ukraine. First, Russia should talk to Ukraine. Ukraine and Russia should talk. All the others can be mediators or or enablers, but they have to talk to each other.
And if Russia would be serious about any kind of negotiations, they would agree to ceasefire so that diplomacy can have a chance. We don't have that. Absolutely the opposite. We see that they are increasing the attacks. So really, I mean, this is as long as Russia is not doing any of this, not sitting around the table, not actually negotiating, also not negotiating with the big big countries because they are just demanding what they want to get and not negotiating on any of the topics.
And again, they need to negotiate with Ukraine. As long as Russia is not doing that, we need to continue of pressuring Russia by more sanctions, by more means of of pressure. And we also need to help Ukraine so that they can defend themselves. It's about lives of ordinary people.
It's about lives of ordinary people, it's about the lives of actually ordinary Europeans. Thank you.
Thank you. We will now go to the catch-the-eye procedure, and I will ask Mr. Mažylis to take the floor.
Liudas Mažylis
Dėkoju, pirmininke, gerbiama vyriausioji įgaliotine, kolegos. Vien per praėjusią savaitę Rusija į Ukrainą paleido 2100 dronų, 1700 valdomųjų aviacinių bombų ir 78 raketas. Dronai modernizuojami, jie jau reaktyviniai, taikiniai nėra atsitiktiniai: elektrinės, šilumos tinklai ir namai, kuriuose miega vaikai. Prieš dieną NATO naikintuvai numušė droną virš Lietuvos, o incidentų serija iš Kijevo vykusioje link Lenkijos traukinyje, Leipcigo oro uoste, Danijoje, Rumunijoje dar kartą įrodo, kad Rusijos karas jau peržengė Europos Sąjungos lenkstį. Todėl parama Ukrainai yra tiesioginė investicija į pačios Europos saugumą.
Ukraina gina mus ne tik metaforiškai.
Strateginis jų karinės minties inovatyvumas, sustiprintas Europos pramonės galimybėmis, yra ir šiandienos iššūkis, ir būtinybė. Slava Ukraini. Dėkoju.
Maria Grapini
Thank you, Mrs. Capini. Mulțumesc, doamnă președintă, doamnă comisar, stimați colegi. Eu trăiesc în România, o țară care a suferit deja din cauza războiului, pe de o parte economic la început, când știm bine că tranzitau cerealele și fermierii noștri au suferit. Acum, de ceva timp, de un an, plouă cu drone așa, pe un bloc, într-o familie, a rănit copilul și așa mai departe. Doamnă comisar, au eșuat toate negocierile diplomatice.
Statele Unite ne-au păcălit mereu că da, se termină, se termină, iacă sunt cinci ani și războiul nu că se termină, mor din ce în ce mai mulți oameni. Și sunt oameni, că sunt ucraineni, că sunt români, că sunt minorități acolo, sunt oameni. Ce puteți face mai mult decât să asistăm și să dăm niște bani? Și pentru a crește încrederea cetățenilor din toate statele membre, cred că ar trebui să faceți în mod transparent ce s-au întâmplat cu acei bani, că s-a vorbit aici despre corupție. S-au dat pentru școli, pentru spitale, pentru locuințele celor care au fost distruse, pentru familiile cărora le-au murit bărbații din familie și așa mai departe.
Deci trebuie, trebuie să crească încrederea că da, Europa toată este în pericol prin acest război care e deja de cinci ani. Vă mulțumesc.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Thank you, Mr. Tînjală.
Dear President, Vladimir Putin's imperial ambitions are a bottomless pit. If his aggressions are tolerated, it is only a matter of time before Moscow chooses its next victim. Then another, until the dream of a rebuilt Russian Empire is realized. Finland escaped this Russian jail over a hundred years ago. Even the current generations have inherited the memories of what a misery it was to live under Russian control.
Russia has not changed and living under its control is still an absolute misery. Therefore, my message for dear Ukrainians is: keep fighting. But for Europe, I say: start accelerating and expanding our military aid to Ukraine. Helping Ukraine is not an act of charity. It is a continental self-defense.
And even though I have been criticizing on Iran you, dear High Representative, on Russia you are on right track and I thank you for that.
Krzysztof Brejza
Thank you, Mr. Brzezda. 338.
Szanowni państwo, mieliśmy do czynienia, kiedy słucham dziś tej dyskusji i słyszę te prorosyjskie głosy skrajnej prawicy, skrajnej lewicy, to przypominają się lata dwudzieste ubiegłego wieku i termin pożytecznych idiotów Lenina. Tak teraz mamy do czynienia z pożytecznymi idiotami Putina, którzy spotykają się wspólnie, jak w tej teorii podkowy, gdzieś tam pod Moskwą. Ale my wiemy, o co wam chodzi. Wy chcecie rozbijać jedność Unii Europejskiej. Wy chcecie zniszczyć naszą świadomość europejską, tożsamość europejską, jedność europejską.
Ale my na to nie pozwolimy i potrzebujemy więcej tak skutecznych działań jak chociażby program SAFE, jak ten wielki przełom, jaki uczyniła Unia Europejska w polityce obronnej, bo w Polsce podpisaliśmy już 60 umów na ponad 40 miliardów euro. Potrzebujemy dozbrojenia Ukrainy, ale potrzebujemy też dozbrojenia wschodniej flanki Unii Europejskiej. I nie pozwolimy pożytecznym idiotom Putina zniszczyć Unii Europejskiej.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Thank you, Mr. López Aguilar.
Thank you, Madam President. High Rep Kaja Kallas, esta mañana en el debate del Estado de la Unión, la presidenta von der Leyen ha hablado repetidamente de tipping point, punto de inflexión, para que la Unión Europea abandone la edad de la ingenuidad y adquiera las responsabilidades plenas de la edad adulta, aprendiendo a hablar el lenguaje del poder, hard power, con quienes quieren imponer el de la fuerza bruta en defensa de sus propios valores, los de la Unión Europea y de su legislación. Este Parlamento Europeo ha hecho cuanto ha estado en su mano para apoyar a Ucrania, ha apoyado 21 paquetes de sanciones, pero hace falta además que la Unión Europea adquiera de una vez la estatura global que se ha prometido, de tener una voz audible, digna de ser escuchada y ojalá respetada, no solamente frente a Rusia, el agresor, sino también en el escenario de la paz, donde la Unión Europea continúa completamente ausente. Cada vez que se habla de alguna conversación por la paz, la Unión Europea está ausente de ella y, por tanto, el objetivo principal es que la Unión Europea esté en la mesa y no en el menú de la paz. Gracias, Presidenta.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Thank you, Mr. Mularczyk. 590.
Dzisiejsza debata i dyskusja pokazała, że Unia Europejska od dyskusji musi przejść do działania, w szczególności jeśli chodzi o kwestię zamrożonych rosyjskich aktywów. 200 miliardów euro, pani przewodnicząca, jest w banku w Belgii. Powstaje pytanie, dlaczego te środki nie są użyte jako środki do odbudowy Ukrainy? Na dzień dzisiejszy wiemy, że te zniszczenia są szacowane około 600 miliardów euro, natomiast w banku Eurojust w Belgii jest 200 miliardów rosyjskich aktywów. Unia Europejska powinna zrobić wszystko, żeby te środki były wykorzystane jako środki na odbudowę Ukrainy, na reparacje dla Ukrainy.
Nie może być tak, że europejski podatnik, że polski podatnik będzie płacił koszty wojny Putina, którą wywołał dwa lata temu. Dlatego wnioskujemy do przewodniczącej Calas o jeszcze większą mobilizację, żeby te środki zostały użyte do odbudowy Ukrainy. Dziękuję.
Thank you. Dear colleagues, first, more than ever, Ukraine needs air defense systems and munitions. We need to accelerate joint procurement and build up Europe's production capacity at the scale this war requires. Second, we must strengthen sanctions and accountability efforts.
Dainius Žalimas
Attempts to protect oligarchs and other financial pillars of Putin's regime are shameful and undermine Europe's credibility. I fully agree that the use of frozen Russian assets must return to the European agenda. Finally, after Ukraine's EU membership unfortunately was left unmentioned in today's State of the Union address, we must insist: Ukraine's future lies in the European Union. We cannot leave it in a geopolitical gray zone. Our ambition cannot be Ukraine that merely survives.
It must be Ukraine that wins and joins us in building a stronger and sovereign Europe. Thank you.
Thank you, Ms. Konečná.
Kateřina Konečná
Děkuji, paní předsedající, kolegyně a kolegové. Bod debaty se sice jmenuje potřeba podpory Ukrajině, ale vhodnější název by byl potřeba podpory zbrojařů. Neboť komu jste reálně za ty léta pomohli? Těm mužům, kteří jsou naháněni jako lovná zvěř verbíři, kteří jsou mláceni a nuceni jít bojovat za své oligarchy na frontu? Či snad ukrajinským ženám, co musí pohřbívat své muže a matkám, co musí pohřbívat syny?
Či jste pomohli lidem vydělávajícím na smrti a kteří na konfliktu reálně bohatnou? Trump zjistil, že USA již nejsou schopné vést proxy válku proti Rusku současně se zločineckou agresivní válkou proti Íránu a znovu tak nastala šance na vyjednání příměří mezi Ukrajinou a Ruskem. A já žádám evropské elity, aby konečně přestaly bránit diplomatickému řešení konfliktu. Tím, že necháte znepřátelené strany jednat, tím pomůžete Ukrajině nejvíc. Jinak se skutečně může stát, že vaše touha udělat z našich zbrojařů nejbohatší lidi planety přeroste ve válku s jadernou mocností a možný jaderný konflikt bude potom jediná jedna otázka: kdo po něm vůbec zůstane, aby pohřbil stovky milionů mrtvých.
Máte to ve svých rukou i vy, paní komisařko.
Thank you, Mr. Čerba.
Pani przewodnicząca, pani komisarz, jeśli dzisiaj nie będziemy wspierać Ukrainy, to niestety jutro będziemy musieli walczyć i to jest bardzo ważna informacja, której musimy sprostać i musimy mieć tę wspólną świadomość. To, czego oczekuje od nas Europa, ale również to, czego oczekuje od nas Ukraina, to przede wszystkim jedność i konsekwencja i tą konsekwencję musimy pokazywać.
Michał Szczerba
Tak, oczywiście, zamrożone aktywa rosyjskie w tej chwili już trzeba traktować jako reperacje wojenne, które Rosja powinna zapłacić Ukrainie. I musimy zrobić wszystko, żeby spróbować otworzyć te środki i przekazać Ukrainie. I druga sprawa, nad którą pracuję w Parlamencie Europejskim jako negocjator, to jest regulacja mobilność wojskowa. I tutaj potrzebujemy w ramach tych międzyinstytucjonalnych negocjacji pełnej sprawczości i takiego działania, aby ta regulacja mogła wejść w życie jak najszybciej. Wojskowe Schengen musi stać się rzeczywistością Europy.
Dziękuję bardzo.
Thank you, Mr. Andriukaitis.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Dėkoju, gerbiama posėdžio pirmininke, gerbiama vyriausioji įgaliotine. Išties čia pasakyta labai daug pasiūlymų: ir iššaldyto turto, ir paramos, ir galimybės sustiprinti sankcijas. Tačiau šiandien ypatingai svarbi darbotvarkės dalis – apginti Ukrainos dangų.
Artėja žiema, bombarduojami, atakuojami visi infrastruktūros objektai tam, kad šaltis ir didžiulės sukeltos socialinės pasekmės miestuose būtų dar skaudesnės. Šiandien ypač reikia apginti oro erdvę. Tai yra numeris vienas. Mes turime pamatyti veiksmų planus ir reikia mobilizuoti visų 27 šalių sostines. Jūs darote tikrai didelį darbą, bet sostinėse toks didžiulis skirtumas požiūrių ir tokia skirtinga paramos dydžio suma, palygint kai kurių šalių, ir skiriasi kartais.
Reikia mobilizuoti sostines suprasti, kas gresia per du mėnesius dabar, jeigu mes neapginsim oro erdvės.
Marta Wcisło
Pani przewodnicząca, wysoka izbo. Rosja atakuje. Atakuje Ukrainę, atakuje Polskę i inne kraje. A na tej wojnie kapitał politycznych chcą zbić populiści, chce zbić skrajna prawica. W moim kraju 11 posłów żąda od obecnego rządu, aby 11 listopada zorganizował w Ukrainie, we Lwowie marsz niepodległości, aby na ulice wyszły tysiące ludzi, którzy będą idealnym i bardzo łatwym celem dla Rosji.
Na wojnie kapitał polityczny chcą zbić populiści. W myśl patriotyzmu, którym się zasłaniają, chcą narażać ludność cywilną. To nie są patrioci. To są idioci, którzy zbijają kapitał polityczny w imię bezpieczeństwa polskich i ukraińskich obywateli. To skandal.
Thank you, Mr. Gražulis. Mr. Gražulis, you've requested a catch-the-eye.
Petras Gražulis
Gerbiama komisare, jūs pasakėte, kad Europa daug padarė, bet jinai nepadarė tiek, kiek reikia, kad apgintų Ukrainą. Penki metai vyksta karas, neapsaugota oro erdvė, nesuteikta gynybinių pajėgų apsaugant oro erdvę. Rusija, kurioje gyventojų tik 140 milijonų ir biudžetas 20 ar 50 kartų mažesnis, mes nesugebam suteikti Ukrainai reikiamos paramos.
Gėda, mažiau kalbų, daugiau reikia darbų. Pro jūsų namus Baltijos jūra praplaukė 50 procentų šešėlinio laivyno su nafta, naftos produktais. Ką jūs darot? Jau buvo kalbėta apie Rusijos banko užšaldytas lėšas, metus metus kalbam, bet tų pinigų neskiriam Ukrainai. Europa, tu neryžtinga, neprincipinga.
Ne tik Ukrainos, jeigu neapginsit Ukrainos, jūs neturit ateities.
Thank you, Mrs. Jovanovici.
Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă
Mulțumesc, doamnă președintă. Deci am înțeles în acest hemiciclu că dacă ai altă opinie ești un trădător, nu trebuie să mai stai în Parlament și eventual te trimite Uniunea Europeană și în închisoare. Tot aici am înțeles că discutăm între idioții inutili ai lui Putin și idioții inutili ai lui Zelenski, deși știam că în acest hemiciclu sunt interzise insultele. Dar dacă ni se permit insultele, să știți că știm și noi să răspundem cu aceeași monedă. Însă vreau să vă întreb: ce ați rezolvat cu Ucraina împreună cu Statele Unite ale Americii, de când dumneavoastră ați început acest război în 2014?
Foarte puțină lume mai ține minte lucrul ăsta. N-ați reușit să învingeți Rusia împreună cu Statele Unite ale Americii. Statele Unite ale Americii s-au retras și acum credeți că Uniunea Europeană, care cel puțin în România suntem în faliment, puteți să învingeți Rusia? N-a reușit nici Napoleon. Să vă aduc aminte de cel de-al Doilea Război Mondial?
Cred că trebuie să mai învățați istorie. Și tot istoria asta spune că în Ucraina avem peste un milion de români discriminați în mai multe teritorii care au fost preluate de Uniunea Sovietică prin pactul Ribbentrop-Molotov. Și ne vrem teritoriile înapoi cu românii noștri acolo unde n-au voie să vorbească română, li s-au dărâmat bisericile, li se omoară oamenii și este o nedreptate inacceptabilă. Ne vrem teritoriile înapoi pentru că Zelenski își bate joc de români. Mulțumesc.
Thank you. The debate is closed. One information: the non-attached members have notified the President of decisions relating to changes to appointments within committees. These decisions will be set out in the minutes of today's sitting and take effect on the date of the announcement. The sitting is suspended and it will resume in a few minutes with the debates on cases of breaches of human rights, democracy and the rule of law.
The sitting is resumed. The next item on the agenda is debates on cases of breach of human rights, democracy and the rule of law, Rule 150.
The next debate on the agenda is deteriorating situation of media freedom and freedom of expression in Hong Kong, following the recent arrest of bookseller Leticia Wong and the convictions of Lee Cheuk-yan and Chow Hang-tung. First, I will give the floor to Mrs. Lexmann. You have one minute.
Miriam Lexmann
Thank you, Chair. Colleagues, again and again, we warn about the systemic dismantling of fundamental freedoms in Hong Kong through the abusive application of the National Security Law. Leticia Wong is the latest victim of the oppressive Chinese Communist regime, while Jimmy Lai and many other pro-democracy voices remain unjustly in prison. China is constantly breaching the international obligations. Hong Kong has become a tool of Beijing's foreign policy, a gateway for circumventing EU sanctions against Russia, and tragically, a place where there is no longer any space for democracy.
Expression of concerns are no longer enough. I would like to reiterate my call on the European Commission and the Belgium authorities to review the status of the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office in Brussels and restrict its access to the European institutions.
Thank you very much.
Thank you, Mrs. Lexmann. Mr. Austrevicius, you have one minute, please.
Sakis Arnaoutoglou
Dear colleagues, selling a book is not a crime. Remembering the victims of Tiananmen is not a threat to national security. Yet the cases of Leticia Wong, Lee Cheuk-yan, Chow Hang-tung, Alberto Ho, and Jimmy Lai show how fundamental freedoms are being criminalized in Hong Kong. We demand the immediate and unconditional release of everyone detained for peacefully exercising their rights, the dropping of all charges against them, and the repeal of the repressive national security laws. China must honor its commitments to Hong Kong's rights and freedoms.
Europe's response must go beyond expressions of concern. We must raise these cases consistently, strengthen diplomatic monitoring, and protect those facing transnational repression. Human rights must remain central to EU-China relations. Our dialogue must deliver concrete results for those facing persecution.
Their freedom must remain our priority. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Ostrovicius.
Petras Auštrevičius
Madam Chair, Commissioner, honorable colleagues. By systematically violating the Sino-British Joint Declaration, which remains legally binding, the Chinese government is suppressing the democratic rights promised to Hong Kong. The arrest of bookseller Leticia Wong and her husband on bogus charges of rebelling against the government's line and distributing books such as autobiography of another political prisoner, Jimmy Lai, is yet another example. Journalists, human rights and democracy activists are being persecuted and unjustly imprisoned with decades-long sentences under inhumane conditions. I call on the EU institutions and Member States to closely follow the ongoing political persecutions in Hong Kong and China and to hold their authorities accountable.
We must link the ongoing human rights violations to our political and economic relations with communist China. Otherwise, I am sad to say that Europe's silence amounts to the betrayal of our fundamental values and ideals. Thank you.
You have the floor for one minute, please.
Erik Marquardt
Ja, vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar. Wir haben ja erst im Januar dieses Jahres eine Resolution anlässlich der Verurteilung von Jimmy Lai hier im Parlament angenommen und wenige Monate später dann am 24. Juni wurde die Journalistin und Buchhändlerin Leticia Wong und ihr Mann in Hongkong festgenommen. Und diese Festnahme, die steht beispielhaft für viele Festnahmen der letzten Monate, den immer stärkeren Angriff auf Pressefreiheit, auf unabhängige Verlage, auf die freie Meinungsäußerung in Hongkong. Und Hongkong, das war noch vor wenigen Jahren eigentlich ein Ort, an dem Bücher frei verkauft werden konnten, an dem Zeitungen mit unterschiedlichen Meinungen veröffentlicht wurden und politische Meinungen frei geäußert werden konnten. Und heute, da können genau diese Dinge ins Gefängnis führen.
Das nationale Sicherheitsgesetz ist ein Instrument politischer Verfolgung geworden. Es verletzt fundamentale Rechte und untergräbt die Rechtsstaatlichkeit, die Hongkong eigentlich zugesichert wurde.
Ich finde, wir dürfen als EU da nicht nur mit besorgten Erklärungen reagieren. Nun hat eine Resolution wie unsere immer auch den Charakter einer Erklärung, aber es ist richtig, dass wir hier fordern, dass die Menschenrechte und grundlegende Freiheiten eben niemals Nebenthema des auswärtigen Handelns sein dürfen, insbesondere in China nicht.
Thank you. I will now call to take the floor Mr. Kelly, speaking for EPP.
Seán Kelly
Maith thú, a Uachtaráin, tá mé glactha leis an ábhar seo. And since the National Security Law was imposed in 2020, over 40 independent bookshops have closed in Hong Kong amid pressure over allegedly seditious publications. Those that remain operate under an increasingly real threat: sell the wrong book and risk losing your freedom. The recent arrest of bookseller Leticia Wong is another alarming sign of a crackdown aimed at silencing independent literature and publishing. When authorities fear books, ideas, and candlelight vigils, they reveal a deeper fear of dissent, of memory, and of citizens who refuse to be silenced.
What we are seeing here is the systematic erosion of freedoms once promised to the people of Hong Kong. When those freedoms are dismantled elsewhere, we cannot remain silent. Is uafásach an scéal é, agus is ceart dúinn a chur in iúl don tSín agus don domhan uilig go seasaimid le saoránaigh Hong Cong. Go raibh maith agat, a Uachtaráin.
Thank you, Mr. Assis, speaking for S&D.
Francisco Assis
Sim, senhor comissário. Tal como Hong Kong, Macau está sob o regime de um país, dois sistemas, desde que regressou ao domínio chinês em 1999. Ao contrário de Hong Kong, porém, a China conseguiu silenciar a sociedade civil e suprimir a dissidência. Nos últimos anos, nenhuma manifestação foi autorizada em Macau. Os políticos da oposição foram depostos, a liberdade de expressão foi destruída.
Isto demonstra bem as consequências da ausência de protestos internacionais e de pressão externa sobre o regime chinês. Uma das poucas exceções é a do antigo parlamentar macaense Au Kam-san, de 67 anos, que está preso há mais de um ano sem direito a comunicar com a sua família, a qual já apelou, aliás, e sem sucesso, à intervenção da União Europeia. Au Kam-san, que tem dupla nacionalidade, tem também nacionalidade portuguesa, é o primeiro ativista a ser preso em Macau ao abrigo da Lei de Segurança Nacional. A sua coragem, o seu brio democrático são admiráveis e merecem todo o nosso apoio.
Apelo, por isso mesmo, a que esta Câmara vote favoravelmente as duas emendas que o meu grupo apresentou sobre o seu caso. Muito obrigado.
Thank you. Madame Furret, vous avez la parole pour une minute.
Angéline Furet
Face à la résolution commune déposée aujourd'hui, nous condamnons fermement la Chine qui jette en prison une libraire à Hong Kong pour avoir vendu des livres qui déplaisent au régime. Mais avant de donner des leçons de morale, l'Union européenne et la France feraient bien de regarder leurs propres dérives. Ici, vous avez le mot démocratie à la bouche, mais vous bafouez le vote de millions d'Européens avec votre cordon sanitaire. À Bruxelles, on envoie même la police interdire une conférence parce que des élus conservateurs y prennent la parole. En France, sous prétexte de régulation, l'État ordonne désormais à l'Arcom de ficher les opinions politiques des journalistes sur des chaînes libres comme CNews.
Vous pleurez sur la censure en Chine, mais vous installez votre propre dictature de la pensée chez nous. Je vous remercie.
Bernard Guetta
Monsieur Guetta, vous avez la parole pour une minute.
Avec vos surplus industriels, vous avez un besoin vital, vous qui dirigez la Chine, d'une bonne entente avec nos 27 nations, mais vous ne faites pourtant que vous les aliéner. Deux systèmes, disiez-vous, mais l'Europe voit s'abattre sur Hong Kong la loi d'airain du parti unique. Nous respectons, dites-vous, le droit international, mais sans votre amitié sans limites, la Russie aurait bien dû tourner les talons en Ukraine. Vous ruinez nos industries, soutenez l'homme qui nous menace et venez nous proposer de réduire vos exportations en échange, seulement en échange, d'un libre accès à nos technologies. Alors vous qui êtes les meilleurs amis de notre agresseur, sachez-le, vous qui dirigez la Chine, nous n'irons pas épauler vos ingénieurs tant que vous soutiendrez Vladimir Poutine.
Et si vous souhaitez entretenir de bonnes relations avec nous, rompez avec cette burlesque ambition de nous vassaliser.
Merci. I will now ask Mrs. Gomez Lopez to take the floor for one minute, please.
Gracias, presidenta. Durante décadas, miles de personas se reunieron pacíficamente en Hong Kong para encender una vela y recordar a las víctimas de Tiananmén. Y hoy, quienes organizaron esas vigilias están en prisión bajo la Ley de Seguridad Nacional.
Sandra Gómez López
Y su caso resume una realidad que va mucho más allá de lo que hoy estamos hablando, de los casos que hoy nos ocupan. Y es el progresivo cierre del espacio cívico en Hong Kong. Personas perseguidas por organizarse, medios independientes que han desaparecido y libreros investigados por los libros que venden, como Leticia Wong. Y eso es inaceptable. Hong Kong está obligada a proteger la libertad de expresión, reunión y asociación, ya que tiene un marco jurídico que le permite aplicarlo por el Pacto Internacional de Derechos Civiles y Políticos.
Y la seguridad nacional no puede convertirse de nuevo en una excusa para no aplicarlo. La Unión Europea tenemos herramientas e instrumentos para devolver a Hong Kong a la agenda internacional y recordar que la memoria histórica de los que murieron defendiendo la libertad no es subversión. Publicar un libro no es subversión y defender los derechos humanos tampoco debería serlo. Gracias.
Reinhold Lopatka
Thank you. We now go to the catch-the-eye procedure. I will first ask Mr. Lopatka to take the floor.
What we are witnessing in Hong Kong is a systematic undermining of freedoms that were once guaranteed. Since Beijing's introduction of the National Security Law in 2020, it has increasingly been used to silence journalists, publishers, and pro-democracy activists. The arrest of bookseller and former journalist Leticia Wong, as well as the conviction of Lee Cheuk-yan and Chow Hang-tung, are further alarming examples of this repression. Freedom of expression, media freedom, and peaceful assembly are fundamental rights. They cannot be treated as threats to national security.
Thank you very much.
Reinhold Lopatka
We have to call for the immediate and unconditional release of these three detainees, as well as all those detained simply for exercising their fundamental freedoms. And I ask the Commission to be active here.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Thank you, Mr. Mularczyk. 590.
Pani Przewodnicząca, w Hongkongu wieloletnie wyroki więzienia otrzymują dziś ludzie, dla których jedynym przestępstwem było organizowanie pokojowych demonstracji na placu Tiananmen z okazji rocznicy masakry, obrona demokracji oraz korzystanie z wolności słowa. Represje obejmują również niezależnych księgarzy, a sprzedaż publikacji niewygodnych dla władz może prowadzić do zatrzymania, przeszukania księgarni i oskarżenia o działalność wywrotową. To pokazuje, że władze Chin systematycznie niszczą autonomię Hongkongu oraz zasadę jeden kraj, dwa systemy. Unia Europejska nie może poprzestać na wyrażeniu zaniepokojenia, jak było to dotychczas. Powinna domagać się uwolnienia wszystkich więźniów politycznych i stosować sankcje wobec tych osób, które są odpowiedzialne za represje polityczne.
Interesy gospodarcze Unii Europejskiej nie mogą być ważniejsze niż prawa człowieka. Milczenie wobec represji nie jest pragmatyzmem, ale jest przyzwoleniem na te represje. Dziękuję bardzo.
Lukas Sieper
Liebe Menschen Europas, ich möchte der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas ein altes deutsches Volkslied zum Nachdenken mitgeben. Die Gedanken sind frei, wer kann sie erraten? Sie fliehen vorbei wie nächtliche Schatten. Kein Mensch kann sie wissen, kein Jäger erschießen, es bleibet dabei: Die Gedanken sind frei. Ich denke, was ich will und was mich beglückt, doch alles in der Still' und wie es sich schicket.
Mein Wunsch und Begehren kann niemand verwehren, es bleibet dabei: Die Gedanken sind frei. Und sperrt man mich ein im finsteren Kerker, das alles sind rein vergebliche Werke. Denn meine Gedanken zerreißen die Schranken und Mauern entzwei: Die Gedanken sind frei. Diese Menschen können eingesperrt werden bis zum Ende ihres Lebens. Das wird niemals etwas daran ändern, dass ihre Gedanken durch die ganze Welt hallen und sich auch hier bei uns im Europäischen Parlament niederschlagen.
Vielen Dank.
Thank you, Mrs. Jovanović.
Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă
Mulțumesc, doamnă președintă. Dacă vreți să rezolvați cazurile din Hong Kong, trebuie să vorbiți cu China. Din păcate, dumneavoastră nu vorbiți cu China. Dumneavoastră vă certați cu Xi Jinping și îl criticați. Dumneavoastră vă certați cu Rusia și îl criticați pe Putin.
Și vă certați cu Statele Unite ale Americii, să ne aducem aminte în ce hal l-ați denigrat pe Trump atunci când a câștigat mandatul. Din păcate, cam același lucru care se întâmplă în Hong Kong se întâmplă în România. Avem cărți interzise.
Tot ce înseamnă cărți de istorie din perioada interbelică și cel de-al Doilea Război Mondial este interzis să citești, să postezi, că ajungi în închisoare zece ani. Este interzis să citești poezii de Adrian Păunescu, unul dintre cei mai mari poeți ai României, care acum se solicită de către Institutul Comunist de Cercetare a Comunismului din România, un institut care doar mănâncă bani de la buget, solicită să i se îndepărteze și statuia, deși a fost unul dintre cei mai mari revoluționari în epoca comunistă. Se cere îndepărtarea celui mai mare poet român, Eminescu, pentru că așa consideră un reprezentant al Israelului că, vezi Doamne, ar fi fost antisemit pe la 1870, când nici nu exista antisemitismul. În România sunt oameni în închisoare pentru că vorbesc ceea ce nu convine puterii. În România avem cărți interzise, avem reviste interzise, în România asta a dumneavoastră a Uniunii Europene, unde tot ridicați glasul că e democrație.
E dictatură în Europa, în Uniunea Europeană, nu mai criticați ce este în China și vedeți ce este în ograda voastră și reparați nenorocirea de aici. Mulțumesc.
Jozef Síkela
Thank you. I will now call the Commissioner, Schinas. You have the floor, please.
Honorable Vice-President, honorable members, since the imposition of the National Security Law in 2020, we have witnessed a drastic clampdown of the free and independent press and a dramatic erosion of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Hong Kong. Hundreds of opposition politicians, journalists, and civil society activists have been arrested. Most independent media outlets were forced to close and many civil society organizations had to disband. The national security trial against the three former leaders of the Hong Kong Alliance, Lee Cheuk-yan, Chow Hang-tung, and Albert Ho, illustrates the decline of the freedom of expression and shrinking space for civil society. These former leaders were prosecuted for their peaceful activism and their support for democracy, for freedom of expression, and for freedom of assembly.
For many years, the Hong Kong Alliance had organized the annual vigil to commemorate the violent suppression of the Tiananmen Square protest in 1989, often with more than a hundred thousand participants. Since 2020, no public vigil has taken place. Today, public protest is effectively banned in Hong Kong. Pressure on independent journalists also continues. Leticia Wong, a journalist and bookseller, was arrested in June on suspicion of selling so-called seditious publications.
Her independent bookstore regularly faces administrative harassment. Such action of the prosecution of civil society voices undermine confidence in the rule of law and harm Hong Kong's international reputation. Criminalizing speech and political dissent breaches Hong Kong's international commitments and its own basic law.
The European Union has repeatedly raised its concerns about the trial against Hong Kong Alliance in public and in meetings with Chinese and Hong Kong authorities. The EU calls on China and Hong Kong to adhere to the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the Hong Kong Basic Law, respect international commitments, and preserve the one country, two systems principle. Thank you very much.
Ewa Kopacz
Bardzo dziękuję, panie komisarzu. Zamykam debatę. Otrzymałam pięć projektów rezolucji. Głosowanie nad tym punktem porządku obrad odbędzie się jutro. Przystępujemy do realizacji kolejnego punktu porządku obrad: więźniowie polityczni na Kubie, w szczególności sprawa Félixa Navarro i jego córki Saylí Navarro.
Poproszę o zabranie głosu autora rezolucji, Antonio López-Istúriz White.
Antonio López-Istúriz White
Señora presidenta, en Cuba hay más de 1300 presos políticos, entre ellos Félix Navarro y su hija Sayli, encarcelados por defender la libertad y por interesarse por los detenidos tras las protestas del 11 de julio. Hay 1300 presos que sufren la violencia de un Estado convertido en verdugo asesino. Y mientras los cubanos sufren cárcel, torturas y persecución, en España tenemos Cumbre Iberoamericana, el ministro Álvarez prepara alfombra roja para recibir al dictador Díaz-Canel, a Ortega y a Delcy Rodríguez. Que quede muy claro que por mucho que los reciba con honores, no permitiremos que estas personas sigan horadando el suelo europeo, es la labor de todos y esperemos un día conseguirlo. Exigimos la liberación inmediata de todos los presos políticos, sanciones, sanciones contra los represores y la suspensión del acuerdo con Cuba.
A las dictaduras no se las invita, se las combate. Y desde este Parlamento ya va siendo hora de que nos unamos en un esfuerzo para que estas tres dictaduras de una vez caigan ya en Latinoamérica. Es un esfuerzo que tenemos que hacer todos común.
Yo entiendo la dificultad, pero es lo que nos une a todos y es lo que permitirá que los ciudadanos de Nicaragua, de Venezuela y Cuba puedan vivir prósperamente y democráticamente. Muchísimas gracias.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze autor rezolucji, pan poseł Mariusz Kamiński.
Mariusz Kamiński
Panie komisarzu, szanowni państwo. Po raz kolejny debatujemy w związku z brutalnym łamaniem praw człowieka na Kubie. Po raz kolejny domagamy się uwolnienia przez komunistyczny reżim więźniów politycznych. Rezolucja, jaką przyjmiemy w ich obronie, w szczególności dedykowana jest bohaterskiemu obrońcy wolności Felixowi Navarro i jego córce Sayli. Pamiętamy jednak o wszystkich 1339 więźniach politycznych, wśród których są kobiety, nieletni, osoby ciężko chore.
Cały kubański naród cierpi za sprawą zdegenerowanego reżimu, który utrzymuje się przy władzy jedynie przez brutalność aparatu represji. Nie możemy dłużej tolerować sytuacji, że z taką dyktaturą utrzymywane są normalne relacje. Tacy ludzie jak Raul Castro i Miguel Diaz-Canel powinni być objęci sankcjami. Panie komisarzu, Parlament Europejski już kilkakrotnie zwracał się do Komisji o natychmiastowe zawieszenie umowy o dialogu i współpracy między komunistyczną Kubą a Unią Europejską. Wola Parlamentu w tej sprawie jest jasna i jednoznaczna.
Dalsze utrzymywanie tej umowy jest polityczną i moralną hańbą. Nie ma na to naszej zgody. Niech żyje wolna Kuba!
Głos zabierze autor rezolucji, pan poseł Marco Tarquinio.
Marco Tarquinio
Grazie, Presidente. Siamo qui per chiedere con fermezza il rilascio immediato e incondizionato di Felix Navarro e di sua figlia Sayli e di tutti i prigionieri di coscienza detenuti a Cuba e per ricordare che l'accordo di dialogo politico e di cooperazione è e resta un ponte efficace con l'isola e con le autorità cubane. Lo dimostra il successo del lavoro diplomatico che nell'aprile del '26 ha portato al rilascio di 2.100 persone ingiustamente incarcerate. Per questo, cari colleghi, l'accordo va approfondito, non sospeso. La storia ci insegna che punire chi dialoga con noi non ha senso e non porta progressi, tantomeno sui diritti umani, che non possono essere offesi ostinatamente e difesi a intermittenza.
E questo vale per ogni paese, per Cuba come per gli Stati Uniti d'America. Mi rammarico perciò della rinnovata nel metodo politico peggiorata maggioranza Venezuela o maggioranza Cuba che non rende i cubani più liberi ma li strumentalizza.
Il nostro Parlamento sa fare meglio.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze autorka rezolucji, pani poseł Diana Riba i Giner. Bardzo proszę.
Diana Riba i Giner
Gracias, presidenta. El caso de Félix Navarro y Saylí Navarro es una muestra más de las graves deficiencias que existen en Cuba en términos de democracia, derechos humanos y libertades fundamentales. A la vez que denunciamos esto, no podemos olvidar que la población cubana sufre una gravísima escasez de alimentos, medicamentos y energía. Una escasez que creada mayormente por el bloqueo con el cual desde 1958 los Estados Unidos castigan la isla y su población. Una política que cabe recordar ha sido condenada repetidamente por Naciones Unidas.
Y por si fuera poco, la situación se ha visto agravada por el bloqueo energético aplicado a inicios de este año, haciendo empeorar la crisis humanitaria que vive el país. Ante esta situación, la Unión Europea no se puede quedar de brazos cruzados. La Unión Europea debe implicarse en el proceso de democratización del país y de la presión internacional.
Solo así conseguiremos que Cuba realmente sea libre. Muchas gracias.
Hermann Tertsch
Félix Navarro y su hija Saylí son dos héroes cubanos marcados por la tragedia, como otros más de 1.300 presos políticos del régimen criminal de Cuba. Este Parlamento debería sentir vergüenza de tener aún miembros cómplices y protectores de esa criminal dictadura, pero también debería sentirla por cómo nos desprecia la Comisión de von der Leyen y de Calas, porque desde hace cinco años una mayoría en este Parlamento exige a la Unión Europea suspender el acuerdo de cooperación con Cuba. Es un acuerdo que la dictadura incumplió siempre, pero la Unión Europea lo mantiene pese a la cláusula que exige suspensión por incumplimiento. Así, la Unión Europea incumple su propio acuerdo para seguir financiando al régimen. Eso se llama complicidad.
Para liberar definitivamente a los Navarro y a todos los demás presos y a todos los cubanos no hay que pedirle favores a la dictadura sino actuar contra ella con sanciones masivas contra la mafia de La Habana.
Marc Botenga
Merci Madame la Présidente. Quand j'entends la droite, l'extrême droite parler ici, ça fait un peu Alice au pays des merveilles, enfin dans votre cas avec des bottes en cuir et une certaine nostalgie du fascisme espagnol, n'est-ce pas ? Vous faites comme s'il n'y avait pas d'embargo, pas de blocus contre Cuba, comme quoi les Cubains pourraient faire ce qu'ils voulaient. C'est pas la réalité ça. Je vais vous ramener un peu les pieds sur terre.
Ce sont vos amis des Donald Trump, les Américains qui aujourd'hui étranglent Cuba et son peuple, empêchent l'essence d'arriver à Cuba, empêchent les virements d'argent. Comment est-ce que vous voulez qu'un pays vive ? Comment est-ce que vous voulez qu'un peuple se développe avec ce genre de crime que vous appuyez ? En fait ce que vous appuyez c'est le colonialisme. Ah oui, rigolez parce que le colonialisme c'est votre histoire, c'est l'histoire de votre famille comme le fascisme Monsieur Tertsch et vous n'avez pas changé par rapport à ça.
Mais qu'ici ces crimes-là non seulement vous les justifiez mais qu'en plus la droite soi-disant démocratique rejoint le groupe fasciste pour cette résolution, c'est une honte. Ne vous appelez plus démocrates parce que vous ne l'êtes clairement pas.
Aujourd'hui, ce que l'Union européenne doit faire, c'est s'opposer au blocus et c'est défendre la coopération avec Cuba. Merci.
Ewa Kopacz
Dziękuję, proszę o spokój. Głos zabierze autor rezolucji, Thomas Frehlich, jedna minuta.
Tomasz Froelich
Mr. Botenga, it is niggers. Kuba ist das Armenhaus Lateinamerikas, das ist das Ergebnis von knapp 70 Jahren Sozialismus. Sozialismus endet immer in Armut, Tyrannei und Knechtschaft. In den 50ern lag Kubas Pro-Kopf-Einkommen ungefähr auf dem Niveau von Finnland und Irland, heute liegt es unter dem Niveau von Haiti. Linke wie Botenga behaupten ständig, das sei alles Folge des US-Embargos, ein Embargo, das ich übrigens auch ablehne.
Aber bleiben wir doch bitte bei den Fakten. Nach allen seriösen Studien macht das Embargo 3 bis maximal 10 % des BIP-Rückgangs Kubas aus, der Rest ist selbstverschuldet, Sozialismus eben. Aber das Regime nutzt das Embargo als Sündenbock fürs eigene Versagen. Die Armut auf Kuba führt zu Protest und der Protest führt in den Knast. Über 1300 politische Gefangene gibt es auf Kuba, darunter Felix und Sauli Navarro.
Jetzt könnte man sagen, das geht uns alles nichts an, schließlich ist Kuba weit weg, liegt nicht in unserem Großraum. Stimmt, nur wir haben in den letzten 40 Jahren über 300 Millionen Euro an Entwicklungshilfe nach Kuba überwiesen.
Unser Steuergeld wäre anderswo besser angelegt.
Bardzo dziękuję. W imieniu grupy Europejskiej Partii Ludowej Chrześcijańskich Demokratów głos zabierze pan poseł Gabriel Mato, jedna minuta.
Gabriel Mato
Gracias, presidenta. Nuevamente Cuba. Nada cambia. Hace más de un año en esta misma tribuna me preguntaba si algún día Cuba sería libre. Y no pierdo la esperanza, una esperanza que es lo único que el régimen no ha logrado arrebatar al pueblo cubano.
Porque la realidad sigue siendo hogares oscuros, escasez, hambre, persecución y cárcel. Frente a esa realidad, Félix Navarro y su hija Saylí y tantos otros se rebelan. Se negaron a aceptar el exilio y abandonar su país aun sabiendo que el precio sería la cárcel. Y lo asumieron porque su clamor por la libertad es más fuerte que cualquier chantaje. Hoy volvemos a exigir su liberación inmediata e incondicional y la de todos los presos políticos cubanos.
Pero la Unión Europea también tiene que actuar. Llevamos años diciéndolo. El Acuerdo de Diálogo y Cooperación no ha servido para avanzar en la democracia en Cuba y ya no caben más excusas.
Es hora de activar la cláusula de derechos humanos del acuerdo y ante la falta de avances, suspenderlo. Muchas gracias.
Bardzo dziękuję w imieniu grupy Postępowego Sojuszu Socjalistów i Demokratów w Parlamencie Europejskim głos zabierze pani poseł Leyre Pajín, jedna minuta.
Leire Pajín
Gracias, presidenta. Si queremos realmente hablar de la realidad del pueblo cubano, deberíamos ser sinceros, coherentes y útiles. Sinceros y coherentes para condenar todas las violaciones del derecho internacional, también el humanitario y, por supuesto, los derechos humanos. Una vez más queremos ser coherentes y exigir la liberación de las personas que han sido encarceladas por ejercer pacíficamente sus libertades en Cuba, por supuesto de la familia Navarro y de los demás. Pero para ser coherente también inmediatamente después hay que denunciar la falta de alimentos, de medicamentos, de combustible, de electricidad y la dura realidad de un pueblo sometido por Estados Unidos a graves sanciones.
Por eso lo que les pido hoy aquí es que realmente nos planteemos si además de ser coherentes y sinceros estamos siendo útiles. Porque ¿de qué le sirve al pueblo cubano que hoy aquí presentemos una moción que oculta una parte de la realidad de Cuba, que no busca el consenso de todos los parlamentarios y que acaba a gritos entre unos y otros?
Si realmente queremos ser sinceros, coherentes y útiles, denunciemos la realidad de Cuba toda y sigamos trabajando para que haya democracia y libertad en la isla.
Madame, Madame, blue card for you from Posemularczyk.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Pani poseł, pani poseł, nie tak dawno jeden z opozycjonistów kubańskich był w Polsce, opowiedział mi historię, że rzekomo na Kubie nie ma paliwa, ale wystarczy, że ktokolwiek wyjdzie na ulicę, powiesi baner czy plakat na płocie, który jest przeciwko reżimowi Castro, od razu przyjeżdża 50 radiowozów, bo dla nich jest paliwo. Jak pani to wyjaśni, bo przed chwilą pani mówiła, że na Kubie nie ma paliwa.
La situación de Cuba es dramática y por supuesto hay que denunciarla. Y efectivamente hay que preocuparse y ocuparse de quienes son detenidos injustamente, lo hemos hecho siempre, pero también de aquellos que están sufriendo, incluso los niños neonatos que no tienen posibilidad de ser atendidos por falta de electricidad. A qué se debe lo segundo, claramente a las sanciones impuestas por Estados Unidos de las que ustedes nunca hablan.
Por eso una vez más decimos, una y otra vez exigimos a las autoridades cubanas el respeto a los derechos humanos, la libertad de los presos y la libertad del pueblo cubano. Pero también al gobierno de Estados Unidos que ponga fin a las sanciones que hacen sufrir al pueblo cubano.
Aleksandar Nikolic
On parle de prisonniers politiques à Cuba, mais en réalité il y a 11 millions de prisonniers sur cette île qui est une prison à ciel ouvert depuis 1959. Une prison que 3 millions de Cubains ont quand même réussi à fuir malgré les interdictions, à fuir ce que la gauche européenne a longtemps fantasmé comme un paradis socialiste, et apparemment toujours quand on écoute Monsieur Botenga. Et c'est pas le seul d'ailleurs parce que Cuba continue d'ailleurs de fasciner en France Jean-Luc Mélenchon et ses sbires LFIstes qui défendent ce régime en expliquant que Cuba a des leçons à nous donner. Comme il reste fasciné par un Venezuela que Jean-Luc Mélenchon avait qualifié de source d'inspiration. Le Venezuela de Chavez et de Maduro est tellement inspirant qu'un tiers des Vénézuéliens vit désormais à l'étranger.
Avant leur arrivée, le Venezuela était pourtant un pays riche, grand exportateur de pétrole avec un gros potentiel.
Aujourd'hui, l'insécurité a explosé et l'économie a sombré. C'est vraiment à se demander, hein, de l'URSS au Venezuela en passant par Cuba, on se demande comment et quand même pourquoi ces paradis de gauche voient systématiquement leur population fuir et pourquoi personne n'a jamais voulu aller y vivre. Ce modèle LFIste, s'il arrivait au pouvoir en France, finirait d'achever notre pays déjà martyrisé par dix années de macronisme.
Brecht avait raison. On dit d'un fleuve emportant tout qu'il est violent, mais on ne dit jamais rien de la violence des rives qui l'enserrent. Vous fixez le fleuve et vous refusez obstinément de regarder les rives qui l'enserrent. Vous exigez de Cuba, soumis depuis plus de soixante ans à un blocus illégal, qu'il soit irréprochable.
Rima Hassan
Mais lorsqu'il s'agit de juger les États-Unis qui menacent aujourd'hui d'envahir Cuba, notre indignation est soudainement silencieuse. 11 millions de Cubains et de Cubaines vivent au rythme des pénuries, des coupures d'électricité et d'eau. En face à cette situation, quel sujet ce Parlement choisit-il de placer aujourd'hui au premier plan ? Le cas de deux prisonniers politiques, alors que l'Union européenne dispose déjà d'instruments diplomatiques nécessaires pour agir. Nous devons impérativement traiter de la question des sanctions pour ce qu'elles sont : non pas une abstraction diplomatique indolore, mais une véritable violence économique qui frappe les civils.
Leur tort : choisir une autre voie que celle que les États impérialistes veulent leur imposer. Les droits humains ne peuvent pas être un projecteur que l'on braque sur ses adversaires et que l'on éteint dès qu'il risque d'exposer ses alliés. Que cette hypocrisie cesse enfin.
Gracias, presidente. Estimados colegas, aquí hablamos de los presos políticos en Cuba, en particular del caso de Félix Navarro y de su hija Sayli Navarro. Estamos hablando de ellos, estamos hablando de un defensor de la democracia que está cumpliendo una sentencia de 9 años y de su hija, miembra de las Damas de Blanco, sentenciada a 8 años. No cometieron violencia alguna. ¿Cuál es su delito?
Davor Ivo Stier
Amar la libertad. Y por eso están presos. No son los únicos, casi 1400 presos políticos. No estamos hablando aquí de algo que no se puede resolver si hay voluntad política de parte de las autoridades en Cuba. ¿El bloqueo les impide liberar a los presos políticos?
No. El bloqueo no les impide hacer eso. Entonces ese es el punto que estamos debatiendo hoy: buscar la liberación y decir, si tenemos un acuerdo y no lo están cumpliendo, entonces hay que suspenderlo para enviar ese mensaje. Tienen que liberar a los presos políticos.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze pan poseł João Oliveira, jedna minuta.
Obrigado, presidente, senhoras e senhores deputados. 67 anos de bloqueio dos Estados Unidos a Cuba, incluindo os últimos 10 meses sem entrar combustível. 7000 contentores com comida, medicamentos e outros bens essenciais bloqueados e impedidos de chegar a Cuba.
João Oliveira
Crianças condenadas à morte por falta de cuidados médicos, por falta de equipamentos médicos, por falta de medicamentos. Um povo inteiro que é visado por uma tentativa de subjugação pela fome e pela incapacidade de aceder aos bens mais essenciais a que qualquer outro povo acede. Isto tudo imposto pela maior potência militar do mundo inteiro. Cuba não é uma ameaça militar nem para os Estados Unidos nem para nenhum outro povo no mundo. Não serve a Cuba o pretexto utilizado, por exemplo, para a agressão ao Irão, de que Cuba quer ter armas nucleares.
Não quer, nem nunca quis. Qual é, afinal de contas, a ameaça que Cuba representa para os Estados Unidos? Nenhuma. Cuba é, sim, uma referência de um outro mundo que pode ser construído, com acesso à educação, à saúde, ao trabalho, a condições de igualdade entre todos os seres humanos. E é isso que verdadeiramente constitui uma ameaça para os objetivos do imperialismo norte-americano.
A realização deste debate é uma tentativa de cumplicidade com toda essa ação genocida do governo norte-americano.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze pani poseł Elena Nevado del Campo, jedna minuta.
Gracias. En Cuba, el régimen comunista sigue convirtiendo la vida de miles de ciudadanos en un infierno. Lo que es una vergüenza y de lo que nunca hablamos es que mientras Díaz-Canel vive en una residencia ubicada en el exclusivo barrio del centro de La Habana, con privilegios y seguridad permanente, el pueblo sufre, pero el gobierno no.
Elena Nevado del Campo
La represión se intensifica. Se ha dicho ya: 1.013 presos políticos encarcelados, activistas, periodistas, líderes religiosos o simples ciudadanos que claman libertad. Y el ejemplo más claro en estos días es el de Félix Navarro y su hija Sayli, condenados a ocho y nueve años por participar en las protestas de el 11 de julio. Félix está en una celda de aislamiento desde abril después de haber recibido una paliza por parte de los funcionarios penitenciarios. Viva el comunismo.
Exigimos su inmediata liberación, la de su hija, sancionar a los responsables, empezando por Díaz-Canel. Exigimos activar la cláusula de derechos humanos del Acuerdo de Diálogo Político y Cooperación Unión Europea-Cuba, porque Europa no puede ser socio de un régimen comunista que persigue y hostiga a su propio pueblo. Gracias.
Madame. Madame, blue card for you.
Rozpoczniemy procedurę catch-the-eye. Mam wiele zgłoszeń, chciałabym wszystkim udzielić głosu, w związku z tym zacznę od pana posła Reinholda Lopatki, ale bardzo proszę o przestrzeganie czasu wystąpień.
Reinhold Lopatka
Die Antwort auf die schwierige Versorgungslage in Kuba kann doch nicht eine Einschränkung der Meinungs- und Versammlungsfreiheit, der Menschenrechte sein. Kollege Fritzon, so einfach kann man es sich nicht machen. Und die Antwort auf die Stromausfälle kann ja nicht die Unterdrückung von Bürgerrechten und die Verhaftung von Hunderten sein. Und trotz Reformen fehlt in Kuba eine demokratische Struktur. Kuba, Nicaragua und Venezuela sind hier in einer Reihe zu nennen.
Und jeder politische Gefangene, wo immer auf diesem Planeten, ist einer zu viel. Aber mehr als 1300 bei 10 Millionen Einwohnern, das ist entschieden zu viel. Und es ist gut, dass bis auf wenige Ausnahmen hier parteiübergreifend heute diese Situation aufgezeigt worden ist. Ja, wir haben den Dialog zu führen, aber Kuba hat sich hier zu bewegen.
Głos zabierze pan poseł Arkadiusz Mularczyk.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Dziękuję bardzo. Jako Polak dobrze rozumiem, czym jest komunizm, system oparty na strachu, cenzurze, zniewoleniu, odbieraniu ludziom wolności. Dlatego moje wzburzenie wywołują głosy takie jak posła z Belgii, pana Botengi, który broni reżimu komunistycznego na Kubie, który od 70 lat pozbawia ludzi wolności, życia. Nie ma tam demokracji, nie ma praworządności, nie ma żadnych zasad. Jest dyktatura komunistyczna.
Ludzie trafiają do więzienia za swoje poglądy polityczne. I posłowie lewicy bronią tego reżimu. Jest to absolutnie niezrozumiałe. Maykel Castillo Pérez, znany jako Osorbo, oraz działacze praw człowieka Sayli Navarro Álvarez, Félix Navarro Rodríguez pozostają za kratami. To tylko trzy nazwiska z 1300 więźniów politycznych.
Dlatego też w tym miejscu trzeba powiedzieć jasno: umowa o dialogu politycznym z Kubą i współpracy powinna być zerwana.
Nie ma, nie powinno być dialogu z krajem, który więzi swoich obywateli, który nie zapewnia swobód demokratycznych. Czas na uwolnienie więźniów politycznych, czas na konkretne konsekwencje wobec kubańskiego reżimu. Dziękuję.
Lukas Sieper
Ich finde es sehr interessant, Herr Bütikofer. Der Herr Frölich macht sich über Sie lustig und hält dann eine Rede, die genauso ist von der Rhetorik wie Ihre. Nicht vom Inhalt, nur von der Rhetorik. Liebe Menschen Europas, ich glaube, wir können ewig diese Debatten haben. Und was ich beobachtet habe in den letzten zwei Jahren, ist, dass jedes einzelne Mal bei Debatten dieser Art jeweils das getan wird, was politisch opportun ist.
Wenn es ein linkes Regime ist, das die Menschenrechtsverbrechen begeht, dann greift es die rechte Seite an. Wenn es ein rechtes Regime ist, das die Menschenrechtsverbrechen begeht, dann greift es die linke an. Als ob es für die Menschen, deren Namen wir dafür verwenden, sie da oben an diese Leinwand zu werfen, irgendeinen Unterschied macht, ob es ein linkes, ein rechtes, ein zentristisches Regime ist, was sie ins Gefängnis sperrt, was sie ermordet, was ihre Familien verfolgt.
Wir werden immer wieder diese Debatte haben, solange wir diese Themen politisch opportun behandeln und nicht als das, was sie wirklich sind, ein Problem, das alle Menschen etwas angeht. Danke schön.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze pani poseł Estrella Galán.
Estrella Galán
Gracias, presidenta. Estamos debatiendo hoy sobre emergencias humanitarias en Cuba, pero hay una emergencia que parece que no se está planteando aquí ni hoy, ni mañana, ni nunca. Y no se plantea tampoco desde hace sesenta y cinco años. ¿Qué diríamos si cualquiera de nuestros Estados miembros estuviera bloqueado desde hace más de seis décadas y sufriera un bloqueo criminal por parte de Estados Unidos? ¿Saben cómo está el pueblo cubano?
¿Saben lo cómo afecta las sanciones en los niños, en las familias y en los hospitales? Porque por razones humanitarias y por una elemental solidaridad humana, la Unión Europea tiene que pedir el final de este bloqueo ya, de una vez, porque lo que hay detrás son seres humanos, todo un pueblo. Gracias.
Głos zabierze pan poseł Lefteris Nikolaou-Alavanos.
Bardzo dziękuję.
Lefteris Nikolaou-Alavanos
Cada vez que hablan convenientemente de violaciones de derechos humanos en Cuba recurriendo a conocidos elementos anticubanos algunos vinculados a la mafia de Miami quedan expuestos ante los pueblos. Se alían con el bloqueo criminal y genocida del imperialismo norteamericano que pisotea cualquier concepto de derecho humano ha causado en Cuba daños por cientos de mil millones de dólares y priva al pueblo cubano de combustible electricidad medicamentos y alimentos. Pone hoy día en peligro la vida de cien mil pacientes doce mil niños treinta y dos mil mujeres embarazadas y ustedes con sus resoluciones vergonzosas piden sanciones adicionales como en contra del presidente Díaz-Canel. En la práctica apoyan la intervención militar que ha anunciado Trump. Son cómplices.
Sin embargo los pueblos de Europa están del lado de Cuba y de su pueblo que resiste. Reconocen los logros de la revolución cubana. Cientos de miles de personas en las calles en Grecia en Europa exigen el levantamiento inmediato del bloqueo y la eliminación de la miserable lista de patrocinadores de terrorismo. Manos fuera de Cuba Cuba no está sola.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pan poseł José Francisco Millán Mon.
Francisco José Millán Mon
Señora presidenta, la situación en Cuba no hace más que empeorar. Este mes se ha alcanzado un nuevo récord de más de 1300 presos políticos, como ya se ha dicho, mientras continúa aumentando la represión contra ellos y sus familias. Hoy denunciamos el injusto encarcelamiento de Félix Navarro y de su hija Saylí, miembro de las Damas de Blanco, quiero recordar que galardonadas con el Premio Sájarov en 2005. Félix Navarro, de 72 años, padece graves problemas de salud que se han agravado durante su encarcelamiento, sin recibir la atención médica adecuada. Su caso, desgraciadamente, no es una excepción en la isla.
Señorías, hace apenas dos meses, este Parlamento aprobó un contundente texto sobre la compleja situación política, económica y humanitaria que atraviesa Cuba. Son numerosas las resoluciones adoptadas a lo largo de los últimos años y en ellas reclamamos la liberación inmediata e condicional de todos los presos políticos y el refuerzo de las sanciones contra los responsables de la represión, incluido Miguel Díaz-Canel. Pero la Unión Europea debe ir más allá y contribuir también a impulsar una verdadera transición democrática que lleve libertad y prosperidad al pueblo cubano. Gracias.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pan poseł Tobiasz Bocheński.
Tobiasz Bocheński
Szanowna pani przewodnicząca, szanowni państwo, nic dziwnego, że dyskusja o więźniach politycznych na Kubie nieodłącznie powiązana jest z reżimem kubańskim, bo jest to reżim komunistyczny. Powiedzmy sobie jasno: komunizm jest ideologią zbrodniczą, antywolnościową, antyludzką i ludobójczą. I nie ma żadnego przypadku, że ludzie, którzy pragną wolności, pragną ekspresji swoich poglądów, są wtrącani do więzień. I hańbą jest, że na tej sali są posłowie, którzy cieszą się wolnościami demokratycznymi wypracowanymi przez Europejczyków, a jednocześnie bronią tych, którzy bagnetami, przemocą i pałką wrzucają innych do więzień. Unia Europejska nie powinna stać obojętnie, powinna podejmować kroki nie tylko dyplomatyczne, ale również w ramach embarga wobec zbrodniczego, komunistycznego reżimu kubańskiego.
Dziękuję bardzo. W imieniu Komisji głos zabierze pan komisarz Jozef Síkela. Bardzo proszę.
Jozef Síkela
Honorable Vice-President, honorable members, the European Union's position on Cuba is clear. Cuba urgently needs fundamental change.
This means full respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It means the release of those arbitrarily detained. And it means meaningful political and economic reforms swiftly implemented towards greater economic and democratic openness. We hear this Parliament's concerns about political prisoners and human rights defenders, and we share them. The European Union follows individual cases and raises them directly with the Cuban authorities.
Earlier this week, the EU delegation in Havana raised with the Cuban authorities the cases of Felix and Sayli Navarro and Michael Castillo Perez and inquired about their situation. These cases matter. They reflect broader concerns about arbitrary detention, restrictions on fundamental freedoms, and the space for independent voices.
We will continue to raise these concerns with the Cuban authorities. We also call on Cuba to make concrete progress in opening space for constructive and inclusive dialogue with civil society and human rights defenders. Honorable members, this comes against a deep humanitarian crisis. Cubans face severe shortage of food, medicines, water and energy. In July, the Commission released an additional 10 million euro in humanitarian aid, bringing EU support to euro 16 million in humanitarian assistance 2026 alone.
Humanitarian support and access must remain protected. The EU does not support the Cuban regime. EU cooperation with Cuba does not constitute political endorsement of its government and no funds are channeled through state structures. All humanitarian and development assistance is implemented exclusively through trusted international partners, including UN agencies and independent NGOs, ensuring that support reaches Cuban people directly.
Our objective is clear: tangible improvements for the Cuban people. We also encourage engagement and dialogue between the United States and Cuba and the maintenance of channels of communication towards a diplomatic solution in full respect of international law and the principles of the UN Charter. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement is the framework for our relationship and dialogue between the EU and Cuba, including on the issues where we disagree, like human rights. But dialogue must deliver results. Ultimately, the reforms Cuba needs are for Cuba to undertake.
We stand ready to support meaningful change that brings greater rights, freedoms and opportunities to the Cuban people. Thank you.
Bardzo dziękuję, panie komisarzu. Zamykam debatę. Otrzymałam siedem projektów rezolucji. Głosowanie nad tym punktem porządku obrad odbędzie się jutro.
Przystępujemy do realizacji kolejnego punktu porządku obrad: represje po wyborach w Zambii i zabójstwo Mutotwe Kafwayi. Jako pierwszy głos zabierze autor rezolucji, Reinhold Lopatka, półtorej minuty.
Reinhold Lopatka
Dear colleagues, we must look on the situation in Zambia after the election day. Mutotwe Kafwaya, a former minister, was killed during a security raid in the days following the election. And this was not an isolated act. Violent incidents had already marked the campaign, and the election observation delegation had repeatedly called on all political leaders and their supporters to refrain from violence. Even one loss of life is one too many.
So we have to insist that security operations have to be proportionate, and we must call for an independent, transparent investigation into the operation that led to this death.
Mr. Mundubile, a main opposition presidential candidate and his running mate Dr. Sulu face treason charges. The authorities have to produce clear evidence and ensure that both men receive a fair trial in full accordance with Zambian international law. Coming back to the election, we cannot ignore that 98% of the media coverage was by the president and only 2% were given to the rest of candidates. Zambia historically has a strong democratic tradition and we must stand ready to support the people that they can keep on in this tradition.
Evin Incir
Colleagues, Zambia has for long been an important partner of the European Union and a vital beacon of stability in Southern and Central Africa. An election should give citizens a voice. In Zambia, its aftermath has brought arrests, intimidation and the killing of opposition leader Mutotwe Kafwaya. We demand an independent transparent investigation into his death. Those responsible must be held accountable.
Opposition leaders face treason charges, lawyers report obstacles to accessing their clients, and court closures have restricted the right to challenge election results. Political opposition must never be treated as a crime. Zambian authorities must end arbitrary detentions, guarantee fair and prompt trials, and protect journalists and civil society. The Commission and the Member States must raise these violations at the highest level, monitor judicial proceedings, and support those defending democracy in Zambia.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze autor rezolucji, pan poseł Tobiasz Bocheński. Bardzo proszę.
Tobiasz Bocheński
Szanowni Państwo, na naszych oczach podwaliny zambijskiej demokracji są niszczone. Władza wykonawcza w postaci obecnego prezydenta dokonuje aktów, które nie tylko ograniczają wolność słowa i standardy demokratyczne, ale zagrażają normalnemu funkcjonowaniu opozycji w tym kraju. I jako Unia Europejska nie możemy być na to obojętni. Jako Europejczycy nie możemy być na to obojętni, bo na naszych oczach w innych częściach świata kruszą się wartości, w które wierzymy: wolność, demokracja czy prawa człowieka.
Ale żeby wyciągnąć z tego lekcję, powinniśmy również przejść do pewnego rodzaju działań. Nie może być tak, że jedyną ofertą, którą Unia proponuje za granicami, na przykład w Afryce, są szkolenia czy jakieś minimalne fundusze rozwojowe. Potrzeba odważnej, strategicznej polityki i obecności Europy również w dalszych zakątkach świata, nie oddając jej bezwolnie tylko Chińczykom. Dziękuję bardzo.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze autor rezolucji, pan poseł Erik Marquardt, jedna minuta.
Erik Marquardt
Ja, vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar. Einen Tag nach der Wahl am 13. August wurde Mutotwe Kafwaya, Oppositionspolitiker und Ex-Minister, bei einer Razzia von Sicherheitskräften erschossen. Und das ist ja, wie die Vorrednerin und Vorredner gesagt haben, kein Einzelfall, das ist Teil eines Musters. Oppositionskandidat Munubile und sein Vize wurden wegen Hochverrats angeklagt. Mindestens 84 Menschen, Oppositionelle, werden ohne Anklage festgehalten, ihre Pässe werden entzogen.
Gerichte werden dann noch am letzten Tag, an dem Wahlanfechtung möglich ist, einfach geschlossen, Medien werden eingeschüchtert. Das in einem Land, in dem Demokratie eigentlich stark war, in dem viele friedliche Machtwechsel seit 1991 stattgefunden haben, in dem viele Menschen auch Hoffnung in die Zukunft der Demokratie haben.
Und deswegen dürfen wir nicht zuschauen, wie das jetzt alles einfach verspielt wird. Ja, da braucht's Aufklärung, braucht Untersuchung der Umstände von Todesfällen, aber es braucht eben auch diplomatischen Druck. Und noch viel wichtiger, ich glaube, wir sollten die Hebel, die wir haben bei den Global Gateway Partnerschaften, Rohstoffpartnerschaften, eben nicht als Blankoschecks sehen, sondern wir sollten auch gucken, welche Konsequenzen es jetzt gibt. Kupfer und Kobalt sind nicht wichtiger als die Menschenrechte. Und Partnerschaft, das heißt eben auch, dass wir jetzt Klartext sprechen und unsere wirtschaftlichen Hebel auch nutzen.
Martin Günther
Wir dürfen nicht schweigen angesichts dessen, was nach den Wahlen in Sambia geschah. Wir stehen solidarisch an der Seite der Menschen in Sambia, die sich für faire Wahlen, Bürger- und Menschenrechte einsetzen. Präsident Hichilema wurde als wiedergewählt erklärt, während sein Hauptkonkurrent Mundubile Unregelmäßigkeiten anprangert und ankündigt, das Ergebnis anzufechten. Am Tag nach der Wahl wurde der ehemalige Minister und Oppositionspolitiker Kavaya bei einem Einsatz staatlicher Sicherheitskräfte erschossen.
Am 24. August, dem letzten Tag, an dem das Wahlergebnis angefochten werden konnte, waren die Gerichte geschlossen und von bewaffneten Polizisten umstellt, wodurch der Zugang zur Justiz blockiert wurde. Wir fordern eine unverzügliche, unabhängige Untersuchung, die Freilassung aller willkürlich Inhaftierten und ein Ende der politischen Verfolgung. Europäische Interessen an kritischen Rohstoffen am Global Gateway dürfen niemals im Weg stehen, die Einhaltung von Menschen- und Bürgerrechten einzufordern.
Dziękuję bardzo. W imieniu grupy Europejskiej Partii Ludowej Chrześcijańscy Demokraci głos zabierze pan poseł Tomáš Zdechovský. Bardzo proszę.
Tomáš Zdechovský
Děkuji moc. Vážená paní předsedající, vážení kolegové, milý pane komisaři. Byl jsem jako pozorovatel na volbách v Zambii, takže jsem měl možnost vidět skutečně tu situaci, která tam byla. A je prostě pravda několik věcí. Zaprvé, opravdu tam nebyla pluralita demokratických stran, vládní strany měly daleko větší prostor v médiích.
Zadruhé, situace byla vyhrocená nikoliv tím, že by volby neprobíhaly demokraticky, ale tím, že několikrát tam byla vlastně uděláno to, že ten výsledek sčítání jsme neviděli v reálném čase, takže mohlo docházet k manipulacím. A to, co se odehrávalo kolem, i zastřelení bývalého ministra, je vlastně jenom ukázka toho, v jaké atmosféře se ty volby odehrály. Já vás nechci nabádat k tomu, ať zastavíme pomoc Zambii. Já vám jenom chci říct, že to musíme udělat pragmaticky, že musíme chtít dodržovat určité regule, abychom mohli opravdu se Zambií tvořit demokratickou budoucnost. To je moje přání.
Děkuji velmi. Jménem skupiny Pokrokového spojenectví socialistů a demokratů v Evropském parlamentu hlas zabere paní poslankyně Muriel Laurent, jedna minuta.
Merci, Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues. La Zambie est longtemps apparue comme l'une des démocraties multipartites les plus stables d'Afrique australe. Pourtant, les élections générales de 2026 soulèvent de sérieuses inquiétudes quant au respect des droits humains et à l'espace démocratique. Avant, pendant et après le scrutin, plusieurs figures de l'opposition ont été arrêtées et même assassinées.
Murielle Laurent
Amnesty International alerte sur des détentions arbitraires, l'absence de garanties procédurales et des violations des normes internationales d'équité de procès. Dès 2025, des organisations de défense des droits humains dénonçaient déjà le rétrécissement de l'espace accordé à l'opposition et à la société civile, ainsi que des pressions exercées sur les médias indépendants. Il est important de parler de la Zambie aujourd'hui car une démocratie ne se résume pas à tenir des élections. Une démocratie, c'est aussi la possibilité de s'exprimer, de s'informer, de se réunir, de défendre des convictions et de contester librement. Notre responsabilité est de rester attentifs et de donner une voix à celles et ceux qui continuent de défendre l'espace démocratique et civique.
Dziękuję bardzo, w imieniu grupy Renew Europe głos zabierze pan poseł Michael McNamara.
Thank you very much, Madam Vice-President. I'd like to thank colleagues for putting forward this very important motion on what is transpiring in Zambia. I spent much of this summer in Zambia where I had the honour to be the chief observer of the European Union election observation mission.
Michael McNamara
There I learned of Zambia's very proud tradition of democracy, that rule of law was entrenched and the importance of independence of the judiciary, which was very broadly respected in the country. Therefore, what transpired in the post-election period comes as a profound shock to me, but also to many Zambians and to the delegations of member states present in Zambia. The fatal shooting of Minister Kafwaya needs to be investigated very speedily, very transparently, and there has to be accountability for all of those who exercise command responsibility. Likewise, there is need for a very speedy and transparent trial of those who are charged with treason, which is an exceptionally serious charge, which brings with it a sentence of life imprisonment in Zambia or up to 20 years. And that needs to be done speedily, transparently, and they need access to their lawyers unimpeded.
Thank you very much. I would urge the Parliament to support this important motion. Thank you.
Dziękuję bardzo. Głos zabierze pani poseł Marit Maij.
Yes, thank you, Chair, Commissioner, colleagues. Zambia is a partner of the European Union, and that partnership runs through development cooperation and the OACPS-EU framework and political dialogue.
Marit Maij
Dialogue through diplomacy and our shared parliamentary debates, and the dialogue founded in shared democratic values. Values that cannot be optional when politically inconvenient. The killing of Mutotwe Kafaya is not isolated. It is part of a wider crackdown that we see on political opposition, civil society, and the press. The EU member states and our OACP partners must address the rise of election violence and attacks on democracy.
We must support civil society organizations, human rights defenders, and journalists. EU funding for development must therefore recenter social dialogue and institution building. Sustainable development also means working towards peace, justice, and building strong institutions. Our partnerships cannot be reduced to infrastructure projects, economic incentives, or just sanctions. Thank you.
Bardzo dziękuję. Rozpoczynam procedurę catch-the-eye. Jako pierwszy głos zabierze pan Lukas Sieper.
Vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar. Bei den letzten beiden Debatten habe ich viel Zustimmung in Ihren Augen gesehen, als ich gesprochen habe. Jetzt möchte ich auch einmal meine parlamentarische Kontrollfunktion Ihnen gegenüber ausüben.
Lukas Sieper
Wir haben davor über China geredet, zu groß, da können wir uns noch dreimal im Kreis drehen, die werden die Leute nicht freilassen. Wir haben über Kuba geredet, zu widerstandsfähig, können wir uns noch dreimal im Kreis drehen, die werden die Leute nicht freilassen. Sambia hat eine starke demokratische Tradition und wir sind diplomatisch in einer wirklich sehr viel stärkeren Position diesem Land gegenüber. Und deswegen möchte ich von Ihnen jetzt mal wirklich wissen, was wird die Kommission tun, wenn die nicht der unabhängigen Aufklärung der Vorkommnisse zustimmen? Was wird die Kommission tun, wenn sie sich nicht dem diplomatischen Druck dahingehend ergeben?
Was sind konkrete Konsequenzen, die darauf folgen, wenn dieses Verbrechen und die anderen Verbrechen, wenn diese Abkehr von einem normalen demokratischen Prozess wie die gewaltsame Unterdrückung von der Anfechtung vor der Wahl vor Gericht, wenn das folgenlos bleibt? Was werden wir dann tun? Weil es kann nicht nur sein, wir verdammen das, wir verurteilen das, wir üben diplomatischen Druck aus. Was werden Sie tun? Dankeschön.
Dziękuję bardzo.
Głos zabierze pan poseł Arkadiusz Mularczyk.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Dziękuję. Nawiązując do głosu posła Sippera, rzeczywiście mamy taką sytuację w Unii Europejskiej, że w sprawach dotyczących naruszania, łamania praw człowieka, morderstw politycznych, więzienia przeciwników politycznych dochodzi tu często do debat, dyskusji, podejmowania rezolucji i w zasadzie dalej się nic nie dzieje z tymi rezolucjami. Nie słyszymy o żadnych dalszych działaniach ze strony Komisji Europejskiej czy też dyplomacji unijnej ze strony ambasadorów, którzy pełnią misję w danych krajach. Mamy w tym przypadku, w przypadku Zambii, mamy do czynienia do sytuacji absolutnie wyjątkowej, do śmierci ministra, byłego ministra, do śmierci jednego z liderów opozycji. I teraz pytanie jest następujące: jakie działania zamierza podjąć dyplomacja unijna, Komisja Europejska, ażeby wymusić na rządzie, na władzach Zambii do transparentnego śledztwa i postawienia sprawców przed sądem?
Unia Europejska nie może być papierowym tygrysem, który mówi o prawach człowieka, a z drugiej strony podczas rozmów dyplomatycznych, spotkań bardziej myśli o biznesie aniżeli o przestrzeganiu wartości, o których tak głośno się mówi. Dziękuję bardzo.
Dziękuję bardzo. W imieniu Komisji głos zabierze pan komisarz Jozef Síkela. Bardzo proszę.
Jozef Síkela
Honorable Vice-President, honorable members. The European Union and Zambia share a robust partnership based on a commitment to multilateralism and the rule-based international order. EU's partnership with Zambia is also vibrant under the Global Gateway and Lobito Corridor. Zambia is a stable and constructive partner aligned with the EU on regional and global issues including Ukraine. The EU was invited to observe the recent general elections and I welcome and thank the Parliament's role in that regard and thank the chief observer MEP McNamara and the head of the EP delegation MEP Lopatka for their collaboration.
The atmosphere around the elections was clearly tense. The election observation mission detected irregularities and shortcomings including in counting and appeals processes. The mission will present its final report soon with recommendations to strengthen future electoral process.
The EU delegation will follow up and the EU stands ready to support electoral reforms in Zambia. In this context, we note with concern the death of former minister Kafwaya during a police operation and the arrest of opposition figures. The main opposition candidate and other opposition members are currently detained on charges of treason and sedition. We have raised our concern with the authorities in Lusaka and call for a transparent investigation into the incidents that led to Mr. Kafwaya's death. Our ambassador is following developments closely.
While national security is important, accountability for disproportionate of arbitrary use of force is necessary to rebuild the trust. Furthermore, allegations of criminal conduct must be addressed with respect for fair trial and transparent judicial process.
Our position remains one of principal partnership based on Zambia's international commitments as well as obligations under international human rights law. Zambia has built an international reputation for democratic governance and political stability and should stand by those principles. We trust that the Zambian authorities will find a path towards reconciliation and dialogue by safeguarding political pluralism, media freedom and civic space. The EU should remain Zambia's partner of choice while upholding fundamental values of democratic governance, rule of law and respect for human rights. Und Sie haben mich gefragt, was ich konkret oder was wir konkret machen werden, wenn wir sozusagen keine richtigen Antworten bekommen.
Ich war persönlich in Sambia, ich habe mir viele Projekte angeschaut, ich habe persönlich Verhandlungen mit dem Präsidenten Hichilema geführt.
Wir werden jetzt sozusagen unsere Stimme reisen, wir werden auf die Antworten warten und ich glaube, das ist jetzt vorzeitig zu sagen, wie wir reagieren, wenn wir nicht die richtigen Antworten bekommen. Ich muss hier sagen, dass wir selbstverständlich in Sambia nicht allein sind und dass gewisse Sachen und gewisse Prozesse unseren Rivalen oder vielleicht auch unseren Feinden helfen können. Danke.
Dziękuję panie komisarzu, zamykam debatę. Otrzymałam pięć projektów rezolucji. Głosowanie nad tym punktem porządku obrad odbędzie się w dniu jutrzejszym. Zgodnie z nowym obowiązującym obowiązującymi zasadami prowadzenia obrad następny punkt rozpoczniemy o godzinie 19:30. W związku z tym w tej chwili zawieszam posiedzenie, zostanie ono wznowione za kilka minut i rozpoczniemy od oświadczenia Rady i Komisji na temat niszczycielskiej powodzi w Nepalu.
Ewa Kopacz
Wznawiam posiedzenie. Przystępujemy do realizacji kolejnego punktu porządku obrad: oświadczenie Rady i Komisji - niszczycielska powódź w Nepalu. Chciałabym państwa poinformować, że w tej debacie odbędzie się tylko jedna tura wystąpień przedstawicieli grup politycznych, nie zastosujemy procedury pytań z sali i nie będą przyjmowane zgłoszenia przez podniesienie niebieskiej karty. Przystępujemy do realizacji tego punktu.
W imieniu Rady głos zabierze pan minister Thomas Byrne.
Thomas Byrne
Thank you, Madam Vice-President, honorable members, Commissioner Lahbib. Let me first express our deepest condolences and full solidarity with the people of Nepal and all those concerned after the devastating flood disaster that took place on the 26th of August. It's hard to imagine, but 1,300 people lost their lives. Over 6,000 people have been injured, indeed numerous European citizens amongst them. An estimated 15,000 houses were destroyed.
Our thoughts are with every family impacted by this tragedy in and beyond Nepal. The European Union stands ready to help through this incredibly difficult time of mourning, recovering, and rebuilding. There are obvious and urgent humanitarian needs, including the provision of clean water, health, and shelter. Accessing those in need and coordinating support efforts are key challenges. The European Union released 2.5 million euro in new emergency funding in response to the disaster.
These funds came on top of the 2.9 million euro in disaster preparedness funding that was already allocated to Nepal at the beginning of this year.
Beyond funding, we also provided rapid operational support. We organized humanitarian aid, a humanitarian aid air bridge flight with vital relief supplies to the affected areas. Our technical teams were immediately sent to assess the scale of the disaster and advise on rescue efforts using Copernicus satellite mapping and analytical support from the Joint Research Centre. Indeed, we triggered the EU Civil Protection Mechanism. Offers of in-kind assistance from six member states and Norway are now accepted and arriving in Nepal.
The European Union remains in close coordination with the Nepalese authorities, EU member states, and international partners to assess the impact and support recovery, remediation, and reconstruction efforts in the aftermath of the disaster in the medium and long term. Nepal is among the world's most vulnerable countries to natural disasters, so we must learn from this disaster and continue to work with Nepal towards supporting climate resilience. Although scientific accounts of the actual trigger of the disaster differ, it's highly likely that global warming played its part.
So in line with the principle of climate justice, the EU and its member states, as the biggest contributors of international climate finance, have been supporting mitigation and adaptation measures in developing and most vulnerable countries. We will do our utmost to support Nepal in dealing with the consequences of this unprecedented event. Thank you.
Bardzo dziękuję panu ministrowi w imieniu Komisji głos zabierze pani komisarz Hadja Lahbib.
Hadja Lahbib
Thank you, Madam President, honorable members. The flash floods in Nepal have caused a devastating loss of life and widespread destruction. Our thoughts are first and foremost with those who have lost families and loved ones, those still searching for them among the many still missing people, and with all the brave responders providing emergency support on the ground. We are in regular contact with the Nepalese authorities whose response has been and continues to be deeply impressive. The very same has to be said about the Nepalese Red Cross who has done an outstanding work since the first hours of this crisis.
The European Union also responded very fast.
We quickly mobilized 2.5 million euros in emergency humanitarian assistance. This funding is supporting immediate assistance including healthcare, clean water, sanitation, food, shelter and protection for the most vulnerable. We have also been sending flights to Nepal delivering critical relief material from our warehouses in Copenhagen and Kuala Lumpur. Our EU humanitarian air bridges have now brought over 150 metric tonnes of aid to the country and we will continue with further flights already scheduled. Nepal has also activated the EU Civil Protection Mechanism officially requesting help from European countries.
Six EU member states as well as Norway are providing assistance through our EU mechanism donating medical items, body bags, hygiene kits, emergency energy equipment and much more.
And because logistics and coordination can be one of the biggest challenges during a crisis, we have also sent European experts on the ground to assist the Nepalese authorities in making sure the response is efficient and well-designed for both the immediate and the long-term needs of the affected communities. Furthermore, we continue to provide technical expertise through our Copernicus satellite emergency management services. Copernicus was activated on the very day of the floods and it continues to produce maps that provide responders with vital information such as the extent of damage to roads, bridges, airports, power stations and other critical infrastructure. Honorable members, our support to Nepal did not begin with the emergency. Nepal is one of the countries most exposed to natural hazards and to the growing consequences of climate change.
Therefore, at the beginning of the year, even before these devastating floods, the European Union had committed almost 3 million euro to disaster preparedness in Nepal. This helped our humanitarian partners on the ground to respond immediately once the flash floods have hit. Investment in disaster preparedness are key, both at home and abroad.
We cannot prevent every extreme event, but with better preparedness, stronger local response capacity and effective early warning systems, we can greatly reduce their impact and human costs. Nepal will face significant challenges as it moves from immediate emergency response to recovery and reconstruction. The European Union will remain closely engaged with the Nepalese authorities, our humanitarian and development partners and the wider international community to support this work. The EU delegation in Kathmandu plays a vital role in this on the ground. Honorable members, when an earthquake struck Nepal in 2015, Europe was there.
11 years later, Europe is there again. But what matters just as much is that we have also been there for all these years in between, investing in preparedness, working with local partners and helping to strengthen the capacity to respond. That is what being a reliable partner and friend means, not simply responding when a crisis strikes, but preparing before it does. Thank you.
Bardzo dziękuję pani komisarz. W imieniu grupy Europejskiej Partii Ludowej i Chrześcijańskich Demokratów głos zabierze pan poseł Tomáš Zdechovský, półtorej minuty.
Tomáš Zdechovský
Bardzo dziękuję. Vážené kolegyně, vážení kolegové, vážená paní komisařko, ničivé záplavy způsobily v oblasti Nepálu to, že si vyžádaly více jak 1500 lidských životů a stále máme několik tisíc lidí pohřešovaných. Celé rodiny přišly o své domovy, místní komunity o základní infrastrukturu a mnoho lidí stále čeká na zprávy o svých blízkých. V první řadě bych chtěl jako člověk, který byl dvakrát na pozorovatelské misi v Nepálu, vyjádřit svou obrovskou upřímnou soustrast rodinám a pozůstalým. Oceňuju rychlou reakci Komise.
To bylo perfektní. Myslím, že v podobě finanční humanitární pomoci v této oblasti a byli jsme jedni z prvních, kteří nabídli, že můžeme dále i Nepálu pomáhat. Zároveň však nesmíme přehlížet Čínou spravovanou část Tibetu, kde žádné informace nemáme a kde nevíme, jakým způsobem se dostala pomoc tamním obyvatelům. Evropská unie není v tomhletom regionu pouze vzdáleným pozorovatelem.
My tam investujeme. Předtím jsme tam dali přes 200 milionů, dneska máme dalších 113 milionů v období 2025 až 2027. A proto bysme se v naší pomoci měli zaměřit na systémy včasného varování, sdílení meteorologických dat, monitoring ledovců a přeshraniční krizovou komunikaci. Pevně věřím, že společně se nám do budoucna podaří uchránit více životů lidí v Nepálu.
W imieniu Grupy Postępowego Sojuszu Socjalistów i Demokratów w Parlamencie Europejskim głos zabierze pani poseł Sandra Gómez López, półtorej minuty.
Gracias, presidenta. En primer lugar, desde el Grupo Socialista queremos trasladar nuestro más sentido pésame a las familias de las víctimas y toda nuestra solidaridad con todo el pueblo de Nepal.
Sandra Gómez López
Esta tragedia, que ya lleva más de 1.300 fallecidos y más de 6.000 desaparecidos y desaparecidas, nos está recordando una profunda injusticia climática. Nepal apenas ha contribuido a las emisiones globales, pero en cambio está sufriendo algunas de las consecuencias más graves del cambio climático. El calentamiento y el retroceso de los glaciares están aumentando los riesgos que afrontan las comunidades del Himalaya. Y quienes más hemos contribuido históricamente a ese cambio climático tenemos también una responsabilidad mayor. Y creo sinceramente que lo podemos hacer mejor.
Es indiscutible que Europa ha ayudado y ha sido solidaria con el Nepal, pero los 2,5 millones de euros que hemos dado en ayuda humanitaria se queda corto a todo lo que podemos hacer como europeos y europeas, teniendo en cuenta nuestra responsabilidad. Por eso Europa debe de estar presente hoy en la emergencia, pero también mañana, apoyando la reconstrucción, la adaptación, sistemas de alerta temprana y una infraestructura más resiliente, porque la solidaridad no es solo acudir después de una catástrofe, sino que es ayudar a prevenir la siguiente.
Dziękuję, pani poseł. W imieniu grupy Europejscy Konserwatyści i Reformatorzy głos zabierze pan poseł Šerban Dimitrie Sturdza, jedna minuta.
Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza
Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, en quelques heures, des communautés entières au Népal ont été dévastées. Plus de 1400 personnes ont perdu la vie et plus de 5000 sont toujours portées disparues. Des milliers de familles ont perdu leurs proches, leurs maisons et parfois tout ce qu'elles avaient construit. En tant que président de la délégation du Parlement pour les relations avec les pays d'Asie du Sud, j'ai demandé ce débat car le Népal doit savoir qu'il n'est pas seul. Je salue la réponse rapide et solidaire de l'Europe : 2,5 millions d'euros d'aide humanitaire d'urgence, 82 tonnes de matériel de première nécessité, ainsi que le soutien satellitaire de Copernicus.
Dziękuję.
Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza
Mais notre responsabilité ne s'arrête pas à l'urgence. Le Népal aura besoin de notre soutien pour se relever, reconstruire et mieux résister aux catastrophes éventuelles à l'avenir. Aujourd'hui, notre message au peuple népalais est clair : l'Europe est à vos côtés dans le deuil, dans le relèvement et dans la reconstruction. Je vous remercie.
Dziękuję bardzo. W imieniu grupy Renew Europe głos zabierze pan poseł Grégory Allione, jedna minuta.
Grégory Allione
Madame la Vice-présidente, Madame la Commissaire, n'oublions pas que les premières victimes du changement climatique sont souvent celles qui ont le moins contribué.
Je pense aux territoires ultramarins, les États insulaires, les régions montagneuses et le Népal en est aujourd'hui l'exemple le plus tragique. 1400 décédés, 5600 personnes toujours portées disparues et derrière ces chiffres, ce sont des familles brisées et tout un pays à reconstruire. Et ce soir, effectivement, nous pensons à toutes les victimes, à leurs familles, auxquelles on adresse toute notre solidarité. Ne croyons pas que ce qui est arrivé au Népal ne peut pas arriver chez nous. Et je me demande parfois pourquoi certains restent encore climatosceptiques.
Et il n'y a qu'à regarder nos montagnes, il n'y a qu'à discuter avec ceux qui y vivent, regarder la fonte des glaciers cet été. J'étais cet été, Madame la Commissaire, à Chamonix et j'ai discuté avec les maires du secteur et ils sont inquiets et ils ont, eux, l'humilité de se sentir concernés. Alors je voulais vous remercier pour préparer justement un exercice d'ampleur dans les Alpes prochainement au mois de mars 2027 où nous allons préparer finalement ces événements qui peuvent arriver dans nos Alpes, dans nos montagnes. Nous avons le pouvoir et le devoir de nous préparer au pire et nous devons surtout empêcher que le pire devienne la norme.
Dziękuję bardzo. W imieniu grupy Zielonych/Wolne Przymierze Europejskie głos zabierze pani poseł Marie Toussaint, jedna minuta.
Marie Toussaint
1400 morts, plus de 5000 disparus, des cercueils enterrés vides. Le 26 août dernier, un pan de glacier s'est détaché et a rayé des villages entiers de la carte du Népal. Mais soyons clairs, le Népal ne réchauffe pas la planète. Il paye pourtant le prix fort du dérèglement climatique, des milliers de vies et 10 % de leur PIB. Alors on nous dira qu'on ne saura jamais attribuer une catastrophe à un coupable précis.
Mais les glaciers de l'Himalaya ne s'effondrent pas par hasard. Ils s'effondrent parce que nos États, les plus riches, ont brûlé du charbon, du pétrole et du gaz pendant plus de deux siècles. Parce que des gouvernements, nos gouvernements, ont soutenu le déploiement des énergies fossiles pour le profit d'un tout petit nombre. La droite de cet hémicycle prétend souvent qu'il suffit de dire que nous ne sommes plus les seuls à polluer la planète et que cela balaierait toute responsabilité. Notre dette climatique, elle, elle est historique, elle est présente et personne, non personne, ne l'a jamais réglée.
Alors écoutons la jeunesse népalaise qui nous dit : "On veut que les responsables payent". Ces responsables, nous les connaissons, ce sont les multinationales fossiles qui continuent à forer de nouveaux puits de pétrole et de gaz après avoir menti pendant plusieurs décennies sur les impacts de leurs activités.
Combien de vallées seront encore englouties avant que les dirigeants ne soient enfin placés devant leurs responsabilités.
Dziękuję. W imieniu Komisji głos zabierze pani komisarz Heida Labib.
Hadja Lahbib
Thank you. First of all, thank you for underlining the specific situation where Tibet is in. We must not overlook the situation in Tibet. I totally agree. We need to have reliable and timely information.
It is essential. It supports search and rescue, enables families to obtain information and allows also responders to identify the needs. So, yes, we would like to see more clarity and transparency on what is happening there. Nepal, when it comes to climate change, is one of the most affected countries by natural hazards, although it is not one of the most contributors to pollution. And that's why preparedness is so important.
And that's why we invested almost three million before this crisis hits.
But of course, preparedness is not a substitute for climate action or climate finance. It's about protecting lives. Extreme events are becoming more severe and vulnerable communities like Nepalese are often the least equipped to withstand them. Investing in early warning systems, local response capacity and disaster preparedness can make the difference between an incident and a humanitarian catastrophe. And you may know that Nepal has requested support from the fund for responding to loss and damage.
And so this system has its own governance and arrangements. The procedures for considering requests for support is ongoing and the European Commission currently has a seat on the board among 26 member states and is part of the process of responding to the first funding requests, including from Nepal. And the European Commission has pledged 25 million to this fund. Thank you.
Ewa Kopacz
Bardzo dziękuję, pani komisarz. W imieniu Rady głos zabierze pan minister Thomas Byrne. Bardzo proszę.
Thomas Byrne
President, honorable members, Commissioner Hadja Lahbib, as has been stated here by all of the honorable members, the natural disaster in Nepal caused immense devastation, leaving many communities shattered and families in mourning, and we express again our full solidarity with those affected. In response, the European Union has moved with rapid action and solidarity, delivering substantial support, and that is what we're about as a European Union. That is why we need to maintain this type of work around the world as best we can, because it is so important to help those suffering, but also is a means of projecting what the European Union is about around the world. The member states of the European Union are closely following developments and, of course, will respond to Nepal's request for further help as necessary. Thank you very much.
Ewa Kopacz
Bardzo dziękuję panie ministrze. Zamykam debatę i przystępujemy do realizacji już ostatniego punktu porządku naszych obrad, wyjaśnień dotyczących głosowania. Bardzo proszę pana posła Kostasa Papadakisa, który będzie składał wyjaśnienie w sprawie przyspieszenia wydawania zezwoleń dla projektów z zakresu gotowości obronnej. Pan poseł jest nieobecny. W związku z tym wyjaśnienia do sprawozdania w sprawie gotowości obronnej oraz ułatwień realizacji inwestycji w obronność, poprawy warunków dla przemysłu obronnego, Omnibus 5, pan poseł Cristian Terheș.
Nieobecny. W związku z tym do tego samego punktu wyjaśnienie pana Șerbana-Dimitrie Sturdzy. Bardzo proszę.
Stimați colegi, România are cea mai lungă frontieră terestră și maritimă cu Ucraina.
Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza
Consecința directă a acestei granițe o reprezintă 46 de pătrunderi neautorizate în spațiul aerian românesc de la începutul războiului și până astăzi. Pentru că trebuie să vorbim mai mult despre apărarea antidronă a flancului estic, trebuie să recunoaștem efortul făcut de statele de pe flancul estic și să lucrăm împreună pentru a fi mai puternici fără costuri enorme. Este urgent ca România să investească inteligent în capabilități de detecție și interceptare a dronelor, dar și în capacitatea de a conduce, nu doar de a urma inițiativele de apărare ale flancului estic. De aceea am votat pentru acest raport în plen. Statele membre au nevoie de mai puțină birocrație când vine vorba despre investiții în apărare și de o industrie capabilă să inoveze și să producă mai repede la o scară mai mare.
Vă mulțumesc.
Kostas Papadakis
Η ομιλία της Προέδρου της Κομισιόν ομολογεί το στόχο για μια θηριώδη πολεμική βιομηχανία που περνά μέσα και από το προωθούμενο πακέτο απλοποιήσεων, το οποίο προκλητικά εντάσσεται στον τομέα της άμυνας. Αυτό παρέχει ασυλία στους ομίλους με α πριόρι αδειοδοτήσεις, φαστ τρακ διαδικασίες και ελευθερία μεταφορών όπλων και πυρομαχικών από άκρη σ' άκρη σε όλη την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση. Πάνω από όλα προβλέπει πακέτα στήριξης ύψους εκατοντάδων δις για την πολεμική βιομηχανία που ήδη έχει εκτοξευτεί κατά 80% την τελευταία πενταετία. Προβλέπει επίσης πριμοδότηση μαμούθ του αντιδραστικού καθεστώτος Ζελένσκι με χρήμα και αμερικανικούς Πάτριοτ. Η μεθόδευση αλλαγών στο άρθρο 42.7, το λεγόμενο Ευρωπαϊκό Συμβούλιο Ασφαλείας σε συμμαχία με τον Καναδά και άλλες τρίτες χώρες, όπως και η ευρωενωσιακή εκδοχή του άρθρου 4 του ΝΑΤΟ, προδίδουν ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση συγκροτεί μηχανισμούς κήρυξης πολέμου απέναντι στα ανταγωνιστικά της ιμπεριαλιστικά κέντρα και πάνω από όλα σε βάρος των λαών.
Καμία εμπλοκή, καμιά θυσία για την πολεμική οικονομία, αύξηση σε μισθούς, υγεία, παιδεία, πολιτική προστασία.
Dziękuję bardzo, panie pośle. Pan poseł Cristian Terheș w sprawie wyjaśnienia do głosowania: gotowość obronna oraz ułatwienie realizacji inwestycji w obronność, poprawę warunków dla przemysłu obronnego, Omnibus 5. Bardzo proszę.
Thank you.
Cristian Terheş
Am votat în favoarea acestui raport pentru că Europa poate și trebuie să producă în vederea propriei apărări mai repede și mai mult în ceea ce privește propria-și apărare. Avem însă o problemă. Pe de o parte, comisarul pe apărare vine și ne propune genul acesta de omnibus să modificăm legi pentru a îmbunătăți tot ceea ce înseamnă producția în domeniul apărării. Pe de altă parte, Ursula von der Leyen și alți comisari vin cu genul de reglementări privind decarbonizarea care distrug industria de apărare. E important și pentru acest Parlament să decidă ce vrea.
Dorește industrie în Europa? Și dacă dorește industrie în Europa, trebuie să dereglementeze, adică să elimine toate aceste reglementări care au condus deja la creșterea prețului energiei, costului de producție și eliminarea companiilor din Europa, sau să rămână în aceeași ideologie ca până acum, să alunge industria de aici. Mulțumesc.
Dziękuję bardzo. Teraz wyjaśnienia w sprawie sprawozdania: wojna hybrydowa oraz ochrona integralności terytorialnej Unii i infrastruktury niezbędnej dla bezpieczeństwa i obrony.
I tu mamy czterech posłów, którzy chcą złożyć wyjaśnienia. Jako pierwszy głos zabierze pan poseł Șerban-Dimitrie Sturdza.
Şerban Dimitrie Sturdza
Stimați colegi, războiul acestei ere nu începe neapărat cu tancuri. Poate să înceapă cu o dronă care intră în spațiul aerian, cu un atac cibernetic asupra unei rețele energetice sau cu bruiajul comunicațiilor. Liderii noștri trebuie să înțeleagă că vremea certurilor politice a trecut. Acum trebuie să facem ceva ce contează mai mult: să ne ținem cetățenii în siguranță. Trebuie să ne concentrăm pe apărarea infrastructurii energetice, a porturilor, transporturilor și telecomunicațiilor, pentru că într-un război hibrid, arătatul cu degetul nu apără pe nimeni de o pană generalizată de curent, de un port blocat sau de un atac cibernetic care paralizează un serviciu public de maximă necesitate.
De aceea am votat în favoarea acestui raport. Avem nevoie de state pregătite și de suveranitate militară în Europa. Vă mulțumesc.
Dziękuję. Głos zabierze pan poseł Juan Fernando López Aguilar, bardzo proszę.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Thank you, Madam President. Esta mañana en el debate del Estado de la Unión, la presidenta von der Leyen ha hablado de proteger la integridad y la seguridad de la Unión Europea contra los ataques híbridos y ha hecho una referencia a la crisis en Ceuta, anunciando un mecanismo de emergencia que no puede concretarse en un endurecimiento de los procedimientos de retorno sin garantías, sino que debería concretarse en inversión en los países de origen y tránsito, creando oportunidades y la apertura por fin de vías legales que sean capaces de desactivar el modelo de negocio de los tráficos ilícitos. Pero fundamentalmente lo que es imprescindible es que la Unión Europea haga honor a su promesa de ser globalmente relevante como actor geopolítico y eso exige que la Unión Europea sea capaz de hablar con una voz respetable, madurando de una vez en su política exterior y superando la regla de la unanimidad. Y una ocasión excelente es esa conferencia de futuro de Europa anunciada con motivo del 70 aniversario del Tratado de Roma. Superar la unanimidad es imprescindible para que la Unión Europea madure definitivamente.
Bardzo dziękuję. Głos zabierze w tym samym punkcie, zabierze pan poseł Alvis Perez. Nieobecny.
Pan poseł Arkadiusz Mularczyk.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Dziękuję. Rezolucja dotyczy wojny hybrydowej oraz ochrony integralności terytorialnej Unii Europejskiej, infrastruktury krytycznej niezbędnej dla bezpieczeństwa i obrony. Głosowałem za przyjęciem tej rezolucji, ponieważ wojna hybrydowa nie jest już zagrożeniem teoretycznym. Polska i inne państwa wschodniej flanki NATO mierzą się z cyberatakami, sabotażem, dezinformacją i instrumentalizacją migracji oraz atakami na infrastrukturę krytyczną. Europa dlatego musi wzmocnić swoje granice, sieci energetyczne, korytarze transportowe i systemy cyfrowe.
Działania Unii powinny wspierać państwa członkowskie, uzupełniać NATO, ale nie powielać ich zadań i kompetencji. Unia musi przeznaczyć znacznie większe środki na wschodnią flankę, mobilność wojskową, infrastrukturę podwójnego zastosowania, ochronę lotnisk.
Europejska solidarność musi oznaczać konkretne inwestycje, zdolności operacyjne oraz stanowczą odpowiedź na każdy atak hybrydowy na Unię Europejską. Dziękuję bardzo.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Bardzo dziękuję panie pośle. Informacje końcowe. Następne posiedzenie odbędzie się jutro, to jest w czwartek 17 września 2026 roku o godzinie 9:00. Porządek obrad został opublikowany i jest dostępny na stronie internetowej Parlamentu Europejskiego. Protokół tego posiedzenia zostanie przedłożony Parlamentowi do zatwierdzenia jutro wczesnym popołudniem.
Zamykam posiedzenie, życzę państwu dobrej nocy.
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