Committee on Foreign Affairs Extraordinary meeting Exchange of views with Marta Kos, Commissioner for Enlargement
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AFET European Parliament
Follow its sittingsMarta Kos
It is possible also to reduce the number of areas where one country alone can veto decisions everyone else support, for instance where we suggest this on sanctions or in the fight against tax fraud or in the accession process for the interim steps. We have discussed this many times. Based on the European treaties, we need two unanimity decisions: giving a candidate status and finishing. But now in between we have 150 steps. Also for sending a letter to a candidate country, we need unanimity.
We could optimize this, still the Member States will have a role to play.
And also when we negotiate and conclude international agreements, the recourse to mixed agreements should be avoided. We should also make our institutions leaner and faster. A bigger Union needs to be a more flexible Union. That's why we could use more enhanced cooperation. This means that a group of countries is going ahead with the possibility that others are joining later.
This is how we have done with the Ukraine support loan or with the European Public Prosecutor's Office. Second point: a more ambitious framework for gradual integration. This is something what has to do more with the candidates, but also how we deal with them. Why is this so important? Gradual integration is nothing new.
Marta Kos
But if we go back months ago, we have introduced the possibilities how to change the methodology. And we said: it can stay status quo, we could go into enhanced gradual integration, or we could go into the reversed membership. The member states said no to reversed membership. What we are doing now is going into enhanced or deepened gradual integration.
Meaning that we will offer our candidates much more, but on the stricter principle, principles. Until now, it was that actually whatever tools, for instance, SEPA or roaming we have had, we have offered this to all the candidates. Now we will much more ask for strategic alignment with the European Union and also full alignment with the CFSP. When I say enhanced gradual integration, the novelty will also be, it is not only, it will not only be where our candidates need more support or where they could join our systems or subsystems earlier. It is also what we need more.
So we will have in-depth gradual integration dialogues with the candidate countries where we would discuss what could we do for each candidate country specifically in the areas which are also important to us to get more independent or to reach more independent Europe on the field of let's say AI, rare materials or there where actually the candidates are strong and could contribute to us. Meaning that this enhanced gradual integration could mean more integration in the areas where the candidates will be completely ready. And of course I get many questions, is this a kind of going into the direction of the substitution for the membership? Not at all. Only those candidates who are serious about becoming a member of the EU will be able to get part of this enhanced gradual integration.
So it is not a substitute. Point number three, we propose a common framework for accession safeguards. Safeguards are nothing new and all member states will enjoy equal rights, also newcomers, so it won't be a two-tier membership. What is it about?
We will use the old set of the sectoral safeguards, but we want to introduce new safeguard when the newcomers will go against the rule of law, democracy or values. With a serious breaches, we suggest 15-year transitional period to be able to act swifter than the Article 7 is already enabling us. So it is a kind of contribution, additional strengthening of the Article 7, where we go, and this is the novelty, we also suggest that we use this way of going against those who could do the breaches, that we also use the Article 4 of the European treaties, which speaks about the loyal or sincere cooperation. We are doing this because of the experiences. It will not mean that the new members will have a different position to the others.
What we are suggesting is, I will go one step back, you know, whenever we talk to our candidates, nobody is saying we will breach the rules when we will become a member of the EU.
Marta Kos
So it's the opposite, we will follow the rules. Meaning the basic principles of those safeguards is if they will follow, the newcomers, our rules, democracy or Article 2, Article 4, nothing will happen. If they will go against, those safeguards will bite hard. There is a new safeguard which is on the voluntarily basis. And this is the safeguard that the newcomers will voluntarily constrain themselves not to use veto right in the enlargement process about the bilateral disputes, in a way that they do a separate declaration, meaning that this would not be a part of the accession treaty.
What is important, everything is legally sound, those safeguards should be proportionate, temporary, non-discriminatory and based on the equality of all member states. Then point number four, the impact of accession on the Union policies. Our assessment shows that in most policies, the EU can accommodate for enlargement. But there are areas where we will need adjustments.
One of the cases is Ukraine. The scale, structure and very high productivity of the agriculture sector calls for the examination, as we say, of the targeted arrangements for sensitive agriculture products only, meaning Ukraine can become and will become a member of the EU, Ukraine can and will become a member of our common agriculture policy, but what we suggest is that we sit together and found targeted arrangements so that we will be able to protect our farmers in Europe. At the same time, we will support Ukraine in regaining access to its historic third country export markets. And point number five, and this is also the novelty, the President has announced in her SOTEU that we will introduce the roadmaps for the most advanced candidate countries. Since yesterday, we know and officially confirm and they are Montenegro, Albania, Moldova and Ukraine frontrunners, and for them we will introduce a special roadmaps, meaning timelines, milestones, how to come until the end.
Roadmaps will be different, as you can imagine, Montenegro is at the end of the process. We will hopefully finish the technical negotiations until the end of the year. The roadmaps will be important tool also for European Commission, also for the member states to better follow up how they are doing on their way. Very important, this path will continue to be based on the individual achievements of candidates and of course no shortcuts. I look forward to discussing this together with you once we will present the enlargement package, which will happen on 28th of October.
So what follows now, I'm finishing. This communication, ladies and gentlemen, is a start of the discussion. It's about how can we prepare for stronger today for stronger Europe we want to be tomorrow. And you, the European Parliament, plays a fundamental part in this endeavor. We count on you, we count on the Parliament to advance discussions on institutional preparation and policy measures.
At the European Commission, the operational follow-up is fourfold. First, as I have said, we intend to present the roadmaps for the most advanced countries at the end of October.
Marta Kos
Second, we will prepare the next steps for the enhanced gradual integration. We will map existing gradual integration instruments and put forward an ambitious new approach also at the end of October. Third, we will draw up detailed proposals for the safeguards in the next days. We will apply them for the first time for Montenegro. And fourth, we will take our assessment on Ukraine's agriculture sector into consideration when discussing the opening of cluster five for Ukraine.
And we're hopeful this debate can start in a few weeks from now. So, underline, our assessment shows that enlargement is possible, but there are areas where we see challenges that we need to address to make a larger European Union also a stronger, stronger Union.
I look forward to be in constant exchange as until now with you. Thank you for your engagement and enabling us that actually we got this important document. And now let's work together and bring the candidates into the European Union in the time of your and my mandate.
David McAllister
Thank you, dear Commissioner, for presenting yesterday's adopted communication. Colleagues, I will now give the floor to members. The first round of questions and comments are as usual for our coordinators. We have a long list of colleagues who want to take the floor. That's why the coordinators will get one and a half minutes each, and that is 90 seconds according to my information.
I give the floor first to Michael Gahler for the EPP.
Michael Gahler
Thank you very much, Marta, for this presentation. I think it's an ambitious document. We will have to study it closely in detail, but the five points that you mentioned, I would say that I in principle agree, especially also on the first point, starting with the making use of existing provisions in the treaty to get things more flexible, especially for intermediate steps.
I think that's important not to block things already on very individual cases, but to have the principle decision to open negotiations and then step by step advance, probably on the Council side with a qualified majority. My question goes then in the further steps, when we have this gradual part of the integration, will that be then subject still to qualified majority or is that then something that will, where the unanimity will be retained? That is a question that I have, because that is in principle something that is then given and cannot easily be taken back. The next issue, have you already got some signals from member states who tended to have their bilateral issues addressed in the past, that they would accept for the future that it doesn't go ahead? I think that is also important to know.
And as I'm also the Ukraine rapporteur, I think in the agricultural sector indeed there will be provisions that need to keep them outside this integration, but I think they can find their way for their products also in the rest of the world. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, that was nearly 90 seconds. Then I give the floor to Nacho Sánchez Amor.
Nacho Sánchez Amor
Thank you, Toby. Thank you, Marta, for landing on politics ideas that were floating for some years in academic circles, in political circles, but finally we have a paper. Thank you for that.
I think it worth to wait one year. And this is the question I would like to convey to you. What has been the logic of this conversation of negotiation on both sides, the current members and the future members? There were differences, deep differences. There are part or groups of candidate countries adopting the same position, even articulating the same position before the conversation, to have a look on this year, because I think this year of conversation is the basis for having a clear success in the implementation of this paper.
And then I would like to mention another minor thing you think is when you talk about the protection of rule of law after the accession, apparently there is a link between rule of law and the protection of the budget interest of the group. Be careful with that. There are many violations of the rule of law that is part of the fundamentals not linked to any kind of financial issues, and this has to be a criteria not only linked to the budget. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you, Nacho. For the Patriots, I give the floor to colleague Demeter.
Csaba Dömötör
Thank you, Chair. In the recent years, enlargement policy has taken a new direction.
The merit-based approach has been replaced by a geopolitical one. This means that the focus is no longer on whether a candidate country meets the conditions but on current geopolitical considerations. As a result genuine dialogue on the consequences, the consequences of the enlargement has almost disappeared. Let's have a look at some aspects of this. There is no debate about the budgetary impact of the enlargement.
How would funding schemes need to be restructured and which of the current member states would become net contributors? And there's no debate about the impact of agriculture. What will happen if a country with an agricultural territory much bigger than the one of France would join? Is there any dialogue with the farmers' associations? Hardly so.
And there is no debate about whether minority rights are respected even though they are not. Vague declarations are simply not enough. Firm legislation is needed. And there is no meaningful debate about the consequences of seeking to admit any country that is at war at the moment. So we have to cope with the security aspects as well.
And anyone who raises these questions faces immediate political condemnation and is branded as a puppet of someone. This is neither right nor democratic.
We must restore the aspects of consequences in this dialogue. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you. For the ECR, Adam Bielan is the coordinator. He's not present, so Arkadiusz Mularczyk.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Thank you. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, Commissioner-designate. Enlargement is a strategic necessity, but a wider Union must also be a stronger Union. So my question is similar to my colleague from Patriots group. The EU budget is already under serious pressure.
Six member states, including some of the largest net contributors, are calling for major cuts to the next EU budget. At the same time, further enlargement will create additional financial pressure and could directly affect cohesion policy and agriculture funds. The consequences will be felt particularly strongly in economically weaker regions, especially in the Central Europe, which still rely on these policies to close development gaps. So my question is simple: how will the Commission finance enlargement without cutting cohesion and agriculture funds and making less developed regions and farmers pay the price for this enlargement?
Enlargement must not come at the expense of cohesion within the European Union. Thank you.
David McAllister
Thank you. Who would like to take the floor for the Renew group? Hilde Vautmans is not there. I'm not Renew, you have to... Okay.
Please. Okay.
Dan Barna
Thank you, thank you Marta for being here. You managed to transform this enlargement policy, which was one of not performant one in the previous year, in a very active and present one. And this document showing a clear steps ahead is an important, credible message for for all those country looking to looking to us to to react. So my question is rather related with your personal position in this in this mechanism now. Because if we are following the Martin Luther King "I have a dream", what is your dream for the end of this '29, for '30?
How will be, how should look the enlargement at the end of the mandate of this current Commission? Thank you.
Thomas Waitz
Yes, thank you Chair and thank you Commissioner Kos for delivering this roadmap.
Actually, I have just one statement to my colleagues. Well, this discussion on how much it costs us to enlarge to the East, to Poland or Hungary, I had as an Austrian very much and I defended it that we put that money on the table to support our neighboring countries to become as wealthy as us and part of the club. And I think this is the same logic that we should talk about today. Yes, it's going to cost us something. But Commissioner, yes, on the unanimity, I think this is a very important step.
And you kept it a bit open now. You said, yes, the treaties say, well, when we start negotiations and when we accept a new member, that's clear. But I mean, there's also the intermediate steps, the opening of clusters. For what do you have the backing of the member states actually to move on? Everything without unanimity or some intermediate steps, maybe you can give us a bit of an update here.
And then one thing I witness in many of the accession countries is that even I would say the good scholars are doing legislation, but implementation sometimes is really substantially lacking behind. And I thank you for mentioning it also and for putting it also more in the center of attention. Can you give us a bit of an explanation how you consider to basically check implementation or base decision that we take on the implementation on the ground?
And also a last one, that countries that do not align with our CFSP should not be in the focus. I think this is the absolute right decision. Will this also have an effect on Global Europe funds? Thank you.
Thank you. For the Left, who would like to take the floor? Good, we skip the Left. The ESN group, who would like to take the floor? Mr. Stoyanov.
Stanislav Stoyanov
Thank you, Chair. I will say a few words in Bulgarian. Премахването на принципа на единодушие и замяната му с квалифицирано мнозинство е притеснително. Не е нужно да бързате да приемате всеки кандидат-член, който не е готов. Единодушието е мощен инструмент, който вие отслабвате и на практика премахвате.
Има страни кандидат-членки, като например Северна Македония, където правата на човека все още биват нарушавани. Ще спомена само случая с Ива Михайлова, млад гражданин на Европейския съюз, на който се отказва право на лечение.
Противопоставяме се на премахването на принципа на единодушие и на замяната му с квалифицирано мнозинство, а членките, кандидат-членките за Европейския съюз трябва да стават кандидат-членки, пълноправни членки, когато са готови и не е нужно да прибързваме с това.
David McAllister
Thank you. Commissioner, besides the coordinators, I will now give you the floor for a first response. Then we will have a second round. We already have 40 members who want to speak, to take the floor in the second round. That's why, Marta, if I may ask you to limit yourself to five to maximum seven minutes, and then we have enough time for the second round.
Marta Kos
Thank you, dear members. I can get a lot out of your questions already. Mr. Gahler, gradual integration, so how we will decide. It depends on what kind of arrangements we have with the candidates. For instance, for Moldova and Ukraine, we have DCFTAs, Deep and Comprehensive FTAs, which are enabling us already from the starting point much more.
For instance, it is much, was easier for Moldova and Ukraine to get the roaming than it is for the Western Balkans where we have stability agreements. Then, of course, it has to be that for DCFTA, it is a clear QMV.
Marta Kos
And for the Western Balkans, we have fewer possibilities and we will have to assess in detail depending on policy area. But the main idea of this gradual integration is twofold. One is that up to the, so it is all based on the present European treaty. Up to what is enabling based on the European treaty, we will try to do as much as possible, meaning that for instance, even if they will be integrated well in one part, decision-making will not be possible. And we will do it much more systematically than now.
We are also open for your ideas, dear members, if you would see, because you really know the situation in specific countries well, what we could do, what we could do more. Regarding the Ukraine, the provisions will have to be agreed and negotiated. Meaning now it's much too early to say, but once Ukraine will be that far that we will be talking about the accession treaty, this will be the most important point. Mr. Sanchez, what is the logic?
The logic is that first we wanted to tackle not just the enlargement, but generally how we are prepared. So it is not just about the enlargement, but also about what we are doing inside, meaning getting leaner institutions. We are suggesting that the number of commissioners could be lower based on the present treaties, two-thirds of the member states. So everything or a lot is possible if the member states will go for it. The basis is that we are lucky that the three of the frontrunners are small.
And that's why I agree with you that this year is important. Then of course we have done also the connection between breaching the rule of law and cutting the money. With this new safeguard of the 15 years, we would go after the voting rights and cutting the money, also based on the MFF rules. Mr. Demeter, geopolitics and merit-based principle go hand in hand.
We are not having this success in the enlargement because of geopolitics, we are going the merit-based way. Geopolitics means why enlargement is important and why this is priority, merit-based means conditions under one country can join and when. They go hand in hand and we have really done a lot on the processes. The golden rule is still the merit-based. And of course we have looked into the budgetary impact.
You have to read the document. This is very important part and we are saying we are able to enlarge. Once again, we are lucky with the three smaller countries and we have special then possible provisions for Ukraine. But let's talk facts. Montenegro, it's 650,000 people, it's like Stuttgart or Toulouse.
And this will cost us in the next MFF between 380 and 420 million euro. We will see how much the contribution of Montenegro will be to the country, meaning less than one euro per citizen per year. We can afford this. It will be the same with Albania, it will be the same with Moldova. And of course you have mentioned minority rights.
This is exactly what we are doing. This is Article 2.
Marta Kos
This is exactly what Ukraine and Hungary are doing at the right time, and this is exactly what North Macedonia and Bulgaria have to do. Mr. Mulačič, the same, when we introduce the exact number for one country is prescribed in the procedure. For Montenegro, which is the most advanced, we have done this year the so-called financial package. For all the others, we will do once they will be that long. My dream, yes, I am down to the earth, not much dreaming, but I really now see that we could have at least two or three new member states until 2030, if they deliver.
And one important point, what happened yesterday with the four frontrunners being in a special group. For me, success is voluntarily. We are not pushing anybody to become a member of the EU, but once they decide to become a candidate, then we expect to deliver, but it's up to them. Thomas Waitz, unanimity and backing of the member states.
Talking to most all of them, different reactions. Some of them would love to contribute to more efficient. Some of them are still very much in favor to use unanimity as much as, as much as possible. Regarding the CFSP alignment, I think that I am very, very happy that this has happened, because we only can have new members which are really aligned with our strategic orientation. Basta.
And Mr. Waitz also monitoring. One of the proposed new instruments for, when I speak about the safeguards, is pre-accession monitoring phase, meaning this is the phase between signing the accession treaty and entering the European Union, and we will really follow this much, much deeper. Mr. Stoyanov, yes, I'm also very much in favor for using unanimity as long as it is not misused. No, we don't want to eliminate it. We suggest some parts being more effective.
The member states will discuss.
And I agree with you, bilateral issues have nothing to do in the accession process. We call on every member state and candidate countries to do this bilaterally.
Thank you, Commissioner. We come to our second round. Your names have been noted. The order is following the D'Hondt rule. And it's one minute each.
One minute, please be as collegial as possible so that as many as possible colleagues can take the floor. I give the floor now first to Željana Zovko for 60 seconds.
Thank you very much, Commissioner-designate. And there's a saying, when a magician is showing you a left hand, look at his right hand. That's called misdirection in psychology. I mean, you probably know about that because you are good at psychology. I have a similar concern about the proposed enlargement reform and roadmaps.
We should also look carefully at what remains outside the spotlight. I welcome the effort to support Ukraine and Moldova and reduce Russian influence in Europe. At the same time, we must give due attention to the Western Balkans, particularly Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is concerning that Bosnia and Herzegovina has been left out of the proposed roadmaps. And that's your task.
Željana Zovko
You are in charge of this. The country needs clear guidance and support on the future of the Office of High Representative, reform of the electoral law, and the adoption of the two remaining key laws required to open accession negotiations. European Union must be clear about what it wants for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Our repeated assurances about its European future must be matched by concrete action. And following the last weekend elections, legitimate representatives committed to the European path have been elected.
We should use this opportunity to advance reforms and open negotiation accession.
Matjaž Nemec
Thank you. Welcome, Marta. I would like just to, I mean, it seems that we strongly welcome the Commissioner's strategy. In particular, I welcome the Commission proposal to move to the qualified majority. Member States, from my opinion, should seize the proposal to prevent the further bilateralization of the enlargement process.
David McAllister
But my question would be, emphasize my colleague Gahler intervention, how confident are you that Member States will actually support the move to the qualified majority for intermediate steps in accession negotiations?
And how do you see the Commission's role in prevent bilateral issues from blocking the process? Thank you.
Thank you. Davor Štefan is next.
Davor Ivo Stier
Thank you, Marta, for your proposals. And I think that gradual integration is the way forward, of course not as a substitution for membership. And we should be ambitious there. I think that the Commission should also think about issues like border security, border crossing, not only of citizens, truck drivers, especially when it comes to, for example, the Western Balkans. Now, on the QMV, you know that there is a lack of consensus there about that in the Council.
David McAllister
That will be a hurdle. And I think it's a question of trust. Commission and also big member states, they fear that some member states would misuse this to block other countries due to bilateral issues. And they do have a good reason for that fear from the current as well as past experiences. But also some smaller member states, they fear that their concerns are not taken into account neither by bigger member states or by the Commission.
Speaker 20
And the catastrophic way, for example, the Commission was dealing with the Mladić funeral, not you personally, but the Commission as a whole, unfortunately, have strengthened this fear.
So what confidence-building measures are you willing to take?
Speaker 24
Thank you, Commissioner Kos, for being here. The package you presented sounded a bit complex, but I was smelling something unfortunate. We know the will of Commission when it comes to accession. There was the thing that you would like to do it in reversed order, but then it was blocked by the member states. And now the plan seems to be that somehow we are taking new member states, but we need safeguards for them, something that maybe other countries would not need.
Speaker 25
So is there still the idea that maybe these new member states wouldn't be totally fit to join and we are a bit afraid of them, and that's why we need these safeguards? How long would these safeguards stand? Thank you.
Tonino Picula
Thank you. Thank you, Chair. Dear Marta, thank you for your presentation.
For the credibility of the enlargement policy, it's crucial that only well-prepared candidates enter the European Union, aligned with our foreign and security policy and the unquestionable rule of law. That's the only way we won't have to guess about the dates of the new enlargement because they will be imposed on the results. However, accelerating the process must not mean lowering criteria. If we want enlargement to be credible, it must remain grounded in clear rules, democratic standards, rule of law, and protection of the European Union's fundamental values. My question is: can the European Union guarantee equal standards of rule of law and democracy for current and future member states when stricter protection mechanisms are expected in the new accession treaties as you described?
Can the enlargement process be used to strengthen European Union's internal instruments dealing with the standards of rule of law and democracy? Thank you.
Thank you, thank you very much, Commissioner, for the vision that you present to us. And indeed, it reflects a lot of ambition, and what we need now is political will, of course, to make it happen.
Tineke Strik
I have two points I want to get some clarity about. One is the ambition to bring in the EU's strategic interest. You mentioned raw materials, AI, etc. for in the gradual integration, which means a closer cooperation with certain candidate member states, not because of they have got more progress than other candidate countries, but because of our own EU interest. To what extent would that amount to a certain different treatment, which is not grounded in the in the accession criteria itself? And I also see a different treatment of newcomers on the one hand and the current member states if it comes to rule of law.
Of course rule of law is a very serious threat to our values and to the integrity of the EU, but we also have problems with the current member states sometimes. So why not make more consistent use of the tools that we have for all states instead of now trying to to get more safeguards for newcomers? I think the practice we had with Bulgaria and Romania were not so satisfactory in the end.
Michał Szczerba
Good morning to everybody. Dear Commissioner Kos, dear Marta, we appreciate your work and the progress in the enlargement process.
So as the Parliament's negotiator on the military mobility package, I've seen from the beginning of the negotiations how strongly our Ukrainian friends have expressed their interest in being included in the scope of this legislation. This is also reflected in other EU programs and initiatives where Ukraine is increasingly playing an important role. So my question to you, Marta, is to what extent does the EU's growing cooperation with Ukraine in the field of security, intelligence, industry influence or contribute to the enlargement of the process? Thank you very much.
Rasa Juknevičienė
Thank you. Thank you, Marta, first of all for your work and your clear stance that EU enlargement is in the EU's own strategic interest, our interest. My question concerns the use of history as a tool to halt EU enlargement. An increasing number of experts point out that this sensitive issue is being exploited by external forces, particularly Russia.
Please consider the possibility of monitoring this aspect through a dedicated group and perhaps establishing a mechanism to help Member States and candidates to address these issues in a timely manner so that external forces cannot cause significant damage. Thank you.
Hana Jalloul Muro
Thank you very much indeed for your work, always, Commissioner. I truly think you're doing an extraordinary job. And I would like to know much more about the answers not only on the unanimity but all other Member States on the communication and from the Parliament perspective what are the main areas where we could assist in the implementation. I help you out from here. Thank you.
Mathilde Androuët
Madame la Commissaire, l'élargissement de l'Union européenne à d'autres États est un véritable défi. Et quand la marche est trop importante à franchir pour ces derniers, il faut savoir y mettre un terme. Vous le savez, le processus d'adhésion de l'Albanie à l'Union européenne pose de nombreux problèmes et l'actualité récente vient confirmer cette opinion. En Albanie, la lutte contre la corruption demeure préoccupante et désormais c'est la protection de l'environnement qui est désormais directement en cause. Dans l'aire protégée de Vjosa-Narta, un vaste projet touristique lié à Jared Kushner, gendre de Donald Trump, menace un espace naturel exceptionnel.
Des milliers d'Albanais manifestent depuis des mois derrière le symbole du flamant rose, dénonçant à la fois les atteintes à l'environnement, le manque de transparence et les soupçons de favoritisme. Or l'environnement et le changement climatique font pleinement partie des négociations d'adhésion. La Commission elle-même a demandé à l'Albanie de ne prendre aucune mesure susceptible de compromettre le respect de ces exigences. Alors Madame la Commissaire, ma question est simple : combien de violations faudra-t-il encore avant que la Commission demande la suspension du processus d'adhésion de l'Albanie ?
Helmut Brandstätter
Thank you, Chair. And thank you, Marta, for all your work. Three short questions. First, you talked about gradual integration. You know that from my country, Austria, that's very important.
Can you name a few examples when and how quickly that will work? The second is disinformation is very heavy. We know it from Moldova, but also from all the Western Balkan countries. I think, what my question is, what will you do against it? And I just can offer, we have a very good commission, EUDS Democracy Shield cooperation as far as that's concerned.
And the third is about Bosnia. A few of us have been there before the elections and during the elections. It was very well organized, but before the elections, they only talked about nationalism, nationalism, nationalism. Nobody talked about the EU and Mr. Dodik even said there exists no Bosnia and he wants to leave it anyway. So what's the future of Bosnia?
What can we do that this terrible nationalism gets a little less? Thank you.
Ivaylo Valchev
I will speak in Bulgarian. Уважаеми колеги, госпожо комисар, ако Комисията предвижда, че вече поетите от кандидатите ангажименти ще трябва да бъдат мониторирани години, дори след присъединяването, как може да гарантираме, че вече договорени условия няма да бъдат заобиколени още в хода на преговорите? И няма ли да се превърне предложението за повече решения с квалифицирано мнозинство заради разширяването в заден вход за отнемане на права от държавите членки, особено от по-малките, включително и във външната политика? Вие споменахте член 2 от Съюзния договор. Съгласна ли сте, че правата на гражданите, дискриминацията, речта на омразата и изпълнението на международни договори и условията, които са включени в EU negotiation framework, вече не са просто двустранни спорове, колкото и да им се иска на някои страни кандидатки това да бъде така?
Thank you, Chair.
Krzysztof Brejza
Thank you, Madam Commissioner.
I have a specific question about Georgia, because we have already suspended visa-free travel for Georgian diplomatic and official passport holders. But from the information I receive from Georgia, this has had little real effect. And is the Commission considering a wider suspension of visa-free travel, and is there now a real chance to agree on targeted sanctions in the Council? Thank you.
Marjan Šarec
Thank you. My question would be: what kind of concrete timeline can Montenegro realistically expect, and what will the new roadmap mean in practice for the frontrunner in the accession process? And what does this mean for countries such as Serbia, which are not currently among the most advanced candidates? Thank you.
Geadis Geadi
Allow me to speak in Greek. Ευχαριστούμε, κυρία Επίτροπε.
Την περασμένη εβδομάδα συμμετείχα σε μία κλειστή επιτροπή της Επιτροπής Εξωτερικών αναφορικά με τη διεύρυνση όπου μας παρουσιάστηκαν κάποια στοιχεία. Θέλω να ρωτήσω πόσον ακριβή είναι αυτά τα στοιχεία και πόσον αξιόπιστα είναι αυτά τα στοιχεία καθώς είδαμε αριθμούς όσον αφορά εποικοδομητικές περιφερειακές σχέσεις με πολύ υψηλό αριθμό για την Τουρκία και διερωτώμαι με ποιους έχει καλές σχέσεις; Με την Κύπρο, την Ελλάδα, το Ισραήλ, την Αρμενία, τη Συρία ή το Ιράκ; Και κατά δεύτερον επειδή έχετε δείξει σε αυτά τα στοιχεία συνεργασία σε θέματα άμυνας και ασφάλειας με πάλι υψηλό αριθμό για την Τουρκία διερωτώμαι αυτή η συνεργασία εδράζεται στη συνεργασία με τη Χαμάς; Γι' αυτό επαναλαμβάνω από πού πηγάζουν αυτά τα στοιχεία που είναι η βάση της πολιτικής της διεύρυνσης;
Ilhan Kyuchyuk
Thank you, dear Chair. Dear Commissioner, predictable, transparent, credible. I'm reminding myself the discussion from nearly five years ago when we were discussing the new methodology on enlargement. Now I'm hearing the same words: predictable, transparent, credible. We know the result from nearly five years ago.
What is going to be the result now?
Grzegorz Braun
Thank you, Chair. Madam Commissioner, you've just stated that Ukraine, I quote, "will join the EU". The question is, how do you know? Are you a prophet?
If you know, then what is this sitting for? What is this Commission, what is this Parliament for, if you know? My comment to your statement would be: over my dead body, which I know might be encouraging and tempting for some of you. But thank you very much for helping me to persuade my countrymen that you are being very, very dangerous to our existence, trying to bring Ukraine with its corruption, with its war industry as the main export good, trying to bring it to this gathering. Thank you very much.
David McAllister
Colleagues, I had a dream that we would go through all speakers, and we managed to do so. Marta, I can now give you seven, eight, nine minutes' time to answer all these questions in detail.
In detail. I will do my best.
Marta Kos
Thank you so much. Regarding Bosnia and Herzegovina, becoming a roadmap only makes sense when the car is driving. When the car is still at a standstill, it makes no sense, meaning, and I agree with you, Madam Zovko, we should do everything that the car in Bosnia and Herzegovina should start to move on. And I hope that now after the elections, we will be able, of course, if the leaders in Bosnia and Herzegovina are serious about the accession process, to go to go on. Thank you, Mr. Nemec, for your support and the role of the European Commission in the bilateral issues.
The general line is we don't want to see the bilateral issues in the accession process. On the other hand, it is in our interest that we talk to all. So we are talking, even when it's about the bilateral issues, to both sides. And sometimes it is helpful, sometimes the the parties who are involved don't like this at all. Mr. Stier, thank you.
Again, bilateral issues you have mentioned. Gradual integration is much more ambitious because I think that we can do more.
Marta Kos
You have been mentioning confidence-building measures. Confidence-building measures are also expressed through how we could engage our candidates in some areas inside the EU earlier, also on the field of security when it's about Ukraine. We have different models, as you know. We have now countries which are not member of the EU but are part of Schengen. They can participate in the decision-making process, they can't make the decision.
So much more is possible. Mr. Tikkinen, we are rigorous and we really accept the newcomers only when they are ready. I am not afraid of them, I am very realistic. Who can guarantee me that all the member states are following the rules inside the European Union? Thank you, Mr. Picula, merit-based doesn't mean slow.
I was before talking about geopolitics and merit-based. What we have introduced more, why are we quicker today in the accession process, is because the processes are quicker.
Marta Kos
For the first time, for instance, we have introduced the so-called front-loading that the countries have prepared once the political dimensions are clear to go on. Yes, I can guarantee that there will be equal status for old and new members, otherwise our system would collapse. And we can only do this in the way as you have said, to strengthen us from the inside. I would like to mention here the importance, and you've induced me to this, Mr. Pizzola, so-called Helsinki momentum. In 1999, the Finland has the presidency of the European Council and they decided to give a very important statement or conclusion.
It has been very simple: we, leaders of the European Union or members of the European Union, will be ready to accept new member states by 2002 once they fulfill the criteria. And then 2004 it was possible. Why I am telling you this? This materials will also be the basis for the discussion at the European Council.
Enlargement should be a Chefsache, meaning something what the chefs are dealing with and I am waiting support from them. Tineke, I understand your concerns about different treatment. But when it is about the rule of law, I agree with you. We should also do something among the member states, so we suggest that we sit down with the member states and also go through the Article 7, how to make it the use, how to make it more efficient, so yes, yes, yes to your suggestion. Regarding different treatment in the gradual integration.
Our candidates are differently strong on different areas, meaning if Ukraine is stronger in the security area, this is the area where we could integrate them easier and quicker than the other. The others are for instance much more ready to be part of the environmental package which is really very, very heavy. So it will really be based on their merits and agreed together. Mr. Šteba, yes, I was saying something about the security and Ukraine. This is the purpose of gradual integration also to especially look for Ukraine.
Rasa, yes, historical moment is very much important. That's why when I speak about the gradual integration, I do not mean only possibilities for the common market, but also for the level of, for the development of democracy. And this is what we are doing. We will onboard next week the some of the candidates in the democracy shield and external forces fighting, I agree with you. Here we all have to do more, sometimes the candidates can help us with their experiences.
How Johanna European Parliament can help? Talk and talk and talk. It is very important also that we get the engagement of the citizens or that we are able to explain to them what's in for them when we do the enlargement. It is difficult to sell geopolitics and security in these words, but if we explain why security matters, if the drones are coming in the territory of Germany, if the drones are coming to the other countries, if the ships are being put down, then we have to react. And enlargement means more security.
We are preparing some lines on why enlargement matters for our citizens. I'm happy to share you with this.
Marta Kos
Madam Ondru, of course we are aware of the Kushner, so-called Kushner project in Albania. That's why we are asking Albania already now to align the whole environmental legislation with the European. Mr. Hofstetter, again, disinformation, I am on your side. Gradual integration, how concretely we have to have a look. But I think that the areas which are of common interest, for instance, customs, why to wait?
It is one of the subjects or topics which is difficult for our candidate countries to get ready, digitalized. We could do it already on the way. Transport, energy, many, many possibilities. Regarding Georgia, we will have a special discussion on Georgia on the FAC on next, next week. Whatever we do, we can only do as much as member states want.
Mr. Šarec, you really have a nice country. You can be very happy because you have the, the frontrunner. So timeline for Montenegro, we could finish the negotiations technical part until the end of the year, beginning of next year.
We are already preparing the accession treaty, which could be then signed in the summer next year. And then there is a ratification process which can go up one to two years, depends on what will happen in some member states, meaning Montenegro could become a member of the EU 28 member in 2028. You have connected this with Serbia. It's interesting. What we have suggested now is is clear.
Marta Kos
Serbia is not in this package of the frontrunners. Serbia will have to deliver more. We will see the seriousness of their government after the elections, if they will not only talk about wanting to become a member of the EU, but also work concretely on this, especially regarding the strategic alignment and CFSP. Mr. Ghiadi, he went away, so we didn't tackle specific countries in this pre-accession. Sorry, I didn't sorry, we didn't tackle specific countries in this pre-accession or specific disputes.
This is just general pre-accession, but of course we are aware of many areas. And yes, Ukraine will join and become a member of the EU also because you are supporting it.
David McAllister
Dear colleagues, today a journalist wrote, "Where are the MEPs?" Well, today there were more than 50 members in this committee meeting. That is record participation. Thank you, Marta, of course, for your informative session. Would anyone like to raise any other business?
Thank you very much.
If that's not the case, the date of our next meeting is the 19th of October, Monday evening in Strasbourg. Thank you very much.
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