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PLENARY European Parliament
Follow its sittingsSpeaker 9
Test 1 2 3. Ένα δύο τεστ. Sound check. 1 2 1 2. Test test.
Sound check. 1 2 1 2. Sound check 1 2. Testing the sound. Test 1 2.
Sound check.
Speaker 8
Sound check. Test test. 1 1. Test. Can we test already interpretation?
Test test 1 2.
Roberta Metsola
Good morning to you all. The sitting is open. The Left group has notified the President of decisions relating to changes to appointments within committees and delegations. These decisions will be set out in the minutes of today's sitting and take effect on the date of this announcement. I have received a request for a vote in Parliament from the PPE group reaching the medium threshold on the decision of the TRAN Committee to enter negotiations on the following file: periodic roadworthiness tests and technical roadside inspection.
This is the roadworthiness package. I've also received a request for a vote in Parliament from the Greens group and the Left group reaching the medium threshold on the decisions of the ECON Committee to enter negotiations on the following files: amending Regulation 2017/2402 for securitisation and creating a specific framework for simple, transparent and standardised securitisation, prudential requirements for credit institutions as regards requirements for securitisation exposures. Vote will be held tomorrow. Concerning the other decisions by the TRAN and PECH committees to enter interinstitutional negotiations pursuant to Rule 72, paragraph 1, announced at the opening of the session last Monday, I have received no request for a vote in Parliament by members of political groups reaching the medium threshold. So these committees can start negotiations.
Next item on the agenda is Council and Commission statements. High time to deliver on the single market, providing certainty and predictability for EU businesses and quality jobs. I start by giving the floor to the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen. Let's see, there's an interpretation issue, let's check it. Okay, does it work now?
Okay, let's start over. I give the floor to the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen.
Ursula von der Leyen
Good morning to all of you. You have chosen the single market as central debate topic today. That is very good. Our single market is more than a continental marketplace, it is a cornerstone of who we are as Europeans. It binds our citizens, our businesses, our values together.
The free movement of goods, of services, capital and people has delivered for decades of growth, jobs and opportunities. It has created better choices for consumers, larger markets for businesses and higher standards across our Union. And the single market remains our most effective tool, not only for prosperity, but also for strategic influence, because with 450 million people and a market of 18 trillion euros, Europe has the power to set global standards. But, and this is the reason why we're debating here today, at times of restless technological change, climate urgency, geopolitical competition, just preserving the single market as we know it is not enough. It can only remain fit for purpose if we modernize it, we complete it and we adapt it to the challenges of today.
So today I want to focus on six points. My first point is we must finish what we started.
We must remove the barriers that still persist in our single market. At the European level, we are addressing this, for example, with the TEN-T proposal or with EU Inc, a single set of rules that applies all across Europe. And at the national level, we have to crack down on gold-plating across the Union. We must make it easier to scale up across Europe. This is the basic promise of the single market, and it must be fulfilled.
My second point is: the single market must be digital by design. And the next phase of innovation will be defined by how digital capabilities are applied in the real world. Technologies like AI must be connected to the physical systems they are meant to improve. Now, the good news is Europe has a good starting point. We have global industrial leaders.
We have a growing startup and scale-up scene. We have scientific excellence. We have a highly skilled workforce. What we need now is to create an environment that stimulates the demand for European digital solutions here at home. Then we need projects of strategic importance that are backed by credible business cases.
And we need new tech champions in Europe. Now, we have taken important first steps already in this direction. Three years ago, we launched the Chips Act. Since then, it has unlocked more than 32 billion euros of semiconductor investment across Europe. We must build on that success.
And this is why we will present the Chips Act 2.0 to strengthen Europe's role in the semiconductor value chain. We will also bring forward a Cloud and AI Development Act to support the growth of a strong AI ecosystem. And in summer, we will open the call for the first AI Giga-factories. So the aim is to turn the scale of the single market into an asset in the AI race. My third point is: sustainability must be baked into our market rules.
We have our climate objectives. We have our circular objectives. They require a single market that incentivizes clean innovation and that of course eliminates barriers to trade in low-carbon goods and services. That is why, with the Industrial Accelerator Act, we are creating lead markets for clean products across our Union. These are basically the industries of the future.
So we have to leverage our single market to create scale for exactly those industries of the future. My fourth point is about European independence. You know we are working hard on Europe's independence, and the single market must help bring this to life. Since the pandemic, our companies have faced a long series of supply chain disruptions. Our single market can help.
We must continue to leverage the scale to conclude, for example, new trade deals. This year, we have concluded India, Australia, Mercosur, Switzerland. Later today, I will head to Mexico, where we will finalize our modernized Global Agreement, and Mexico is a key supplier for critical raw materials. And we can do more. The single market, for example, can also facilitate the coordination of strategic investments and aggregate demand.
Let me take, for example, the energy field. As you know, we proposed Resource EU and created a new Critical Raw Materials Center. Or if you take the grids, the backbone of our energy system, we have one of the most extensive electricity networks in the world. But we need more coordination.
So that is the grids package that is now on your table. And in a few weeks, we will come with an electrification action plan. All of this is to build a stronger single market for a more independent Europe. My fifth point is on inclusion. Inclusion matters.
The benefits of the single market must reach every region, every citizen. Skilled workers must be able to move where their talent is needed, even if that's on the other side of the hopefully non-existent internal borders. That is why we're putting together a fair labor mobility package. We're introducing the European Social Security Pass. We're digitalization the recognition of professional qualifications, finally, I must say.
And we're strengthening the European Labor Authority to better enforce our fair mobility rules. I want to call on this house to take the next step. Please adopt the e-declaration. The logic is very simple. We have one Europe, we have one portal, we have one form.
It's ready, so please let it be done. This will help talent flow to where it is needed most, and it will protect workers' dignity. My sixth point is the social dimension. Because our single market is not just about companies, it's about workers, it's about people. If you look at Jacques Delors, he used to say that the social dimension is the precondition and the goal of the single market.
And yes, this is still true today. It is the precondition for moving forward, and the social dimension is the goal of everything we are doing. This is why, two weeks ago, we adopted our first-ever anti-poverty strategy. It is to raise more people into the middle class and avoid backsliding. We will consult social partners on a new initiative to support people into work.
And this initiative will have a strong focus on enabling parents to go back to work, especially single parents. Parents need jobs, but you all know that to take the job with children, they need good childcare for their children. We are already supporting this through the European Social Fund and the Cohesion Funds. Let me give you an example: we're investing 1.3 billion euro in Poland for new childcare places, and we can enhance support under the next MFF. It's the most effective tool.
For parents, a job is earning their own income and taking pride in their own skills. For the children, it is education through childcare, and it means inclusion. Children need other children. So jobs and education are the best possible poverty prevention, so please let's lean in and it is worth it. And when we talk about jobs, we must always talk about quality jobs.
Quality jobs build the skilled workforce we're so famous for and we need to compete globally. And they create a virtuous circle of greater productivity and better salaries.
This is why we're working with social partners on the specifics of the future Quality Jobs Act. Quality jobs are good for workers, they're good for business, they're good for Europe, and they must be at the heart of a stronger single market. Honorable members, the single market is one of Europe's great success stories. But success is not something we inherit from previous generations. Success requires constant work, vision, and political will.
And today, the political will is finally there with the One Europe, One Market roadmap. So let's get it done. I thank you for the attention and long live Europe.
Thank you very much, President von der Leyen. And now we start with the first round of political group speakers, starting with the EPP group, Dolors Montserrat.
Dolors Montserrat
Muchísimas gracias, presidentas. Señorías, el momento ha llegado. Una Europa, un mercado, y yo añado un futuro juntos. Hace 27 años, Europa se comprometió en Lisboa a ser la economía más competitiva del mundo, pero aquella ambición terminó convertida en un laberinto de burocracia. Y hoy seguimos pagando ese precio, porque la burocracia no es solamente papeleo, la burocracia es la frontera invisible que divide Europa en 27 mercados, produciendo encarecimiento en la producción industrial, expulsando el talento, frenando la innovación, ahuyentando la inversión y generando pérdidas multimillonarias a nuestras empresas.
Todo eso nos debilita como Unión. Por eso el Partido Popular Europeo estamos comprometidos firmemente en One Europe, One Market, con cinco objetivos claros: simplificación normativa, eliminación de trabas para nuestras empresas y emprendedores, nuevos acuerdos comerciales con más países, energía barata para nuestra industria y una apuesta decidida por la transformación digital y la inteligencia artificial. Y por ello le pedimos a la Comisión que esto no sea otra promesa y que se cumplan los plazos, los objetivos medibles, el compromiso y la rendición de cuentas. Porque el mercado único es mucho más que política económica. Es una herramienta geopolítica con la que podemos frenar las amenazas de Putin, competir de igual a igual con China y Estados Unidos, multiplicar las cadenas de suministro europeas y, sobre todo, blindar el futuro de nuestros jóvenes creando empleo de calidad.
Y hablando de empleo de calidad, permítanme que hoy dedique mis palabras a los dos guardiaciviles españoles asesinados por una narcolancha hace 12 días en acto de servicio en el Atlántico. Para nuestros policías en toda Europa, un empleo de calidad empieza por algo elemental, que es servir con seguridad, medios y reconocimiento. Y nuestra obligación política y moral es que Europa apruebe por fin su reconocimiento en Europa como profesión de riesgo y catalogue las agresiones contra ellos como eurodelitos. No como un gesto simbólico, sino como un acto de pura justicia. Ese es el verdadero sentido de One Europe, One Market: una Europa más unida, más competitiva, más fuerte y más comprometida con todos nuestros trabajadores, también esos trabajadores de servicios públicos que nos protegen cada día.
Muchísimas gracias.
Thank you. Now for the S&D group, it's chair, Iratxe García Pérez.
Iratxe García Pérez
Gracias, presidenta. Cuando escuchamos hablar del mercado único, demasiados ciudadanos piensan en reglamentos, procedimientos, estadísticas, piensan en algo lejano. Pero hagámonos una pregunta muy simple: ¿de qué sirve el mayor mercado del mundo si millones de europeos no pueden llenar la nevera, pagar el alquiler o encender la calefacción?
Nuestro mercado único es una conquista histórica, sí. Ha unido economías, ha generado prosperidad y ha convertido Europa en una potencia global. Pero no sobrevivirá al siglo XXI si se convierte en una máquina al servicio de unos pocos mientras crece la pobreza, la precariedad y el miedo. Hoy casi 95 millones de personas en la Unión Europea están en riesgo de pobreza o exclusión social. Uno de cada cuatro niños europeos vive bajo esa amenaza.
¿Cómo podemos hablar de competitividad cuando millones de ciudadanos viven en una inseguridad permanente? ¿Cómo podemos pedir confianza en Europa cuando trabajar ya no garantiza salir de la pobreza? Por eso hay que decirlo alto y claro: la competitividad europea solo será sostenible si tiene un alma social. Y por eso necesitamos urgentemente una ambiciosa ley de empleo de calidad, porque los trabajadores europeos merecen derechos frente a los abusos de la inteligencia artificial en el trabajo, frente a la desconexión en el teletrabajo y el fin de las cadenas de subcontratación. Y por eso agradezco a la presidenta von der Leyen que hoy haya anunciado esta ley europea de empleos de calidad.
Y por eso necesitamos un verdadero pacto europeo de los cuidados, porque Europa no puede tener una economía fuerte sosteniéndose sobre mujeres agotadas y cuidados invisibles. Y por eso todos los Estados miembro deben aplicar plenamente la directiva sobre salarios mínimos. Y también cuando hablamos de competitividad tenemos que pensar una cosa y es: ¿competitividad para quién? ¿Para los fondos especulativos, para las grandes multinacionales o para los ciudadanos europeos que sostienen este continente con su trabajo? Porque simplificar nunca puede significar desregular.
Porque no existe soberanía económica sin soberanía social y tampoco existe un mercado único fuerte en un continente fracturado territorialmente donde los jóvenes se ven obligados a abandonar sus ciudades porque ya no pueden pagar una vivienda. Necesitamos una regulación de alquileres turísticos y protección frente a la especulación. Mientras tenemos en cuenta esto, debemos también pensar que cuando los ciudadanos europeos están sufriendo las consecuencias de guerras injustas, las grandes compañías energéticas acumulan beneficios extraordinarios inaceptables. Y por eso presentar un impuesto europeo a los beneficios caídos del cielo es fundamental también para tener en cuenta esta dimensión social. Y necesitamos acelerar, no frenar, el pacto verde.
Porque la extrema derecha quiere convencernos de que la transición ecológica es el problema, pero la realidad es exactamente lo contrario. Europa es pobre en combustibles fósiles y cada euro que pagamos por petróleo y gas financia a quienes desprecian nuestros valores democráticos. Y por eso necesitamos invertir masivamente en energías renovables, en industria limpia y en empleos verdes de calidad. Y el fondo europeo de competitividad debe de servir exactamente para eso, para apoyar a nuestra industria y acompañar a los trabajadores en las transiciones laborales justas. Porque el Made in Europe solo tendrá sentido si también significa empleos dignos en Europa.
Y defendamos la verdad frente a la retórica tóxica de la extrema derecha. Señorías, Europa no puede, no debe elegir entre competitividad y justicia social. Esa es una falsa elección. La verdadera elección es otra: o construimos una Europa que proteja a los ciudadanos o dejaremos espacio al miedo, a la desigualdad y al autoritarismo. Construyamos una Europa que no compita rebajando salarios, sino liderando innovación y derechos.
Una Europa que no dependa del petróleo de los autócratas, sino de la fuerza de sus energías limpias. Una Europa que no abandone a sus trabajadores, a sus jóvenes o a sus mayores. Y una Europa que tenga el coraje de defender la paz. Y además, tengamos en cuenta que ese es el mercado único que Europa merece. Muchas gracias.
Speaker 14
Thank you, Ms García Pérez. And now the co-chair for the Patriots Group, Kinga Gál.
Kinga Gál
Elnök asszonyok! Az Európai Unió értékét a polgárok számára a vívmányai adják. Ilyen az uniós belső piac, ami az európai versenyképesség alapja. Európa minden potenciállal rendelkezik, hogy vezető helyzetben legyen. És mégis, ma Európa gazdasági helyzete romlik, ipari teljesítménye gyengül, miközben vállalkozásaink egyre nagyobb terhek alatt szenvednek.
Nehéz versenyképességről beszélni addig, amíg az európai családok és vállalkozások az energiáért, kőolajért, földgázért többszörösét fizetik, mint a globális versenytársak. Amíg a rosszul menedzselt zöld átállás és a túlburjánzó szabályozás megfojtja az európai gazdaságot. Az egyszerűsítés támogatandó, de ez nem vezethet további központosításhoz, a Bizottság túlhatalmának növekedéséhez. A belső piac mélyítése szükséges, de ez nem mehet a kohézió rovására. Ez ugyanazon érem két oldala.
Az új hétéves költségvetési javaslatból látjuk, hogy a kohéziót gyengíteni akarják. Ez így elfogadhatatlan, mert mélyíti a centrum és periféria országok közötti különbségeket és feszültségeket okoz. Ki kell mondani: az elmúlt évek brüsszeli politikai hibái hibás irányba vitték ezt az Európai Uniót, vesztett versenyképességéből. Mi patrióták alternatívát kínálunk. Nem Európa ellen, hanem egy sikeresebb Európáért dolgozunk, amelyik polgárai érdekeit jobban védi.
Egy olyan Európáért, amelyik garantálja mindazt, amiért az Unió létrejött: a békét, a biztonságot és a jólétet.
Thank you very much, Ms Gál. And now I give the floor to the co-chair of the ECR Group, Patryk Jaki.
Patryk Jaki
Dziękuję, pani przewodnicząca. Pani przewodnicząca, słyszałem tu, że najważniejsze jest to, abyśmy mieli tanią energię, mniej biurokracji, bezpieczniejszą Europę, rozwój gospodarczy i innowacje. No tak dokładnie wyglądała Europa około 2008 roku. No i pytanie jest takie: co się wtedy stało? Otóż przyszliście do władzy z waszym programem i przypomnijmy: no w 2008 roku PKB Unii Europejskiej było to było ponad 100% PKB Stanów Zjednoczonych.
Dziś wynosi około 65%.
Dodatkowo mówicie tak, że chcecie mieć tanią energię, tylko problem polega na tym, że od tego momentu wprowadziliście drogą energię, wprowadziliście te swoje systemy ETS. I teraz zobaczmy na dane. Kiedy wprowadziliście ETS, koszt uprawnień wynosił około 15 euro za tonę, dziś wynoszą 65 euro za tonę, około 250% więcej. To spowodowało, że mamy ponad 100% droższą energię hurtową, ponad 200% droższą energię dla średnią energię dla rodzin. No więc chcieliście wprowadzić tanią energię, a mamy energię coraz droższą.
Chcieliście wprowadzić więcej konkurencyjności, mamy konkurencyjność w Unii Europejskiej zdecydowanie zaburzoną. Chcieliście wprowadzić rozwój gospodarczy, to wszystko niszczy rozwój gospodarczy w Unii Europejskiej. I reprezentujecie logikę w tej chwili taką, że wyłączne prawo do naprawy tego, co zostało popsute, mają ci, którzy popsuli tą sytuację. I właśnie dzisiaj najlepsze rozwiązanie powinno być takie, żeby dojść, że trzeba zmienić ten kierunek, trzeba radykalnie zmienić ten kierunek. Pani przewodnicząca wspominała o tym, że mamy dobry start, jeżeli chodzi o sztuczną inteligencję.
Problem polega na tym, że to, co mamy dobrego rzeczywiście, to są wyjątkowe regulacje. Nigdzie na świecie nie ma tylu regulacji, jeżeli chodzi o sztuczną inteligencję i dlatego właśnie przegrywamy. Dodatkowo przemysł. Pani przewodnicząca powiedziała, że chce odbudować przemysł poprzez Zielony Ład. No wiele osób mogłoby to odebrać jako żart, bo to właśnie Zielony Ład zabił i zabija przemysł w Europie.
Produkcja dóbr inwestycyjnych w przemyśle, maszyn, urządzeń, fundamentów spadła o blisko 9% i cały czas jest coraz gorzej. Ceny energii elektrycznej dodatkowo zabijają przemysł i są dwukrotnie wyższe niż w Stanach Zjednoczonych i o 90% wyższe niż w Chinach. Teraz Europa traci przez to nawet 500 miejsc pracy dziennie, głównie właśnie w przemyśle. Więc wydaje się, znaczy nie wydaje się, jestem przekonany co do tego, że jeżeli chcemy coś zmienić, to realnie przede wszystkim trzeba zmienić ten kierunek, bo wszystko, co robiliście do tej pory, prowadzi dokładnie do odwrotnego efektu niż to, co pani przewodnicząca dzisiaj przedstawiała. Dziękuję bardzo.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you. Now I give the floor to the chair of the Renew Europe group, Valérie Hayer.
Valérie Hayer
Merci Madame la Présidente. Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Vice-Président, chers collègues, il y a quelques jours j'écoutais ce que déclarait Arthur Mensch, le cofondateur de l'entreprise Mistral, notre seul géant de l'intelligence artificielle en Europe. Il nous expliquait qu'aujourd'hui les talents européens, qui sont très nombreux, partent à l'étranger pour fonder des entreprises parce que l'Union européenne est trop complexe et parce que son marché est trop fragmenté. Chers collègues, Arthur Mensch a raison. Et ce qui est vrai pour les start-ups, c'est vrai pour toutes nos entreprises.
Une PME italienne, une scale-up polonaise, une industrie allemande, elles doivent toutes naviguer dans 27 systèmes réglementaires différents. 27 systèmes, c'est l'équivalent de 110% de droits de douane internes sur les services. Ça veut dire qu'on s'impose à nous-mêmes des barrières qu'on n'accepterait jamais de la part de nos concurrents. Et pendant ce temps aux États-Unis, une entreprise, elle s'appuie sur un seul cadre réglementaire. En Chine, l'État met tout son poids derrière ses champions nationaux.
Et nous, qu'est-ce qu'on fait en Europe ? Eh bien on perd chaque année 500 milliards d'euros de croissance. 500 milliards, c'est le prix de notre fragmentation. Alors oui, on a signé la feuille de route Une Europe, un marché, c'est une étape. Mais une feuille de route, pardon, ça ne crée pas d'emplois.
Des actes, oui. Et ce que Renew Europe demande, c'est du concret. Alors voici nos cinq priorités. Un, la sécurité et la prévisibilité pour nos entreprises. Une entreprise qui ne sait pas à quelles règles elle sera soumise dans six mois, eh bien elle n'investit pas, elle attend ou même elle part.
Le 28ème régime, c'est la bonne réponse : un cadre juridique unique, une création d'entreprise en 48 heures dans tous les États membres pour moins de 100 euros.
Alors oui, on doit accélérer dans sa mise en œuvre. Deux, des marchés sectoriels véritablement intégrés. Finance, énergie, télécommunications, services numériques, c'est là que la fragmentation nous coûte le plus cher. Un opérateur télécom européen, il n'a pas la taille pour investir face à ses concurrents américains ou chinois. Alors il faut des règles communes.
Il faut une consolidation possible et il faut des acteurs qui puissent grandir à l'échelle du continent. Trois, la mobilisation des financements privés. Il y a 10 000 milliards d'euros d'épargne des ménages européens qui dorment dans des dépôts bancaires à faible rendement. 10 000 milliards. C'est ça notre carburant.
L'Union de l'épargne et de l'investissement doit permettre de les orienter vers nos entreprises, vers notre innovation, de soutenir les entreprises européennes et la production européenne. Les textes avancent et il faut évidemment qu'ils soient conclus le plus rapidement possible. Quatre, stop à la surtransposition. Les États membres qui ajoutent des couches nationales par-dessus nos règlements européens, ça doit être terminé. Un règlement européen, ça s'applique de la même manière à Varsovie, à Madrid ou à Amsterdam.
Et cinq, des emplois de qualité. Parce qu'un marché intégré sans protection des travailleurs, ce n'est pas notre vision. La compétitivité par le bas, c'est non. La compétitivité par l'innovation, par la montée en gamme, par des salaires décents, c'est oui. Alors chers collègues, nous avons la feuille de route.
Nous avons les propositions. Ce qui manque aujourd'hui, c'est la volonté politique. Alors oui, je sais que le marché unique n'est pas l'idée la plus romantique de l'Union européenne. Comme le disait Jacques Delors, vous l'avez cité Madame la Présidente, je vais compléter la citation, on ne tombe pas amoureux d'un grand marché. Mais ce marché unique, ce sont les emplois des Européens.
C'est la réussite des entreprises dans tous nos territoires. C'est leur capacité de grandir et de créer de la richesse. C'est le ressort le plus efficace de notre compétitivité. Alors chers collègues, les mois qui viennent doivent être ceux de l'action et non des reculs. C'est maintenant ou jamais.
Je vous remercie.
Terry Reintke
Thanks a lot, Madam President, Madam President and Mr. Vice-President, dear colleagues, since its creation in 1993, the European single market has delivered enormous prosperity for Europe. According to the European Central Bank, it has increased our GDP by between 12 and 22 percent, 12 and 22 percent. But its true strength is not only economic. The single market has advanced European integration by creating and protecting shared values. The single market stands for trust, the trust consumers place in it across the European Union online and offline, for fairness towards workers, for justice for future generations to whom we owe a livable planet.
And of course, freedom for which citizens and businesses benefit alike. But today, I want to underline that the single market also stands for European security because it gives the European Union the strength to shape our own future. Completing the single market is our answer, our answer to security policies in the European Union, to American craziness, to Russian aggression and Chinese competition. Lowering ambition and defending national interests over common European strength is simply the wrong path. The European Union now needs bold new steps forward.
And let me highlight two priorities for my group.
First, we need a genuine circular economy within the single market to reduce raw material dependencies, to advance climate neutrality, and to create sustainable competitiveness. And second, we must reduce our dependence on US tech giants for digital infrastructure. This is not only a matter of economic and security, but it's also about risk management. It is about protecting European democracy. What the European Union and the single market do not need is deregulation at the expense of consumers, environmental or social standards.
They are our strength, not our weaknesses. Weakening these standards means weakening the very foundation of the single market itself. So let us enable the single market to continue doing what it has done since 93, making the European Union stronger and more united. Thank you very much.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you, Ms. Reintke. Now on behalf of the Left group, I give the floor to Li Andersson.
Li Andersson
En tiedä kumpi vaihtoehto on pahempi. Se, että komissio oikeasti yrittää heikentää työntekijöiden oikeuksia, vaikka julkisesti väittää päinvastoin. Vai se, että komissiolla ei ole aikomusta heikentää työntekijöiden oikeuksia, mutta lainvalmistelun taso on niin heikkoa, että se silti päätyy tekemään niin. Puheenjohtaja von der Leyen, te olette monta kertaa sanoneet, että esityksellä uudesta eurooppalaisesta digitaalisesta yhtiömuodosta eli EU Inc. ei vaikuteta työntekijöiden oikeuksiin. Jopa työnantajien kattojärjestö Business Europe on sanonut, että tähän ei kannata sotkea työlainsäädäntöä.
Nämä ovat olleet tärkeitä viestejä, mutta silti meillä on nyt käsittelyssä esitys, joka uhkaa käynnistää kilpailun kohti pohjaa työntekijöiden oikeuksien näkökulmasta sekä vaarantaa työntekijöiden edustusoikeudet yritysten hallinnossa koko EU:ssa. EU Inc. -esitystä on siis välttämätöntä korjata, jotta tehdään selväksi, että työntekijöihin sovelletaan työskentelymaan työlainsäädäntöä ja jotta voidaan turvata työntekijöiden edustusoikeudet EU:ssa. Kaikista huolestuttavinta on kuitenkin se, että komission varapuheenjohtaja Henna Virkkunen suomalaisessa mediassa on todennut, että tähän tullaan myöhemmin liittämään työlainsäädäntöä koskevia osioita. Tämä romuttaisi koko perustan työntekijöiden oikeuksien suojelulle EU:ssa ja avaisi ovet sille, että esimerkiksi Suomessa työskentelevään henkilöön ei enää sovellettaisi Suomen työlainsäädäntöä tai Suomen työehtosopimuksia, vaan erillisiä EU-tason säädöksiä, jotka voisivat olla heikompia suojelun tasoltaan. Tällaista ei missään nimessä voi sallia.
Sisämarkkinoiden toiminnan edistäminen on tärkeää, mutta se ei voi tapahtua työntekijöiden oikeuksien kustannuksella.
Thank you, Ms. Andersson, and now I give the floor to the chair of the ESN group, René Aust.
René Aust
Immer gehen, wenn ich ans Rednerpult gehe, aber trotzdem wünsche ich Ihnen noch einen schönen Tag. Die AfD und die ESN ist für die europäische Zusammenarbeit, wo es gut für uns alle ist, wo Europa einen echten Mehrwert schafft, da stehen wir auch dafür ein. Und der Binnenmarkt ist ein solches Beispiel. Freihandeln über europäische Grenzen hinweg, das braucht unsere Industrie, das braucht unser Mittelstand. Diesen Binnenmarkt wollen wir stärken, das bedeutet aber auch, auf seine Fehler hinzuweisen.
Vergangene Woche verbreitete sich ein Beitrag auf Twitter rasant vom Geschäftsführer des Unternehmens poke5.de, ein deutsches Unternehmen, das europaweit Pakete versendet, zum Beispiel auch ungefähr zehn Pakete jedes Jahr nach Österreich. Das Porto kostet 14,50 Euro pro Paket, man sollte meinen, das war's.
Ist es aber nicht. Denn wer als deutsches Unternehmen nach Österreich liefert, braucht einen österreichischen Verpackungsbeauftragten, eine notariell beglaubigte Vollmacht und jährliche Lizenzgebühren. Macht am Ende 135 € pro Paket für zehn Pakete nach Österreich im Binnenmarkt. Und das ist nur ein Land. Frankreich will ein eigenes Logo auf jedem Karton, Spanien hat eigene Register, Italien auch, Polen auch, 27 Länder, 27 verschiedene Regeln.
Da ist das kein Binnenmarkt, das sind 27 Bürokratieinseln. Für große Konzerne mit eigenen Rechtsabteilungen ist das kein Problem. Die verteilen diese Kosten auf Millionen Sendungen, aber für den kleinen Unternehmer, für den Selbstständigen, da wird der Binnenmarkt zum leeren Versprechen. Und jetzt der Punkt, der zusätzlich schadet. Während unsere Mittelständler wegen Vorschriften ersticken, kommen täglich Millionen Pakete aus Ostasien und niemand fragt nach Lizenzen oder Beauftragten.
Der deutsche Unternehmer wird bürokratisiert, kontrolliert, bestraft, weil er greifbar ist, der Versender aus Fernost nicht. Das ist die berechtigte Kritik an der Europäischen Union. Sie verkünden hier regelmäßig große Pläne, Rettung des Weltklimas, Aufrüstung, Energy Transition, scheitern aber daran, den Versandhandel in der Europäischen Union auch für Kleine und Mittelständler funktionsfähig zu bringen. Wir wollen einen Binnenmarkt, der seinen Namen verdient, eine Freigrenze für Kleinversender und gleiche Regeln für alle, auch für Drittstaaten. Europa muss für alle Bürger funktionieren, nicht nur für Großkonzerne.
Vielen herzlichen Dank.
Pina Picierno
Bene, cari colleghi, forse possiamo ricominciare perché il problema tecnico sembra risolto e dunque continuiamo con la lista dei nostri speaker. Ha facoltà di intervenire l'onorevole Lídia Pereira, prego.
Lídia Pereira
Muito obrigada, senhora presidente. Este debate é sobre uma urgência: 30 anos de mercado único por concretizar. Já nos cansámos, eu já me cansei de citar os relatórios de Letta, de Draghi, e a principal conclusão é que a maior reforma que a Europa tem de fazer não exige um euro de dívida. Exige coragem política para derrubar as fronteiras internas que nós próprios criámos, e em particular o Conselho que infelizmente não está neste debate. Cada barreira que mantemos é um emprego que perdemos.
Cada regulamento duplicado é uma PME que desiste de exportar. E cada ano de hesitação é uma startup europeia que escala fora da Europa. As nossas empresas, em particular as pequenas e médias empresas, não pedem subsídios. Pedem regras claras, estáveis e iguais para todos. Pedem previsibilidade.
Pedem que a Europa seja finalmente um mercado à altura da sua ambição. E é por isso que temos de avançar em três frentes: simplificar a legislação, com menos burocracia e mais foco na competitividade; concluir a união da poupança e do investimento, para que o dinheiro europeu financie as empresas europeias; e integrar a sério o mercado interno dos serviços, da energia e do digital.
É assim que garantimos a segurança às nossas empresas. É assim que criamos empregos de qualidade. É assim que devolvemos a confiança aos europeus. Já lá vai o tempo dos diagnósticos. Este é o tempo das decisões, mas sobretudo o tempo da ação.
Muito obrigada.
Nicola Zingaretti
Bene, dobbiamo andare avanti sapendo però che non c'è competitività senza coesione. Il mercato unico è un insieme di politiche, regole e obiettivi per superare le barriere tra gli Stati e rendere l'Europa migliore. Poi c'è il mercato selvaggio, che è l'assenza di regole e valori dove vince il più forte e rende l'Europa divisa, debole e destinata al declino. E la differenza è tutta qua. Competitività non è corsa al ribasso su salari, formazione, diritti e standard sociali, ma investimenti per rilanciare l'innovazione, per recuperare l'autonomia strategica nel campo dell'energia, del digitale, della conoscenza e sul trasferimento tecnologico alle imprese, per il diritto a restare delle nuove generazioni, perché una comunità che non valorizza le loro energie non ha un domani.
Bisogna superare le legislazioni contrastanti per facilitare le imprese e la digitalizzazione delle pubbliche amministrazioni. Ma attenzione, è urgente muoversi perché nel mondo è tornato forte chi pensa che il problema sia la democrazia. Noi dobbiamo non solo denunciarlo, ma dobbiamo con la democrazia rendere la vita e il futuro migliore.
Harald Vilimsky
Danke sehr, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren, eine kurze Vorabbemerkung zum Thema Demokratie. Das ist die sogenannte Key-Debatte der Woche und die Frau Kommissionspräsidentin von der Leyen, die hier gesprochen hat und dem beigewohnt hat, hat es nicht einmal geschafft, dem Vorsitzenden der Souveränisten und der AfD, dem René Aust, zuzuhören und scheut sich offenbar dabei jedes Mal, dass sie Argumente, Argumente... Ja, ja, schön, dass Sie da sind, aber Sie sind nicht die Kommissionspräsidentin, soweit ich in der Lage bin, Sie optisch zu identifizieren. Aber die Frau Kommissionspräsidentin wird doch den Mut haben, sich einer parlamentarischen Debattenkultur so zu stellen, dass sie zumindest zuhört und dann auch hier in einen politischen Diskurs einzutreten bereit ist. Nummer eins.
Nummer zwei: Gut, dass wir heute reden über die Frage europäischer Wirtschaft und auch von qualitätsvollen Jobs. Denn gestern haben wir den Tag damit verschwendet, an politische, ich sage das ganz bewusst, Schreckgestalten irgendwelche Orden zu verleihen, was niemanden interessiert hat, wo in den hinteren Reihen dieses Hauses hier bezahlte Klaqueure gesessen sind, weil die Hälfte des Hauses nicht einmal Interesse hatte, dem beizuwohnen. Und Personen wie eine Angela Merkel, die über zehn Millionen Leute aus Arabien und Afrika geholt hat, die diesen Kontinent auch in ein wirtschaftliches Desaster... Ich bin jetzt nicht der italienischen Sprache so mächtig, aber ich freue mich, dass Sie das System hier so schützen, dass diejenigen, die kontroversiell sprechen, hier nicht mehr weiterreden dürfen. Sie sich echauffieren, was auch Ihr gutes Recht sein möge.
Das ist Demokratie.
Gheorghe Piperea
În timp ce Europa reglementează, alții inovează. Statele Unite investesc masiv în reindustrializare și leadership tehnologic global. China își consolidează puterea prin manufactură și lanțuri de aprovizionare strategice, în timp ce Europa este ocupată să adauge noi straturi de birocrație și de suprareglementare. Luați, de exemplu, eurodigital. Nimeni nu știe cum funcționează pentru că nu este simplu.
Nimeni nu are încredere pentru că duce la închisoare digitală. Avem una dintre cele mai mari piețe din lume, nu ducem lipsă de talent sau de capacitate economică, dar ducem lipsă de bun simț economic. Companiile care creează locuri de muncă și susțin economia europeană sunt cele care au cel mai greu acces la predictibilitate și stabilitate. Navighează prin 27 de interpretări diferite, complicate de hiperreglementarea de aici, de la Uniunea Europeană, și, de asemenea, de bariere administrative și proceduri care încetinesc investițiile. Iar cetățenii simt asta, vă asigur.
O simt prin nesiguranța locurilor de muncă, prin costurile tot mai mari și, mai ales, prin sentimentul că economia europeană începe să rămână în urmă. Avem nevoie de mai puțină fragmentare, nu de Europa cu două viteze, mai puțină birocrație, mai multă predictibilitate pentru companii și mai mult sprijin pentru cei care produc, investesc și creează locuri de muncă aici, în Europa. Dacă noi continuăm să ne îngreunăm singuri drumul, alții vor continua să construiască viitorul economic în locul nostru. Mulțumesc.
Grazie, Eriksson.
Anna-Maja Henriksson
Madam Chair, Vice-President of the Commission. The single market is a major asset which full potential we are not yet using. And at European Council meetings, we often hear prime ministers say that the single market must be strengthened. But when concrete decisions are to be taken, a tsunami of counter-arguments often appear from member states. Are the phones broken or the lines cut in our national governments between the prime ministers and the ministers, you wonder.
Do we really want to build a stronger and more competitive Europe? The answer should of course be yes, we will. And for that, we must be able to renew ourselves, to renew Europe. Europe has a single market of 450 million consumers, but we also have trade barriers corresponding to tariffs of around 45% for manufacturing, 110% for services. We must tear down those barriers.
And today, our companies too often face 27 different legal interpretations, national gold-plating and unnecessary administrative burden. This creates uncertainty, hampers investments and prevents new jobs from being created. And it affects the daily life of many people. So now it's time to act, not just to talk. Thank you.
Grazie, Sinkevičius.
Virginijus Sinkevičius
Kolegos, vieninga rinka neabejotinai yra vienas didžiausių Europos Sąjungos pasiekimų. Tačiau šiandien jūs girdėjote labai daug skaičių, kiek vis dar to potencialo vieningos rinkos, ypač šiais sudėtingais laikais, mes neišnaudojame. Kasmet per 300 milijardų eurų, apie 2 procentai Europos Sąjungos BVP tiesiog yra nepasiimama. Ir visa tai yra augimas, darbo vietos, investicijos, pajamos, galų gale regionų plėtra. Visa tai nepanaudotas potencialas.
Kodėl? Labai paprastas atsakymas: mums tiesiog trūksta elementarios politinės valios.
Kai mes kalbame apie pagrindinius darbus, pirmiausia, be jokios abejonės, energetika. Bet kaip mes galime kalbėti apie energetiką kaip apie strateginį sektorių, kur nuo projektavimo iki projekto įgyvendinimo praeina 10 metų? Jeigu energetika iš tiesų strateginis sektorius, kertinis mūsų įmonėms, kodėl vis dar turime neaiškią kainodarą ir skirtingus tarifus? Galiausiai finansai ir prieiga prie kapitalo. Šiandien įmonėms, ypač regionuose, pasiskolinti yra praktiškai misija neįmanoma.
Europos centrinis bankas, investiciniai bankai šalyse narėse pateikia labai daug gražių skaičių, kiek per metus investuoja. Bet realybė yra, kad dar didesnis skaičius įmonių lieka už borto, ir tai yra absoliučiai nepriimtina. Galiausiai mažos vidutinės įmonės. Na, kaip mes galime kalbėti apie konkurencingumą, kai 10 % jų darbo laiko, kūrybos galimai išeina paprasčiausiai biurokratijai? Mes be jokios abejonės turime veikti, ir tam reikia pirmiausia politinės valios.
Ačiū.
Hanna Gedin
Det är dags att leverera i EU, säger ni. Men leverera vad och för vem? I Sverige så dör nästan en person i veckan på sina arbeten, 49 människor om året det senaste decenniet. I Sundbyberg så dog fem arbetare när de klämdes till döds i en bygghiss, och på det bygget så fanns 119 företag. Arbetarna som dog hade namn.
De hade familjer, de hade drömmar. Men jobbet dödade dem. Det här är inte olyckor, det är förutsägbara tragedier, resultatet av en marknad där effektivitet och lägsta pris väger tyngre än människors liv. EU har blivit en kapplöpning nedåt. Underentreprenörer utnyttjar arbetare över gränserna med löner och villkor som knappt går att leva på.
Företagsvinster prioriteras framför social trygghet, arbetarrättigheter, klimat och miljö. Det vi behöver, det är ett EU som garanterar rätt till kollektivavtal, inte som undantag utan som regel. Ett EU där människors död inte kan skyllas på långa led av kriminella underentreprenörer. Offentlig upphandling som ska bygga på bra arbetsvillkor, inte lägsta pris. Ja, det är hög tid att leverera.
Men det är också hög tid för förändring. Därför att ingen, ingen ska behöva dö för att jobbet ska bli klart.
Arno Bausemer
Ja, Frau Vorsitzende, meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren, heute feiern wir ja den Tag der Bienen. Die EU-Kommission nutzt diese Debatte zum Binnenmarkt, um uns mit schönen Begriffen wie mehr Wettbewerb oder neuen Qualitätsjobs Honig ums Maul zu schmieren. Die Realität sieht aber dank hoher Energiepreise, unsinniger Bürokratie und ideologischer Verblendung immer noch ganz anders aus. In Deutschland verschwinden in der Industrie jeden Monat 10 000 Arbeitsplätze. Die Zahl der Firmeninsolvenzen steigt auf einen Höchstzahl, Höchststand seit 20 Jahren.
Ihr Selbstlob ist hier falsch. Die Bürger fragen sich daher am Tag der Bienen, ob sie vielleicht einen Stich haben.
Nehmen Sie exemplarisch die deutsche Sozialministerin Bärbel Bas. Es gäbe keine Einwanderung in die Sozialsysteme. Noch vor einigen Monaten hat dieselbe Sozialdemokratin Bas Maßnahmen gegen Sozialbetrug und Armutsmigration aus Südosteuropa angekündigt. Dieser Spagat ist doch mehr als abenteuerlich. Sanktionen gegen den Missbrauch der EU-Freizügigkeit sind dringend nötig.
Heute ist auch der internationale Tag des Messens und steht, kein Witz, in diesem Jahr unter dem Motto Vertrauen bilden in Politik. Das richtige Messen kommt bei den bevorstehenden Wahlen. Dann werden nämlich diejenigen abgewählt, die Maß und Mitte verloren haben. Und Sie achten bitte ganz besonders auf den blauen Balken mit den 50 Prozent plus X. Vielen Dank.
Ondřej Dostál
Milí Evropané, světový trh už pro nás není Blue Ocean, ale Red Ocean, tvrdá soutěž, kde není místo pro rentiéry, pro korporátní oligopoly, pro dinosaury za zenitem, kteří vyrábí předražené mizerné produkty a pak posílají do Bruselu lobbisty, aby ohnuli trh a donutili spotřebitele to kupovat. Pokud nechcete brečet, že nás Číňani bijou jako včera na Primě, pojďte v Evropě změnit přístup. Dejte peníze do veřejné infrastruktury, do energetiky, do přenosových sítí, do technického školství, do zdravotní péče o pracující, do digitalizace veřejné správy. Brojme proti clům a sankcím, provádějme ekonomickou diplomacii, prostou ideologie, která nám odemkne zdroje surovin a odbytiště. Podpořme konkurenční prostředí na jednotném trhu, které donutí firmy inovovat, snižovat marže a osekávat prostředníky, nebo zkrachovat a uvolnit místo lepším.
Spotřebitelé nám poděkují. A jen tak totiž objevíme evropské šampiony, podniky schopné obstát ve světě, zaplatit daně a dát lidem práci. Děkuji.
Andreas Schwab
Grazie Presidente, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Gestern Abend haben wir den Handel des Handelsabkommen mit den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika im Trilog abgeschlossen. Und es ist doch interessant zu sehen, dass sich die Europäer viel einfacher einig werden können, wenn die Amerikaner auf der anderen Seite stehen. Die Kernfrage, um die es heute aber gehen muss, ist, wie schaffen wir eigentlich das noch viel größere Wachstumspotenzial, die noch viel größeren Möglichkeiten zu heben, die wir innerhalb Europas haben? Und da hat die Europäische Kommission, lieber Kommissar Séjourné, jetzt eine Reihe von wirklich guten Vorschlägen gemacht, aber die werden wir nur hinbekommen, wenn hier im Hause auch alle bereit sind, über ihren Schatten zu springen, auf manche Berichtspflicht zu verzichten, auf manche Fragmentierung zu verzichten und sie abzuschaffen und mehr einheitliche Regeln zu schaffen.
Das ist schon im Parlament nicht so ganz einfach, aber es ist natürlich klar, dass wenn der Ministerrat, und der Repasi, der Kollege Repasi steht schon unmittelbar hinter Ihnen, leider sitzt da nur noch jemand, wenn der Ministerrat sich dafür nicht interessiert, wird's verdammt schwierig. Dann wird's verdammt schwierig, weil die 27 Mitgliedstaaten für die Regeln, die wir dringend bräuchten und für das Wachstum, das im Draghi-Bericht auf mehr als 4,4 Prozent jährlich geschätzt wird, alle zusammenarbeiten müssen. Und deswegen dürfen wir als Europäisches Parlament, und wir haben das schon häufiger gesagt, aber ich wiederhol's, wir dürfen nicht akzeptieren, dass unsere Unternehmen im Binnenmarkt noch immer häufig mit 27 verschiedenen Auslegungen und Anpassungen von Systemen konfrontiert sind, denn gerade dort, wo der europäische Mehrwert offensichtlich Einheit bedeutet, brauchen wir ein gemeinsames System, mehr Harmonisierung und eine konsequente Durchsetzung. Darum geht's heute. Herzlichen Dank.
René Repasi
Frau Präsidentin, Herr Vizepräsident der Kommission, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Wir brauchen mehr Binnenmarkt. Wir leisten uns 44 Prozent faktische Binnenzölle, weil unser Binnenmarkt immer noch an die Grenzen von 27 unterschiedlichen Rechtsordnungen stößt. Während wir Trumpschen Zollwahnsinn immer nur beklagen können, liegt es in unserer eigenen Hand, mehr Binnenmarkt zu schaffen.
Mit dem Vorschlag einer EU-GmbH, manche nennen es auch ganz amerikanisch EU Inc, können wir mehr Binnenmarkt schaffen. Die Kommission hat dabei aber die vielzitierte Mahnung des Vordenkers unseres Binnenmarktes Jacques Delors, bekanntermaßen ein Sozialdemokrat, vergessen: Niemand, ja niemand verliebt sich in einen Binnenmarkt. Richtig. Mehr Binnenmarkt verlangt auch soziale Schutzstandards und gut bezahlte Arbeitsplätze. Eine EU-GmbH darf nicht zu Sozialdumping, Steuervermeidung oder den Abbau von Mitbestimmung führen.
Andernfalls erleben die Menschen den gefühllosen Binnenmarkt und wenden sich davon ab. Lassen Sie uns also gemeinsam EU Inc richtig machen: Mehr Binnenmarkt mit gemeinsamen europäischen sozialen Leitplanken.
Grazie, onorevole Buxadé Villalba.
Jorge Buxadé Villalba
Un mercado europeo en que los productos europeos compiten sistemáticamente en desventaja con los de fuera no es un mercado, es una condena. Un mercado interior alterado desde Bruselas todos los días por la entrada masiva de personas, bienes, servicios y capitales extranjeros, sin control y sin cumplir lo que a los nuestros imponemos, no es un mercado, es la ley de la selva. Un mercado interior donde las empresas destinan más recursos a cumplir reglamentos y directivas absurdos para eludir las sanciones en lugar de innovar, producir y crear empleo, no es un mercado, es un suicidio programado. Un mercado es intercambio, es cooperación, no crear desde arriba campeones europeos. La planificación metódica del mercado impulsada por la Comisión Europea por motivos ideológicos, como el fanatismo climático, o por motivos económicos, como la presión de poderosos grupos, ha colocado a la economía europea en un estado de postración: la industria de la automoción, el acero, el aluminio, la energía nuclear o el sector primario devastados por sus políticas.
Los acuerdos de libre comercio como el de Mercosur pactado por populares y socialistas son injustos, desvirtúan el principio de competencia leal, obligan a cerrar negocios y mandan a nuestra gente a la calle. Esos acuerdos nos hacen depender de terceros países, que hoy son aliados y mañana serán adversarios, y si no se lo preguntan a Merkel, que dejó a la economía europea bajo dependencia del gas ruso. Europa necesita trabajo, ahorro, inversión y producción, y eso exige proteger lo estratégico, asegurar lo imprescindible y cerrar acuerdos comerciales solo donde tenemos ventajas reales. Las naciones europeas demandan soberanía, seguridad y prosperidad, y los trabajadores estabilidad, salarios dignos y vivienda. Muchas gracias.
Grazie, vi chiedo per favore rispetto dei tempi, onorevole Valtchev.
Ivaylo Valchev
Госпожо председател, господин заместник-председател, уважаеми колеги, единният европейски пазар е в основата на нашия съюз и е неговото най-голямо икономическо постижение. Но днес, години след създаването на Европейската общност за въглища и стомана, този пазар остава непълен, прекалено сложен и задушен от бюрокрация и тромави регулации. Европейските предприятия, особено малките, средните и стартъпите, не искат субсидии, те искат ясни правила и предвидимост. Европа има таланта да създава иновации, но твърде често няма условията да ги задържи. Днес твърде много компании прекарват повече време в попълване на формуляри, отколкото в иновации, производство и създаване на работни места.
Имаме регулации за ESG устойчивост, които се препокриват и натоварват компаниите с огромни административни разходи, което води до намаляване на тяхната конкурентоспособност. И това е само един малък пример за прекомерните регулации. Ако искаме качествени работни места в Европа, нека да върнем конкурентоспособността на европейската икономика. А за да го направим, имаме нужда от по-голяма кохезия, не като финансова политика, а като реално икономическо сближаване между регионите в Европа. Завършвам: предприемачът в София трябва да има същия шанс да успее като предприемача в Берлин, Париж и Амстердам.
Thank you, thank you, I am sorry but we don't have the time, it's necessary to respect. Onorevole Gasius-Pihowicz.
Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz
Dzień dobry. Dzisiaj powiem wam, czego europejscy przedsiębiorcy, polscy przedsiębiorcy potrzebują od tej Izby. No na pewno nie debat, na pewno nie kolejnych deklaracji. Potrzebują jednolitego rynku, który faktycznie działa. Ponad połowa polskich przedsiębiorców wskazuje biurokrację jako największą barierę i wymienię tylko dwa problemy, bardzo ważne i takie, na które mamy rozwiązania.
Polskie firmy rejestrują spółkę w każdym kraju osobno, w którym chcą działać, tracą czas na biurokrację zamiast się rozwijać. Rozwiązanie: chcemy jednej rejestracji cyfrowej, ważnej od razu we wszystkich 27 krajach. Polskie firmy wysyłają za granicę ponad 700 000 pracowników rocznie i toną w papierach. Rozwiązanie: delegowanie pracownika w Unii może być dużo prostsze, jeden formularz zgłoszeniowy ważny w całej Unii zamiast osobnych procedur w każdym kraju, do którego jedzie polska ekipa. Dalej, bariery w handlu z usługami są dzisiaj naprawdę wyższe niż cła, które znieśliśmy przecież dekadę temu, więc musimy je znosić tak samo konsekwentnie, branża po branży.
Każde nowe prawo unijne musi zaczynać się od postawienia pytania: ile to kosztuje firmę? Polską firmę, francuską firmę, słoweńską firmę, to jest nasza wspólna europejska sprawa.
Onorevole Fita.
Claire Fita
Madame la Vice-présidente, Monsieur le Vice-président, chers collègues. 450 millions de citoyens, un espace économique unique, des règles communes, des protections pour nos entreprises, nos travailleurs, nos consommateurs, voilà notre marché unique. Mais aujourd'hui, il ne peut plus seulement être un espace économique, il doit devenir une véritable puissance politique. Car dans le monde tel qu'il est, un marché sans stratégie devient une faiblesse, un marché ouvert sans protection devient une proie, et un marché unique sans volonté politique devient un marché offert aux puissances des autres. Alors oui, il est temps que l'Europe se réveille.
Mais défendre le marché unique, ce n'est pas le déréguler. C'est au contraire le protéger, l'orienter, c'est assumer une véritable préférence européenne dans la commande publique, c'est investir massivement dans les secteurs stratégiques et c'est créer des emplois de qualité ici en Europe. Notre boussole doit être simple et assumée : la préférence européenne pour notre souveraineté et nos emplois. Merci.
Sorry, you have a blue card from Mrs. Van der Berg.
Thank you very much. Mr. Fita, I hear your beautiful words about the single market and about the people.
Sorry, just a minute, we need to have the time for the translation. Okay, now you have the floor.
Mr. Fita, I heard your beautiful words about the market, about the people. I also heard the beautiful words of Ms. von der Leyen about the quality jobs. But when I look at the One Europe, One Market roadmap that they are presenting to us, that we negotiate on together, I don't see quality jobs as a priority. Don't you think that is a huge problem and that we should make sure that for Europe, quality jobs are a true priority?
Claire Fita
Et bien évidemment que des emplois de qualité ici en Europe sont indispensables. Et c'est exactement ce que je souhaite mettre en avant dans l'enjeu qui est face à nous sur la préférence européenne que nous devons porter à l'intérieur même de ce marché unique qui est à mon avis dans les outils indispensables de protection pour pouvoir à la fois protéger nos emplois mais aussi en créer de nouveaux pour adapter notre marché unique et bien entendu l'approfondir avec une justice sociale que nous appelons véritablement de nos vœux et dont nous avons tant besoin pour défendre le projet européen.
Thank you, the next speaker, Corim de Figueiredo, please.
João Cotrim De Figueiredo
Thank you, Madam President, Mr. Vice-President of the Commission, dear colleagues, today I want to talk about madness. Because 33 years after the creation of the single market, we are still imposing tariffs on ourselves. It's madness because Europe's competitiveness crisis is fundamentally, fundamentally a single market crisis. Another sign of madness, while 10 million trillion euros sit idle in European bank accounts, our startups move to the US for funding, often with European money. Europe does not lack capital, Europe leaks capital.
So it's madness not to complete the Capital Markets Union. It is also madness that our trade in services with the rest of the world grows faster than between our own member states. And why? Because our companies are lost in a maze of 27 national jurisdictions. It is madness and it is because we insist on resisting harmonization.
And finally, it is madness, madness that this happens because certain national governments are too blind to see the obvious, that their national interest depends on the success of the European project, specifically on the success of the single market. It's madness not to see this. So for those of us who are not mad, the choice is simple: one market instead of 27 alibis. Thank you.
Grazie, onorevole Arias Echeverría.
Pablo Arias Echeverría
Muchas gracias, señora presidente, vicepresidente Séjourné, llevamos años debatiendo las bondades y los retos del mercado único europeo. Hoy lo hacemos con un sentido de urgencia mayor, pero el debate de fondo sigue siendo el mismo: cómo hacerlo funcionar de verdad. El compromiso político empieza por fin a materializarse. Hoy toma forma en una hoja de ruta con el título tan claro como necesario: One Europe, One Market. Esta vez viene acompañado de un acuerdo histórico entre el Consejo, la Comisión Europea y el Parlamento, el firmado en Chipre, que será recordado por ser el inicio de un mercado completo y fuerte o el de un estrepitoso fracaso, y esto solo depende de nosotros.
Quiero decir desde el principio que comparto esta ambición, pero creo que este tipo de procesos habría ganado fuerza con una mayor un mayor debate o implicación de esta Cámara antes de ser acordado. Se ha dicho muchas veces: tenemos que quitar el pie del freno y pisar el acelerador si queremos volver a la senda de la competitividad. Siguen existiendo demasiadas barreras en el mercado único y entre ellas destaca el persistente proteccionismo de algunos Estados miembros. De esto hoy la presidenta von der Leyen no ha hablado. Ya empezamos además mal, el Consejo no participa de este debate.
Pero el valor real de esta hoja de ruta no está en las declaraciones de principios, sino en su capacidad de convertirse en resultados concretos, medibles y tangibles. En resumen: integración frente a fragmentación, resultados frente a palabras, un mercado europeo frente a 27 mercados nacionales, previsibilidad frente a incertidumbre y más apertura frente a más barreras. El primer paso ya está dado. Ahora le pido a la Comisión que siga avanzando con determinación en esta dirección y al Consejo que cumpla con este compromiso. Desde este Parlamento haremos lo propio, muchas gracias.
Grazie, thank you, onorevole Scuderi, prego.
Benedetta Scuderi
Grazie. Il mercato unico. Quanto volte ripetiamo questa parola nei nostri discorsi? Il mercato unico come grande conquista dell'Unione. Ma cos'è un mercato unico senza unicità dei diritti, senza allineamenti fiscali, senza un prezzo unico dell'energia, senza pari tutele per lavoratrici e lavoratori?
Un mercato unico forte non si costruisce sulla precarietà o sul dumping sociale. Si costruisce sul lavoro di qualità, su salari equi, su condizioni dignitose e su regole chiare per tutti. Il mercato unico e la competitività devono essere il mezzo, non il fine. Il mezzo per arrivare alla giustizia sociale. Iniziamo quindi a tutelare allo stesso modo chi lavora in ogni Stato membro, limitando ad esempio i subappalti per contrastare lo sfruttamento, vietando i tirocini non retribuiti, fornendo il giusto supporto pubblico per il lavoro di cura.
Dobbiamo lottare per un'occupazione giusta di tutta la popolazione, quindi includendo le donne, i giovani, i migranti. Deve essere il mezzo per arrivare velocemente alla transizione ecologica, accelerare con lo sviluppo delle rinnovabili e abbassare quindi il prezzo dell'energia per permettere alle nostre famiglie di pagare le bollette. Deve essere il mezzo per far crescere la nostra autonomia, per un'industria che possa produrre batterie, pannelli solari, pompe di calore, acciaio, insomma quello che ci serve per la transizione, ma anche un'industria che possa innovarsi guardando al digitale, all'intelligenza artificiale e riesca a essere autonoma. Il mercato unico deve essere al servizio dell'Europa e della nostra popolazione, non di chi vuole usarlo per massimizzare i suoi profitti.
Grazie, onorevole Demirel.
Özlem Demirel
Dankeschön, Frau Präsidentin. Alle Jahre wieder erfindet die Kommission neue Namen für alte Vorschläge, diesmal das 28. Regime. Eine neue EU-weite parallele Rechtsform für Unternehmen, um ihnen das Leben einfacher zu machen, indem es für die Beschäftigten schlechter wird. Unternehmen überall in der EU sollen wählen können, ob sie sich beim Unternehmensrecht an nationales Recht halten wollen oder in ein vereinfachtes EU-Recht flüchten. So ist die Abwärtsspirale vorprogrammiert.
Angeblich soll das Unternehmensgründungen vereinfachen, Innovation und Fortschritt fördern. In Wahrheit ist es ein Angriff auf die Unternehmensaufsicht und auf die Besteuerung, ein Angriff auf Arbeitnehmerinnenrechte und vor allem auf die betriebliche Mitbestimmung. Die Gewerkschaften laufen zu Recht gegen dieses Vorhaben Sturm und wir unterstützen sie als Linke. Anstatt unter Hochdruck ein neues Parallelsystem für Unternehmen zu schaffen, sollte die Kommission endlich Maßnahmen ergreifen, um echten Fortschritt zu erreichen. Sorgen Sie für Investitionen in gute Bildung, in Forschung, die den Horizont unserer Gesellschaft erweitert.
Sorgen Sie für starke öffentliche Investitionen, für sichere Arbeitsplätze, für gute Löhne, für starke Mitbestimmung. So können Sie Innovation vorantreiben, aber nicht, indem Sie ein Parallelsystem für Unternehmen schaffen.
Grazie, onorevole Tonin.
Matej Tonin
Predsedujoča, komisar, dragi kolegi in kolegice. Evropa ima izjemno veliko število pridnih in delovnih ljudi.
Številni so izjemno talentirani. Imamo tudi inovativna podjetja. Imamo milijardne prihranke na računih evropskih državljanov, kar pomeni tudi izjemno kupno moč v primerjavi z drugimi deli sveta. Vprašanje je, zakaj vseh teh prednosti ne obrnemo sebi v prid, v prid gospodarski moči Evrope. Problem očitno ni v ljudeh, niti ni v denarju.
Problem je v razdrobljenosti in v pomanjkanju poguma, da bi dokončali to, kar smo začeli pred desetletji, z oblikovanjem resnično enotnega trga. Če evropsko podjetje danes želi delovati na področju celotne Evrope, naleti na kar 27 različnih pravil. Jasno je, da nimamo enotnega trga. In prav poglobitev enotnega trga je naša skupna urgentna odgovornost vseh institucij, Parlamenta, Komisije, Sveta. Kajti bodimo iskreni, brez močnih evropskih podjetij ne bo kakovostnih evropskih delovnih mest, brez konkurenčnosti ne bo socialne Evrope in brez odločnosti ne bo evropske strateške suverenosti.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Thank you, Madam President, dear Commissioner, colleagues. You know, a slogan, one market, one Europe, not enough. One market, one health and social justice and one Europe, it is a picture. And we need to think about those three components of our direction. Three components, they are equally, equally valid.
You know, I am 75. I was involved in European matters from 1999. I heard about Digital Union, Banking Union, Energy Union, European Economic and Monetary Union, now Defense Union, Railway Union, and now European Health Union. How many unions we promise to build and still it is not done. Can you promise that in till 2035 we will complete those unions and then we will have in our hands one Europe, one health, one justice and one market.
It's only absolutely clear what we can do. Absolutely. Don't go into details. We need to have very common picture, otherwise it would be very difficult to, you know, address all global challenges.
Grazie, grazie, onorevole Storm.
Kristoffer Storm
Mange tak. Ærligt talt, hvis jeg sad i Kommissionen og havde været med til at sidde på hænderne og aktivt ødelægge det europæiske marked, som millioner af europæere kæmper for hver eneste dag, så tror jeg, jeg ville skamme mig. For Kommissionen har sammen med centrum-venstre ført en politik igennem mange år, som har spændt ben for Europas udvikling, spændt ben for, at det indre marked rent faktisk kunne levere det, som vi ønsker. Hele grundstenen i EU, det er, at vi skal have et stærkt indre marked. Det er muligheden for, at vores virksomheder skal kunne handle på tværs af landegrænser uden at møde de benspænd, som de stadigvæk gør i dag.
Alligevel så har vi set en politik, hvor man har haft mere fokus på at regulere europæiske virksomheder end på rent faktisk at skabe de rammer, der skal til for at skabe en økonomi i Europa, der gør, at vi kan være konkurrencedygtige med resten af verden. Selv når Europa laver projekter ude i verden, har man ikke engang en stor lyst fra Kommissionens side til at sikre, at lave udbuddene og lave forholdene på en måde, der gør, at det er europæiske virksomheder, der rent faktisk får de kontrakter, der kan være med til at skabe vækst og arbejdspladser i Europa.
Det synes jeg er skammeligt, og jeg håber virkelig, at den nye Kommission sætter sig i i scenen for, at vi skal skabe forandringer, og vi skal skabe den vækst, vi har brug for i Europa. Tak.
Thank you, onorevole Pampi.
Pierre Pimpie
Chers collègues, les emplois de qualité ne se décrètent pas, mais résultent de l'investissement et de la prévisibilité. Cela repose sur la constance et la sagesse des normes environnementales et des règles sociales et fiscales. Cela suppose aussi de mettre les choix énergétiques à l'abri des dogmes verts et des velléités géopolitiques des apprentis sorciers de l'UE. Les entreprises doivent redevenir libres, pendant qu'il revient aux États de se réapproprier leurs compétences régaliennes fondées sur l'ordre et la sécurité. En faisant l'erreur stratégique de sacrifier le nucléaire, l'UE a sapé toute chance de compétitivité.
Plutôt que de nous imposer l'uniformité des règles, l'UE ferait mieux de respecter nos libertés. Je vous remercie.
Grazie, onorevole Blinkevičiūtė.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė
Ačiū, pirmininke, kolegos. Bendroji rinka yra vienas didžiausių Europos Sąjungos pasiekimų, tačiau ji turi veikti ne tik kapitalui ar prekėms, ji turi veikti žmonėms, kurie ir yra konkurencingos Europos pagrindas. Taip, Europos įmonės privalo turėti aiškumą, stabilumą, nuspėjamumą, tačiau lygiai taip pat darbuotojai privalo turėti saugias, kokybiškas ir orias darbo sąlygas su tinkamais atlyginimais. Nors Komisijos pirmininkė von der Leyen, jos politinis įsipareigojimas, kad Europa turi dirbti žmonėms, skamba gerai, tačiau šiandien apie 90 milijonų Europos Sąjungos piliečių skursta, ir iš jų net 16 milijonų dirbančių žmonių vis dar gyvena ties skurdo riba ir šis skaičius auga. Todėl bendrosios rinkos stiprinimas turi eiti kartu su stipria socialine Europa, sąžiningais atlyginimais, darbuotojų apsauga, kokybiškomis darbo vietomis ir kova su skurdu.
Stéphanie Yon-Courtin
Merci Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Vice-Président exécutif Séjourné. Alors il est regrettable que le Conseil qui représente les États membres ne soit pas présent ici aujourd'hui. Alors chers collègues, l'Europe ne manque ni de talents ni d'entrepreneurs, mais elle manque d'un vrai marché, un marché unique capable de transformer ce potentiel en emplois durables et en champions européens. Depuis février 2025, dix, dix paquets de simplification ont été lancés. Alors oui, il faut simplifier et vite, car quand un entrepreneur passe 30 % de son temps à remplir des formulaires, ce n'est plus de la réglementation, c'est de l'obstruction.
Mais attention, simplifier ne veut pas dire déréguler. Nos standards ne sont pas un obstacle à la compétitivité, ils en sont la condition, à condition justement qu'il n'y ait pas de surtransposition. Pourtant, l'Europe reste son propre ennemi. Notre frein, c'est notre fragmentation, cette frontière invisible entre nos 27 marchés. Imaginez que chaque fois qu'une start-up française vend au Portugal ou qu'une PME polonaise s'installe en Allemagne, elle se heurte à l'équivalent de droits de douane de 44 % sur les biens et 110 % sur les services.
Pour nos PME, c'est 27 procédures, 27 fois plus cher et 27 fois plus long. Et c'est pas tout. Nos marchés financiers fragmentés sont incapables de financer leur croissance. Résultat, nos entreprises européennes, quand elles grandissent, elles le font, mais hors d'Europe. C'est pourquoi nous avons besoin d'un 28e régime, un socle de règles européennes communes, identiques dans les 27 États membres, parce qu'une Europe fragmentée, c'est des prix plus élevés, c'est moins de choix pour nos citoyens.
Mais une Europe unifiée, c'est des champions européens, c'est une autonomie stratégique et une puissance économique capable de rivaliser avec les géants américains ou chinois. Alors, une Europe, un marché, oui, passons du slogan à la réalité.
Grazie, onorevole Boeselager. Dov'è? Ah, ok.
Damian Boeselager
Thank you, President, Vice-President, colleagues. Europe is like a football team where every player plays on a different court under different rules, and then we wonder why we lose globally. And of course, we nod our heads when our coach Draghi tells us to maybe train a bit more together. But I wonder if everyone here agrees, the Council, the Commission, the Parliament, we need a single court, we need a single market, why isn't it happening? And the truth is that some of us would actually lose.
If we face internally 40% of goods and 100% tariffs for services, if we lose 1 trillion euros or 5% of GDP per year, if we lose all our coolest startups that go to the US, there is a reason for it. And the answer is that some of us would lose, because competition on the same court will hurt some of us. It will cost jobs, even if it will create even more. It will mean that some incumbents will go bankrupt, even if more successful companies will be created. When Friedrich Merz is blocking the banking union, he's doing it for the Sparkassen and the Raiffeisenbanken.
When Emmanuel Macron blocks the idea of opening procurement, he's doing it for local defense and national defense industries. And when Giorgia Meloni stops the single market for services, it's because she's protecting Italian lawyers, notaries, and others. So colleagues, let's just be honest. If we protect national monopolies, we will lose out on the global and on the international stage. The price for competitiveness is that we are honest and we take the bitter pill of stopping national rules.
Thank you so much.
Of course.
Okay, please.
Vielen Dank, Damian, dass du die blaue Karte akzeptiert hast. Ich sehe das genauso, dass es kurzsichtig und falsch ist, aufgrund möglicher eigener Verluste das Zusammenwachsen des Binnenmarktes zu blockieren. Und ich würde das gerne unserem Herrn Kanzler, den du ja auch angesprochen hast, Friedrich Merz, sagen. Nun darf ich aber hier nur eine Frage stellen und darf es nicht tun. Deswegen wollte ich mal fragen, was du denn Friedrich Merz sagen könntest zu dem Thema, wenn du die Gelegenheit hättest, mit ihm zu sprechen.
Damian Boeselager
My main point is honesty. Honesty. We talk about the single market for years. We hear from the Council, we hear from the Commission, the single market is so important, it will help so many of us. But then let's be honest, if we want a single market, this means that we will change the Ministry of Finance position in Germany right now.
There is nothing stopping the German Chancellor and the German SPD to actually do the steps that are necessary. It's all national protectionism. And if we want this to change, we need to be honest with ourselves, or we say we don't want the single market. But I'm a bit fed up with this single market talk if we don't do the steps that are necessary.
Okay, thank you.
No, no, it's not possible. Thank you. The next speaker, onorevole Doleschal.
Christian Doleschal
Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, lieber Herr Vizekommissionspräsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Der europäische Binnenmarkt ist eine der größten Errungenschaften unserer Europäischen Union. Er schafft Wachstum, Arbeitsplätze, Wohlstand und gleichzeitig zeigt sich aber auch, für viele Unternehmen ist der Alltag noch deutlich zu kompliziert. Gerade im Dienstleistungsbereich erleben Unternehmen weiterhin unterschiedliche nationale Vorschriften, Meldepflichten und Verwaltungsverfahren. Mario Draghi hat in seinem Bericht klar beschrieben, wo die Probleme liegen: nicht an fehlender wirtschaftlicher Stärke, sondern an zu viel Fragmentierung und an zu viel Hürden des Binnenmarkts.
Die neue One Europe One Market Roadmap setzt deshalb richtigerweise auf mehr Harmonisierung, schnellere Verfahren und eine konsequentere Vollendung des Binnenmarkts. Während andere Weltregionen schneller skalieren und investieren, verlieren wir in Europa oft zu viel Zeit und zu hohe regulatorische Komplexität. Die Antwort darauf kann nicht weniger, sondern muss mehr Europa sein. Wir wollen endlich One in 27 out. Gerade in unseren Grenzregionen erleben wir, wie wichtig ein funktionierender Binnenmarkt ist.
Ich komme aus der Oberpfalz an der in aus Bayern an der Grenze zu Tschechien und da erleben wir, wie engmaschig unsere Lieferketten verbunden sind und wie wichtig es für die wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit beider Länder ist, einen gemeinsamen Binnenmarkt zu haben. Und deshalb müssen wir endlich rauskommen von den Sonntagsreden hin zu konkreten Maßnahmen und wir sind zuversichtlich, dass durch die neue Roadmap das gelingen kann. Herzlichen Dank.
Grazie, onorevole Guinen.
Alicia Homs Ginel
Muchas gracias, presidenta. Hoy hablamos de la competitividad y la productividad que debería tener nuestro mercado único en Europa, pero ignoramos una cuestión fundamental para muchas regiones. ¿Cómo va a quedarse un enfermero, una enfermera, un profesor o una profesora, cualquier trabajador o trabajadora en general, donde trabajar ya no es equivalente a poder vivir? El derecho a poder permanecer en nuestra tierra, en nuestros barrios, el derecho a una vivienda digna y asequible también es competitividad. Porque cuando las personas jóvenes de mi región tienen que destinar nada menos que el 185 % de sus salarios a la vivienda, nos enfrentamos a fugas de talento, escasez de trabajadores, economías locales que se van quebrando, pero sobre todo a una verdadera crisis social.
Por tanto, el mercado único no puede servir solo para mover capitales. Es hora de poner la vida de nuestros ciudadanos y ciudadanas en el centro, de priorizar la Europa social en todas nuestras políticas, porque es muy sencillo: quien trabaja en Europa tiene que poder permitirse vivir en ella. Muchas gracias.
Grazie, onorevole Gražulis.
Petras Gražulis
Europa negena savo piliečių ir savo verslo. Europa užversta nekokybiškom kiničiškom prekėm. Daugiau kaip 100 milijardų eurų yra prekybos deficitas vien tik su Kinija ir tas deficitas didėja. Begaliniai reikalavimai verslui keliami žalio kurso, biurokratijos, dalis verslo kraustosi į Ameriką ir į kitas šalis. Dabar mes dar pasirašom sutartį Mercosur, kur Europa neatlaikys konkurencijos Europos ūkininkai ir dalis jų bankrutuos, bus užversta nekokybiškais maisto produktais.
Dar pasirašom sutartį su Indija laisvos prekybos. Ar mes atlaikysim tą konkurenciją, ar šitokiu keliu mes žlugdysim Europos Sąjungos verslininkus? Vietoj to, kad saugotume savo rinką, kurtume bendrą rinką, mes ją žlugdome.
Yes. Okay, on the next speaker, Onorevole Kokalari, please.
Arba Kokalari
Thank you, Madam Vice-President, dear colleagues. A strong Europe starts with a single market, where a German florist can work in Sweden as easily as in Germany, where a Swedish startup can build and scale in Poland, where that startup can raise funding from a Spanish investor instead of leaving Europe. Europe has talent, we have the ideas and the capital, but our rules are too fragmented. And the costs of our fragmentation can be equal to 45% of tariffs on goods and 110% tariffs on services. We need one market in Europe, not 27.
We need to cut red tape for real. We need to lead on digitalization. We need to simplify our rules, so that Europe can be the best place for businesses and people to thrive, so we can become the best continent to live in in the world, for now, for us, for our children and for the future. Thanks.
Thanks to you, Onorevole Goncalves, please.
Bruno Gonçalves
Madam President, dear Commissioner, absent Council, I'll speak in Portuguese. Hoje, o maior destino dos jovens europeus que procuram oportunidades não é a América, não é a Ásia, são outros países da própria União Europeia. Isto prova algo muito simples: é que o mercado único europeu já é hoje a nossa maior força. Mas revela também um desafio e um problema: é que para muitos destes jovens sair do seu país deixou de ser uma escolha e passou a ser uma necessidade. E isso acontece porque ainda temos demasiadas desigualdades económicas dentro da nossa União.
Se conseguirmos harmonizar melhor o mercado único, podemos transformá-lo num mercado de oportunidades mais justo, onde a mobilidade é uma possibilidade e não é uma obrigação. Um espaço que crie empregos qualificados não apenas nos países mais ricos, mas nos países de origem. E como é que podemos fazer isso? Primeiro, através da tributação, simplificando a vida às empresas que querem crescer e inovar na Europa, mas garantindo também que o 1% que mais ganha contribui pelo menos tanto quanto os restantes 99%. E em segundo lugar, defendendo o nosso mercado interno com uma política industrial europeia forte e com regras claras para limitar o investimento estrangeiro em setores críticos.
Porque uma Europa forte não é uma Europa onde os jovens são destinados a partir, uma Europa forte é uma Europa onde os jovens podem escolher ficar. Muito obrigado.
Svenja Hahn
Grazie, Onorevole Hahn.
In einer Welt, die geopolitisch immer unsicherer wird, kann Europa sich nicht länger auf andere verlassen. Unsere wirtschaftliche und geopolitische Stärke beginnt hier in unserem eigenen Binnenmarkt. Wir brauchen einen echten gesamteuropäischen Heimatmarkt für unsere Unternehmen. Aber noch immer erleben Unternehmen in Europa jeden Tag regulatorische Kleinstaaterei.
Es muss doch gelten: ein Produkt, eine Dienstleistung, ein Regelwerk. Und wir müssen endlich radikal Bürokratie abbauen. Jedes Binnenmarktgesetz gehört auf den Prüfstand. Was kann weg? Was kann einfacher machen?
Was gefährdet Arbeitsplätze? Denn Wettbewerbsfähigkeit entsteht durch Wettbewerb, nicht durch staatlich gelenkte Leitmärkte und politische Wunschprodukte. Europa darf nicht anfangen, Innovation zentral zu planen. Jetzt ist doch die Zeit, mutig zu sein und groß zu denken. Und wenn die Kommission es ernst meint mit einer starken europäischen Wirtschaft, dann muss sie den Binnenmarkt endlich vollenden.
Wir sehen gute Vorschläge, aber die Kommission braucht auch den Mut, sich gegen den nationalen Protektionismus der Mitgliedsländer zu stellen. Denn eines ist klar: Wer den Binnenmarkt stärkt, macht Europa stärker in der Welt. Wer ihn weiter blockiert, schwächt Europa, wenn wir diese Stärke am dringendsten brauchen. Vielen Dank.
Mariateresa Vivaldini
Grazie Presidente, colleghi. Parliamo da anni del potenziale del mercato unico, ma la verità è che quel potenziale resta ancora in larga parte bloccato, mentre i nostri concorrenti innovano, attraggono investimenti. Troppe imprese europee sono ancora intrappolate da burocrazia e frammentazione normativa. Questo ha un costo reale: meno crescita, meno investimenti, meno posti di lavoro. È arrivato il momento di trasformare le parole in azioni.
Dobbiamo completare l'integrazione del mercato, dei servizi e del digitale, ridurre gli oneri amministrativi che pesano soprattutto su piccole e medie imprese e startup, introdurre strumenti realmente operativi di semplificazione e uno sportello unico europeo efficace per le imprese. Dobbiamo accelerare l'unione dei mercati dei capitali, perché il talento europeo non può continuare a trovare finanziamenti fuori dall'Europa. E dobbiamo investire nelle competenze per accompagnare la transizione industriale e tecnologica con lavoro stabile e di qualità. Un mercato unico che funziona non è un obiettivo tecnico, è una scelta politica. La competitività europea non si difende con nuovi ostacoli, ma liberando le energie di chi crea, investe e lavora.
Grazie.
Jörgen Warborn
Fru talman, i väldigt många sektorer på den inre marknaden så fortfarande så är det bara, förlåt, jag börjar om från början. I väldigt många sektorer är den inre marknaden fortfarande bara principer på ett papper, men långt ifrån den verklighet man upplever i vardagen. I tjänstesektorn, där finns fortfarande fler än 5 000 skyddade yrkestitlar och de här regleras på olika sätt i olika länder. Det ska ansökas, det ska granskas, det ska väntas, det ska certifieras och det ska stämplas. I praktiken så gäller alltså inte den fria rörligheten på tjänsteområdet.
Integrationen på den inre marknaden, den har nått en platå. Och när kommissionen mäter de viktigaste handelshindren, då ser vi knappt ett enda spår av framsteg under de senaste åren.
Ett sånt underbetyg till ministerrådet. Det pratas om den inre marknaden men i praktiken så fortsätter medlemsstaterna med gold plating, övertolkning och administrativa gränshinder som hindrar den fria företagsamheten. Till och med när kommissionen försöker med den mest uppenbara uppenbara no-brainern och den lägst hängande frukterna, ja att förenkla och digitalisera processerna med utpostering av arbetstagare, då tvärvägrar flera medlemsstater medan andra kommer med nya förslag som gör det ännu krångligare än det redan är. Nu måste medlemsländerna komma in i matchen, släppa prestigen, sluta snacka och leverera på löftena om en inre marknad. Vi i parlamentet, vi är redo att förenkla på allvar.
Vi vill se ett Europa, en marknad. Det är bra för företagen, det är bra för samhällsekonomin, det ger jobb och välstånd till Europa. Tack.
Dan Nica
Mulțumesc doamnă președinte. Acum două săptămâni de zile, România a avut din păcate o veste proastă: cel mai mare preț pentru energia electrică raportat la puterea de cumpărare, de două-trei ori mai mare decât alte țări din Europa. Și acest lucru pentru un motiv simplu: pentru că piața de energie electrică din Europa este fragmentată, nu funcționează. Noi suntem decuplați și nu putem beneficia de energia ieftină care este de exemplu produsă în Germania pentru că Austria și Ungaria refuză să facă un interconector care să permită acest transfer de energie. Dar de când?
De zece ani de zile. Și acest lucru arată de ce este nevoie să luăm niște măsuri foarte dure. Pentru că dacă cineva greșește și nu vrea să-și facă treaba, fie ele și două state membre importante, prețul nu trebuie plătit de un alt stat membru, de români, care au trebuit să renunțe poate la medicamente, la hrană, ca să poată să-și plătească factura. Și un lucru important domnule Šefčovič, sunteți vicepreședintele Comisiei Europene. Acum patru luni de zile erau 459 de cazuri de înșelăciuni, practici incorecte și neloiale în piața de energie electrică a Uniunii Europene, zeci de miliarde de euro investigate pentru că aceste practici au dus la plata unor facturi nemeritate de către oameni și de către companii.
Din acest motiv este nevoie să avem o bursă a energiei în Uniunea Europeană pentru transparență și pentru a putea fi verificate toate aceste lucruri. Și vă rog domnule vicepreședinte Šefčovič să luați măsurile necesare. Vă mulțumesc.
Enikő Győri
Tisztelt képviselőtársaim, sokszor elmondtuk, hogy az egységes piac az Unió egyik legnagyobb vívmánya, mégsem használjuk ki a valódi potenciálját. A vállalataink által tapasztalt problémák 60 százalékát Brüsszel 20 éve képtelen megoldani. Európai cégek tömege hagyja el Európát, az USA-ban lép a tőzsdére, ott könnyebb finanszírozáshoz jutni, sőt több százmilliárd eurót ott fektetnek be, mert jobb a megtérülés. És mit csinál most Brüsszel? Egyrészt központosítaná a tőkepiaci felügyeleti hatásköröket, megkerülve a tagállami vállalati és adózási jogrendszereket.
Ez nem egyszerűsítés. Másrészt például a szolgáltatási irányelv vagy a mobilitási csomag kapcsán azt láttuk, a Bizottság a kelet-közép-európaiak kárára torzította el az egységes piacot, és ez elfogadhatatlan. A tagállamok számára mindig egyenlő feltételeket kell biztosítani az egységes piacon. Harmadrészt a tőke és az innováció nem koncentrálódhat a nagy nyugat-európai gazdaságokban. A következő költségvetés versenyképességi alapja a jelenlegi formájában pedig pontosan ezt erősítené.
Végezetül az európai iparnak leginkább az energiaárak letörésével lehetne segíteni. Több pragmatizmus és értelmes cselekvés zöld ideológia helyett képviselőtársaim, egyszerűbb és kevesebb szabály, a belső korlátok lebontása. Ebbe az irányba kellene haladni, ahogy arra a versenyképességi nyilatkozat is felszólított, amit Budapesten fogadtak el. Ez volna a patrióta recept. Az egységes piac csak így járulhat hozzá a versenyképesség erősítéséhez és a polgárok jólétéhez.
Köszönöm.
Henrik Dahl
Tusind tak, formand. Hvis man ikke tør se sandheden i øjnene, så kan man altid give andre skylden for sine egne problemer. Det er ikke Donald Trumps eller Xi Jinpings skyld, at det går langsomt i Europa. USA og Kina kæmper for at tiltrække investeringer, men i Europa har vi valgt en anden vej. Vi drukner vores virksomheder i bureaukrati, komplekse regler og usikkerhed.
For mange virksomheder, der er EU blevet mere forbundet med byrder end med muligheder, og det svækker vores konkurrenceevne. Det er ikke mangel på idéer eller investeringer, der holder Europa tilbage, det er vores egne regler og barrierer. Virksomheder, der gerne vil operere på tværs af grænser, de møder stadigvæk regler, der overlapper og nationale særkrav. Det skaber højere omkostninger, mindre forudsigelighed, og det gør det sværere at skabe vækst og job i Europa. Hvis vi vil styrke Europas konkurrenceevne, så skal vi give virksomhederne det, de har mest brug for, og det er sikkerhed, forudsigelighed og forenkling.
Det betyder færre regler, enklere regler, færre administrative byrder og bedre håndhævelse. Det indre marked er Europas største styrke, hvis vi tør stole på det. Det er fundamentet for vores vækst, vores velstand og for millioner af europæiske arbejdspladser. Og derfor er det afgørende, at vi får det til at fungere bedre i praksis, fjerner unødvendige barrierer og skaber et Europa, som virksomheder kan investere, vokse og konkurrere i på fair og forudsigelige vilkår. Tusind tak for ordet.
Grazie, onorevole Bartulica.
Stephen Nikola Bartulica
Zahvaljujem, kolegice i kolege. Jako puno se govori u zadnje vrijeme o povećanju konkurentnosti u Europi, ali riječi nisu dovoljne, treba djelovati i pogledati stvarnost u oči. Stvarnost je takva da Europa gubi ekonomsku utrku. Najveći talenti sele u Ameriku, a danas najsiromašnija savezna država Mississippi ima isti standard kao jedna Njemačka. Dakle, skuplje plaćamo energiju i ako nastavimo ovim putem i dalje ćemo tonuti u, ja bih rekao, čak siromaštvo.
Što treba učiniti? Treba vratiti zdrav razum i povjerenje u obične ljude. Oni znaju bolje što treba činiti i kako voditi posao od neizabranih činovnika. Dakle, vratimo povjerenje narodu i zdrav razum u europsku politiku, inače ćemo skupo plaćati nastavak ovakvih trendova. Hvala.
Wouter Beke
Dank u wel, mevrouw de voorzitter, meneer de commissaris, collega's. Ik was dertien jaar, dertien jaar toen de Europese Eenheidsakte in 1987 de basis legde voor de voltooiing van de interne markt. Ik groeide op met de ambitieuze doelstellingen van de interne markt objectief 1992, ode aan Jacques Delors. En ja, collega's, sindsdien zijn er veel stappen gezet, maar eigenlijk lijkt de Europese interne markt meer op de kat van Schrödinger. De interne markt is er, maar zodra je kijkt naar sectoren zoals de telecom, defensie, energie, fiscaliteit of digitale diensten, dan is ze er niet meer.
Als we ons uniek Rijnlandmodel betaalbaar willen houden, dan moeten we nochtans dringend meer groei realiseren. En die groei die start bij de interne markt. Het IMF berekende dat de interne barrières binnen Europa onze economie jaarlijks zo'n 1700 miljard kosten. Meer dan de volledige handel tussen Europa en de Verenigde Staten. We hebben hier de voorbije maanden eindeloze discussies en gesprekken gevoerd over Trump, Poetin en Xi Jinping.
Maar dit is iets dat we hen niet kunnen verwijten. Dit is iets wat we zelf kunnen realiseren. Dit is iets waar politieke wil voor nodig is om die binnenmuren te slopen.
We weten wat er moet gebeuren, maar telkens botsen we op die nationale reflexen. Laat ons daarom beginnen, meneer de commissaris, met de Terrible Ten. De titel van dit debat luidde: High time to deliver on the single market. Wel, om het woord te zeggen met de woorden van Paul-Henri Spaak: Il n'est pas encore trop tard, mais il est temps. Dank u wel.
Adnan Dibrani
Tack fru talman och välkommen hit kära kommissionär. 4000 ton gods, det var som passerar Göteborgs hamn varje timme. 20 % utav Sveriges all utrikeshandel. 22 000 personer jobbar där. Det är oerhört viktig hamn.
När vi pratar om den inre marknaden så är det här våran frontlinje. Vi har en hemläxa att göra i EU som handlar om att förbättra de regelverk och underlätta för företag som vill ta steget ut från just våra hamnar. Men man får inte glömma det som är viktigast, det som ser till att marknaden faktiskt fungerar. Och det är jobbet som görs på marken, det som görs i Göteborgs hamn och runt om i hamnar i Europa. 2025 var ett rekordår för e-handel, men också för farliga produkter.
Den svenska tullen stoppade 700 000 varor som inte levde upp till Europas krav. Farliga leksaker, giftämnen i smink och elektronik med brandrisk. Vi behöver skärpa kontrollen, för har vi inte ordning på de varuflöden som kommer in till EU, ja då har vi inte heller den rättvisa spelplan. Då har vi istället risk för att seriösa företag och arbetare slås ut utav oseriösa företag runt om. Ska den inre marknaden fungera, då måste vi ha kontroll.
Därför är tullsamarbetet oerhört viktigt. Tack.
Stanislav Stoyanov
Благодаря, госпожо председател. Единният пазар е едно от най-забележителните постижения на Европейския съюз. Но не по-малко забележително е, че въпреки този огромен пазар Европа губи индустриален капацитет, инвестиции и икономическа тежест, докато икономиките в Азия и Америка растат. Имаме нужда от по-малко идеология и повече прагматизъм, от ясна стратегия за конкурентоспособност, индустрия и иновации. Без силна икономика обричаме европейците на нисък стандарт на живот.
Европейският бизнес има нужда от нещо много просто: сигурност и предвидимост. Вместо това години наред получаваше безкрайни регулации и непрекъснато променящи се правила. Тежестта не е еднаква за всички. Малките предприятия прекарват повече време в попълване на документи, отколкото в производство и инвестиции. Големите корпорации могат да си позволят армии от консултанти.
Европейският капитал трябва да служи на европейската икономика, индустрия и технологии. Време е Европейският съюз отново да постави конкурентоспособността, производството и икономическия растеж в центъра на своята политика. Благодаря.
Ernő Schaller-Baross
Tisztelt Elnök Asszony, tisztelt Biztos Úr! Európa nem a versenyképesség példája, hanem a fokozódó lemaradásé, és ez baj, a közös ügyünk. A magas energiaárak nem egyszerűen nehézséget jelentenek, hanem vállalatokat fojtanak meg Nyugat-Európában és Kelet-Európában egyaránt.
Munkahelyeket sodornak veszélybe, és iparágakat kényszerítenek ki az Európai Unióból. A magas energiaárakkal foglalkoznunk kell. Miközben önök újabb és újabb belső piaci stratégiákat és hangzatos úgynevezett cselekvési terveket mutatnak be, a valóság a gyárakban, a kkv-knál és az ellenőrizetlen digitális térben teljesen más képet mutat a kontinens minden szegletén. Csak Németországban ipari munkahelyek tízezrei szűnnek meg havonta, és Németország volt, és reméljük lesz is Európa gazdasági motorja. Az egy Európa, egy piac koncepciójának ígérete szépnek tűnik papíron, de a vállalkozók és a fogyasztók számára ez ma inkább bürokratikus útvesztő, mint valódi egységes piac.
Nem jogbiztonságot és hatékony fogyasztóvédelmet látunk, hanem több akadályt. Ha nem történik irányváltás, az egy Európa koncepció helyett egy megosztott és globálisan háttérbe szoruló kontinens marad számunkra. Foglalkoznunk kell ezzel a kérdéssel, vissza kell vigyük az ügyet az emberekhez. Köszönöm a szót.
Mr. Szabadi-Bara, there's a blue card from Mr. Sieper, do you accept it?
Colleague, I really admire your care for the small and medium enterprises that you expressed in your speech, and I was wondering, would you agree with me that it's bad for the small and medium enterprises if all the big enterprises are accumulated over years and years in the hands of people who are directly linked to government officials, like we have seen it in Hungary in the past 15 years? Thank you very much.
Ernő Schaller-Baross
Herr Kollege, ich glaube, Sie kommen aus Deutschland, dass ich Sie auf Deutsch ansprechen. Ich hab die letzten Jahre mitverfolgt, wie die deutsche Industrie über den Wirtschaftsstandort Ungarn nachdenkt. In den letzten 15 Jahren war es wirklich wunderbar zu sehen, dass deutsche Investitionen nach Ungarn gekommen sind, Arbeitsplätze geschaffen haben und auch den mittelständischen Sektor einbezogen haben in das deutsche Industriewunder. Und worüber ich geredet habe, war gerade der Punkt, wenn deutsche Industrie und ungarische mittelständische Industrie es schwer haben wegen den Energiepreisen, wegen Entscheidungen, die hier in Brüssel getroffen werden, müssen wir dagegen vorgehen, dass dieses Wirtschaftswunder, das wir nach der Wiedervereinigung Europas gesehen haben, weitergehen kann. Dafür arbeiten wir.
Und Ihre Frage, das kann ich nicht interpretieren. Ich sehe nur den Standpunkt der deutschen Wirtschaft, und sie bedankt sich für den Wirtschaftsstandort Ungarn auch in den letzten 15 Jahren.
Speaker 77
Vielen Dank, da ist noch eine Nachfrage, und ich bitte wirklich beide Seiten, die Zeit einzuhalten.
Lukas Sieper
Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege, dass Sie mir die Ehre erweisen, dass ich mich in meiner Sprache mit Ihnen unterhalten darf. Ich freue mich auch, dass Sie sich sehr um die wirtschaftliche Situation, das Wirtschaftswunder in Deutschland sorgen. In Deutschland das Wirtschaftswunder hat es vor allen Dingen deswegen gegeben, weil es keine Verbindungen zwischen Politik und Wirtschaft gegeben hat. Also ich frage Sie noch mal: Glauben Sie nicht, dass die ungarische Wirtschaft und damit auch die deutsche Wirtschaft, die, wie Sie ja richtig gesagt haben, von der ungarischen Wirtschaft profitiert bzw. mit ihr kollaboriert, besser dastehen würde, wenn es nicht über Jahre und Jahrzehnte nennenswerte Verbindungen zwischen Viktor Orbáns besten Freunden und den Wirtschaftsbossen gegeben hätte?
Ernő Schaller-Baross
Es ist immer wunderbar zu sehen, dass die linke politische Seite hier im Parlament auch nach demokratischen Wahlen in einem Land eine gewählte Regierung angreift, aber ich glaube, das ist in Ihrer DNA. Was ich sehe, ist, dass Ungarn zwischen 2010 und 2024 eines der größten Wirtschaftswunder in seiner Geschichte gesehen hat. Die Leute, das Land, den Leuten geht es besser und dem Land geht es besser wie vor dem Amtsantritt Viktor Orbáns, und wir können stolz darauf sein, egal was für politische Demagogie hier in diesem Raum herrscht. Danke sehr.
Ivars Ijabs
Vielen Dank. Der nächste Sprecher ist Ivars Ijabs.
Paldies priekšsēdētāj, dārgais komisār. Ir skaidrs, ka vienotais tirgus nepārprotami ir lielākais Eiropas Savienības ekonomiskais resurss. Un ja to pareizi lietotu, tad tas būtu tiešām normāls pamats mūsu nākotnes labklājībai, mūsu darbavietām, mūsu sociālajiem modeļiem un arī tai slavenajai konkurētspējai. Bet es gribētu parunāt par vienu citu lietu, proti, par vienoto tirgu aizsardzības materiālos un aizsardzības iepirkumos. Pēdējā laikā mēs zinām, ka kopš Krievijas pilna mēroga agresijas sākuma mēs esam diezgan būtiski kāpinājuši aizsardzības izdevumus.
Tie ir 381 miljards eiro 2025. gadā, investīcijas 130 miljardi eiro. Bet tikai 18 % no tā, kolēģi, mēs iepērkam kopīgi. Un rezultāts ir ārkārtīgi, ārkārtīgi bēdīgs. Mēs jau sen esam apņēmušies, ka to vajag darīt vairāk. Priekš tam strādā Eiropas Savienības programmas kā EDIP un EDIRPA.
Bet joprojām tas ir stāsts par to, ka mēs pērkam ieročus atsevišķi, mēs lietojam atšķirīgas militārās sistēmas, mēs dublējam izdevumus. Un beigu beigās mēs patiešām zaudējam to potenciālu, ko mums varētu nest tas economy of scale, mūsu vienotais tirgus kā Eiropas ekonomikas pamats. Paldies.
Marion Walsmann
Als Nächste spricht die Kollegin Marion Walsmann. Bitteschön.
Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, Herr Kommissar. Wir führen diese Debatte seit Jahren über den Binnenmarkt, über Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, über Europas industrielle Stärke. Es reicht allerdings schon lange nicht mehr, den Binnenmarkt zu feiern. Wir brauchen den Binnenmarkt fit für die Zukunft. Die Keywords sind genannt: Digitalisierung, Harmonisierung, Bürokratieabbau, Wettbewerbsfähigkeit.
Das ist alles richtig, denn jede Woche gehen mehr KMU in ihr Geschäft auf, auch in meiner Region, und damit gehen wertvolle Industriearbeitsplätze verloren. Wir haben übrigens kein Erkenntnisproblem, denn Vision Paper, Analysen und Studien gibt es genug. Wir bedürfen der konsequenten Umsetzung des Letta- und des Draghi-Berichts und Mut seitens der Mitgliedstaaten insbesondere. Wir haben einen Binnenmarkt für Waren, aber 27 nationale Mauern, wenn es zu Energie, Telekommunikation und Kapital kommt. Unsere neuen Unternehmen verhungern finanziell, weil der europäische Kapitalmarkt fragmentiert bleibt.
Dass wir bei den Verhandlungen zur Spar- und Investitionsunion noch immer auf der Stelle treten, ist ein fatales Signal an unsere Wirtschaft. Und auch bei der Vereinfachung der grenzüberschreitenden Dienstleistung und der Harmonisierung technischer Normen kommen wir nur im Schneckentempo voran. Das bremst unsere innovativen Unternehmen, vor allem unsere KMU, jeden Tag aus, während unsere Konkurrenz weiter enteilt. Sorgen wir für echte Verlässlichkeit im Binnenmarkt durch schlanke und praxisnahe europäische Regeln, genauso wie die Bürger und Unternehmen es von uns erwarten. Danke schön.
Vielen Dank. Ich möchte noch mal die Kollegen daran erinnern, weil wir bereits in Zeitverzug sind aufgrund der technischen Probleme, sich bitte an die Redezeit zu halten, weil ansonsten die Abstimmungen deutlich verschoben werden müssten. Und ich denke, das ist nicht im Interesse aller Kollegen. Wir kommen nun zum nächsten Redner, Guillaume Peltier.
Guillaume Peltier
Dis-moi quel est ton bilan, je te dirai qui tu es. J'avais 15 ans lorsque vous, les eurobéats de Maastricht, vous nous avez promis la paix et la prospérité. Vous avez menti et trahi notre jeunesse. Votre Europe, c'est le porte-monnaie qui se vide, l'usine qui se démonte, l'éolienne et la mosquée qui s'installe, le paysan qui se suicide, l'homme blanc qui s'excuse, le chant de nos coqs et les cloches de nos églises qui se taisent, la frontière qui devient passoire, le RSA qui récompense la paresse, le fisc et l'URSSAF qui taxent le courage, votre propagande qui excommunie celui qui ne pense pas comme vous. Sans parler de votre morale climatique à deux balles ou deux degrés en 2070 alors que vous n'êtes même pas capables de prévoir la météo à trois jours.
Votre Europe en 2026, pardon, c'est 13 millions de chômeurs, 64 millions d'immigrés et la mort de 5 millions de fermes agricoles. Socialistes d'Europe, voici donc votre bilan apodictique. Il vous reste quelques jours avant la Pentecôte pour demander pardon à nos peuples et à notre jeunesse.
The next speaker is Nikolaos Eleftherios Nikolaou-Alavanos.
Lefteris Nikolaou-Alavanos
Σήμερα οι εργαζόμενοι από πρώτο χέρι γνωρίζουν ότι η ενιαία καπιταλιστική αγορά και ποιοτικές θέσεις εργασίας είναι πράγματα ασύμβατα. Ως διασφάλιση ασφάλειας και προβλεψιμότητας Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, κυβερνήσεις, μεγαλοεργοδοσία εννοείται ξήλωμα συλλογικών συμβάσεων, εργασιακές σχέσεις λάστιχο, 13ωρα εργασίας σήμερα για τους στόχους της πολεμικής οικονομίας, διευθέτηση χρόνου εργασίας, τετραήμερη 10ωρη και βάλε, αύξηση ορίων συνταξιοδότησης στα 67, στα 69, ακόμη και στα 71 έτη. Όλα για να ενισχύσετε την κερδοφορία των ομίλων μπροστά στους ανταγωνισμούς με τις ΗΠΑ, την Κίνα και μπροστά στη διαφαινόμενη καπιταλιστική κρίση. Η εργατική τάξη πληρώνει με το αίμα της έναν ακήρυχτο πόλεμο, δίνοντας στην Ελλάδα έναν νεκρό κάθε δεύτερη μέρα, τέσσερις νεκρούς σε δύο μέρες, 209 το 2025 και ήδη το 2026 αυτή ματωμένο απολογισμό στους τόπους δουλειάς, όπως στο πισκοτάδικο Βιολάντα στα Τρίκαλα. Οι εργαζόμενοι ξέρουν πια.
Για να κερδίσουν εκείνοι πρέπει να χάσουν τα μονοπώλια, Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και οι κυβερνήσεις τους, με τον οργανωμένο αγώνα τους να παλέψουν για συλλογικές συμβάσεις εργασίας, ικανοποιητικές αυξήσεις μισθών, σύγχρονα μέτρα υγιεινής και ασφάλειας στην εργασία, για πενθήμερο, επτάωρο, 35ωρο.
There are blue cards, one from Mr. João Oliveira and one from Mr. Jaak Madison. Do you accept? But in this case, if we take both, not with a second question, but just the first.
I will accept one.
Mr. Oliveira.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, Presidente, Senhor Deputado Nikolaos Alavanos, falou nas preocupações com os direitos dos trabalhadores e essa, de facto, tem de ser uma questão central. E a pergunta que lhe faço é se não há um pouco de hipocrisia quando se fala sobre empregos de qualidade, mas ao mesmo tempo se dá cobertura política, como neste momento a União Europeia está a dar em vários países, como Portugal, a Grécia ou a Bélgica, a alterações das leis laborais que põem em causa os direitos dos trabalhadores, que põem em causa o emprego, que põem em causa os direitos de quem trabalha. De resto, em Portugal está convocada uma greve geral precisamente para dar resposta a essa política que, sendo uma política nacional, não deixa de ter cobertura da União Europeia.
Sabine Verheyen
Please, Mr. Oliveira, come to your question because you just have 30 seconds for the question.
Lefteris Nikolaou-Alavanos
Όπως έχουμε αποκαλύψει και από αυτό το βήμα και από άλλες περιπτώσεις, η αντεργατική νομοθεσία που έχουν εγκρίνει όλες οι κυβερνήσεις στην Ελλάδα, η σημερινή της Νέας Δημοκρατίας και οι προηγούμενες, έχουν εγκριθεί και έχουν τη βούλα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης, όπως για παράδειγμα το νομοσχέδιο για την 13ωρη εργασία, όπως για παράδειγμα η αλλαγή των σωμάτων επιθεώρησης εργασίας που σχετίζονται με την κλιμάκωση και τη γενίκευση των εργοδοτικών εγκλημάτων ατυχημάτων που είναι αντανάκλαση της ευρωπαϊκής αρχής εργασίας. Άρα λοιπόν όλα αυτά τεκμηριώνουν ότι η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση προϋπολογίζει τη στήριξη των μεγάλων οικονομικών ομίλων σε βάρος της ζωής και των δικαιωμάτων της εργατικής τάξης.
Marc Angel
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Marc Angel.
Madam President, dear Commission Vice-President, colleagues, yes, we want a stronger single market and we want European businesses that innovate and that compete globally. But how do businesses want to be competitive without a healthy, skilled and motivated workforce? So to those who only see the market, I ask, how can we expect workers to give it their all if their wages do not pay the bills and if their jobs makes them sick? As Socialists and Democrats, we support efforts to promote competitiveness and to strengthen the single market, but we will not accept an unbalanced approach. Let's take the 28th regime.
The Commission's proposal regretfully attacks social safeguards and undermines the spirit of the Letta report and totally ignores the report of the European Parliament. And such cherry-picking by the Commission will not lead to greater competitiveness, but to greater inequalities and a loss of trust. Last, colleagues, companies are at their strongest when they invest in human capital. This is why we as Socialists and Democrats are calling for an ambitious Quality Job Act that delivers fair wages, safe workplaces and new enforceable workers' rights. Quality job and competitiveness are two sides of the same coin.
This is our European way. Thank you very much.
Catarina Martins
Obrigada, senhora presidente. O mercado único é uma espécie de linha do horizonte para os liberais. 33 anos depois da sua criação, dizem que afinal ainda não existe. Mas há mercado único e há liberalização, há livre circulação de capitais, de prestação de serviços, comércio livre. O que não há é a prosperidade que prometeram.
Em Portugal, a liberalização das comunicações privatizou e encerrou postos de correios em todo o território e destruiu a maior empresa tecnológica do país, a PT. A energia é controlada pela China e um mês de renda liberalizada custa mais do que todo o salário. A cada liberalização, a cada passo de mercado prometem: a próxima é que é. Sejamos sérios. Porque é que os liberais fazem de conta que não existe mercado interno?
Porque fazem tudo para não reconhecer as suas responsabilidades. O atraso que a Europa acumulou em relação a qualquer outro espaço económico, o desempenho medíocre das nossas economias, a desesperança das jovens gerações, a falência do Estado social é mercado único, é liberalismo e não funciona. Não é melhor para Portugal, não é melhor para a Europa, só é melhor para quem já tem mesmo muito dinheiro.
Luděk Niedermayer
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Luděk Niedermayer.
Thank you very much, Madam Chair. This debate confirms that majority of the House understood that Draghi and Letta was right. The single market is the asset that can assure the stability and prosperity of European Union. I am pleased to see One Europe, One Market proposal from the Commission as the very comprehensive plan how to reach substantial improvement, improvement that we really badly need.
But this is just the plan. In order to make it real we need to attack three areas of the problem at the same time. First of all, unfinished part of the single market. This is what Letta put in his report. I am talking especially about the banking union, capital market union, better and deeper single energy market and so on.
The second fragmentation of the single market caused by gold plating. I guess we should go more for for the regulation instead of directives and remove these obstacles. And the third, and this is very important, are the barriers that are created on the member states level by different national regulations. The first two areas are within our remit and we need good proposals from the Commission, agreement here and support from the Council. The third is entirely up to the up to the capitals.
I believe we can we can deliver and we must deliver. The alternative is clear, this is what Draghi described. This is slow agony and this is what we don't want to bring for the Europeans. Thank you.
Evelyn Regner
Thank you very much, Mr. Niedermayer. The next speaker is Evelyn Regner.
Dankeschön Frau Präsidentin. Immer wieder hören wir Mensch oder Markt, Quality Jobs oder Wettbewerbsfähigkeit. Aber das ist nicht Europas Weg. Wir brauchen einen gut funktionierenden, also einen einzigen, nicht zersplitterten Binnenmarkt für die Menschen. Quality Jobs ermöglichen erst auch eine Quality Economy, ermöglichen erst Wettbewerbsfähigkeit.
Und deshalb stellen wir den Menschen in den Mittelpunkt unseres europäischen Wirtschaftsmodells, nicht den billigsten Lohn und nicht den schnellsten Profit, sondern den Menschen. Denn innovative Unternehmen, die entstehen dort, wo Beschäftigte gerne arbeiten, wo sie gute Bedingungen vorfinden, wo sie Wertschätzung erfahren. Das ermöglicht erst Kreativität für Menschen, um sich entsprechend einbringen zu können und Unternehmen zur Wettbewerbsfähigkeit auch zu verhelfen. Und deshalb lehnen wir die falsche Wahl immer wieder zwischen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit auf der einen Seite und Sozialstandards entschieden ab, denn Europas Stärke war nie ein Wettlauf nach unten, sondern ein Weg nach oben: bessere Qualifikation, Innovation und soziale Sicherheit.
Vladimir Prebilič
The next speaker is Vladimir Prebilič.
Spoštovani kolegice in kolegi, danes bom govoril o zaupanju. Tega ima Evropska unija namreč vsako leto manj. Zakaj? Odgovor je preprost: obljub, ki jih daje, ne drži in ne naredi tistega, kar je potrebno za državljanke in državljane. Enotni trg je tak primer.
Kljub letom obljub se evropska podjetja dnevno srečujejo s sedemindvajsetimi različnimi zakonodajami, neskončno birokracijo in zamudami, zamudami, ki ustavljajo investicije. Medtem ko Evropa obljublja, Azija pospešuje, Združene države pa agresivno investirajo. Podjetja ne pričakujejo favoriziranja, pričakujejo pa predvidljivost, stabilnost in možnost poslovanja po vsej Evropi. Zato predlagam eno rešitev: takojšnjo vzpostavitev digitalnega sistema za mala in srednja podjetja na ravni Evropske unije, ki vodijo v enotna pravila, en portal za poročanje in medsebojno priznavanje v vseh državah članicah. Spoštovani, zaupanje lahko povrnemo Evropski uniji samo z realizacijo in ne besedami.
Prišel je ta čas. Hvala lepa.
Jaak Madison
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Jaak Madison.
Thanks so much, dear colleagues, dear commissioners. First of all, I think like when we are talking about single market and the differences, we have to understand that the only solution for the left side then is to have the same rules, same regulations. But just for example, I couldn't just imagine that we're going to have a compromise for the labor market with the same rules for Spanish far-left governments and with the normal governments, because this will mean that we're going to over-regulate in 27 member states just to harmonize. And I will not probably see ever a national governments who are elected by the people from the member states that they will agree with that. That will never happen.
So we have differences, but differences is a one start for the competition and competition is a good globally. But when we're talking about just the market situation for the EU, the real problem actually, what was also mentioned here, is our capacity globally against China and the US also. But what do we have for example industrial companies? They have to consider on the same time emissions and environmental permits, occupational safety requirements, product certifications, chemical and material requirements, energy and climate rules, all of that. And then we are talking about like how to over-regulate.
No, we have to go back to the history to have a normal market again where we started. Thanks so much.
Angelika Niebler
Thank you. The next speaker is Angelika Niebler.
Vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin, Herr Vizepräsident der Kommission, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen. Der europäische Binnenmarkt ist unsere wirtschaftlich unsere Lebensversicherung. 447 Millionen Verbraucherinnen und Verbraucher, 23 Millionen Unternehmen, der EU-Binnenmarkt steht für 18 % des weltweiten Bruttoinlandsprodukts und generiert ein BIP von rund 14,5 Billionen Euro. Wir müssen daher alles unternehmen, damit unser Binnenmarkt wiederbelebt wird. Und ich denke, da liegen sehr, sehr viel gute Vorschläge auf dem Tisch, zum Beispiel eine EU Incorporation zu gründen, also eine neue europäische Rechtsform, um vor allen Dingen Start-ups und kleinen mittelständischen Unternehmen es zu erleichtern, die Potenziale des europäischen Binnenmarktes, gerade wenn sie größer werden und den Markt erschließen wollen, hier zu bedienen.
Wir haben den Vorschlag für das European Business Wallet auf dem Tisch, also dieses Interface, über das sich Unternehmen künftig europaweit rechtssicher auch im Wirtschaftsraum bewegen können. Ich finde, das ist ein guter Vorschlag. Und das Dritte, was natürlich wichtig in meinen Augen ist, ist einfach Bürokratie abzubauen, abzubauen, abzubauen. Ich bin ein großer Freund von Moratorien, von Stop the Clock, dass wir es einfach auch unseren Unternehmen leichter machen und nicht sie in die Lage versetzen, da durch diesen Dschungel an vielen einzelnen bürokratischen Auflagen hier sich durchzuarbeiten. Ich hoffe, dass es uns gelingt, diesen Binnenmarkt wieder zu reaktivieren.
Davon leben wir, das generiert Wohlstand und das schafft Arbeitsplätze bei uns in der Europäischen Union. Dankeschön.
Costas Mavrides
Vielen Dank. Als nächster Redner ist Costas Mavrides auf unserer Liste.
A single market accessible for people and businesses is essential for becoming an autonomous and competitive EU. In this process, public services are the backbone of Europe's social market economy. Access to affordable, high-quality essential goods and services, such as housing, energy, water, health, for everyone and in every EU region is non-negotiable. Today, with the geopolitical tensions in the Middle East driving up energy prices, EU must act swiftly to protect consumers and businesses from bearing the cost of this instability.
A competitive Europe must also guarantee access to affordable housing for all. Housing is a fundamental right and the foundation of family security. We need to preserve it to preserve our demography. Local and regional authorities play a primary role in addressing housing and mobilize the funding needed to increase supply. They need our tools and they know the solutions.
Finally, a stronger European economy needs the completion of the Banking Union. Since my first mandate, I have called for the implementation of the third pillar with the European Deposit Insurance Scheme.
Rudi Kennes
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Rudy Kennes.
Ja, voorzitter, commissaris, mevrouw von der Leyen zegt dat de bedrijven behoefte hebben aan voorspelbaarheid en duidelijkheid. Ja, natuurlijk. Maar weet u wie daar nog veel meer behoefte aan heeft? Dat zijn de werknemers. Die miljoenen werknemers die dachten dat ze training en goedbetaalde jobs zouden krijgen van de bedrijven die onder het mom van de groene transitie miljoenen in subsidies hebben gekregen.
Maar niks daarvan. Deze bedrijven namen het geld aan, staken het in de pockets van de CEO's en de aandeelhouders, ze sloten fabrieken en verplaatsten hun productie naar lagelonenlanden met zwakkere bescherming. En de paar bedrijven die zich daadwerkelijk hadden voorbereid op de nieuwe regels over ontbossing, ketenaansprakelijkheid, uitstootvermindering en dergelijke, zien nu al die regels geschrapt. Dus in plaats van bedrijven te steunen die zich aan de regels houden, gaan we nu bedrijven belonen die geen regels willen. En wat ze doet is de regulering onder het mom van concurrentievermogen.
Als ze denkt dat bedrijven uit eigen beweging betere voorwaarden creëren en lonen zullen verhogen, dan is ze goed mis. Deregulering is van alle tijden en dus ook hier zullen de vakbonden zich met alle macht tegen verzetten en ik zal hen steunen. Dank u wel.
The next speaker is Regina Doherty.
Regina Doherty
Thank you, Chair. Commissioner, the 28th regime might sound like the name of a horror movie, but I think it's one of the most important things the Commission has done in an awful long time. We say the single market is one of Europe's biggest success stories, but for so many of our smaller businesses, it's something that still seems hypothetical, something they hear about but actually never get to experience. And I think we all know, and we've heard this morning, what the challenges are: bureaucracy, costs, and plenty of red tape. And so our job is to clear the barriers and make that single market a reality for as many small businesses as we can.
And that's why the idea of a framework of a truly European company, an EU Inc., is so really, really important. The ambition is welcome: 48 hours to establish an EU company with a maximum cost of only 100 euros and no minimum share capital required. But I think it's crucially company information will only need to be submitted once, that's really, really important. So we've seen previous efforts have failed because we didn't grasp what businesses really, really needed, which was simplicity and flexibility. And now we must make sure that as we legislate, we don't lose the ambition that we've seen in the last number of months.
So I say to the skeptics: helping our small businesses is really good for employees. It's good for communities, it's good for living standards, and I think it's really, really important that it's good for opportunities for our young people and we need to acknowledge that. So to oppose that is the very essence of standing up against these opportunities. So I'm really asking you to get on board. The 28th regime will only succeed if it brings together the best in class to make Europe as a whole a great place to establish a business.
Gracias, presidenta, señorías. Hoy debatimos en este hemiciclo sobre certidumbre en el mercado único para las empresas europeas. Bien, hablemos de certidumbre. La certidumbre de que solo cuatro de las cincuenta mayores empresas tecnológicas del mundo son europeas.
Mireia Borrás Pabón
La certidumbre de que la renta real por persona ha crecido casi el doble en Estados Unidos que en Europa desde el año 2000. Y la certidumbre de que el 72% de esta brecha se explica por una sola palabra: productividad. ¿Y qué lleva 20 años destruyendo la productividad y competitividad europea? Adivinen: burocracia, regulación, intervencionismo, costes ideológicos de su pacto verde, es decir, Bruselas. Y la realidad es que mientras en Estados Unidos se aprueban 3.500 leyes en cinco años, aquí en Europa aprobamos 13.000.
Y es que más del 60% de las empresas europeas señala ya la hiperregulación como una barrera directa de entrada para invertir. ¿Y cuál es la respuesta de esta cámara frente a esta situación tan nefasta? Más Bruselas, más regulación, porque a través de su plan "Una Europa, un mercado", lo que reclaman es lo mismo de siempre: más centralización y más control, es decir, más de lo mismo que nos ha traído hasta aquí. Señorías, que llevan 20 años aplicando la misma medicina equivocada. Los trabajadores y las empresas europeas no necesitan una comisión que les diga cómo contratar, cómo invertir, cómo producir o cómo competir.
Lo que necesitan es seguridad jurídica, energía asequible, menos cargas administrativas y libertad, libertad para innovar. Lo único que necesitan las empresas de Bruselas es una cosa: que se les quite de una vez el pie del cuello.
Paulo Cunha
Presidente, senhor vice-presidente da Comissão, colegas. O mercado único é uma das maiores e mais importantes promessas do projeto europeu. Ao garantir a livre circulação de pessoas, de bens, serviços e capitais, criou oportunidades sem precedentes para empresas e cidadãos, reforçando a competitividade e a coesão do nosso projeto europeu. Mas a promessa deve tornar-se conquista em definitivo. A fragmentação regulatória, a complexidade administrativa e custos de contexto limitam o potencial deste mercado e impedem a concretização deste projeto.
Neste contexto, surgiu o chamado 28º regime. Esta proposta representa uma abordagem inovadora, um quadro jurídico uniforme à escala europeia que coexiste com os sistemas nacionais. O objetivo é claro: simplificar, harmonizar e facilitar a atividade transfronteiriça, especialmente para startups, PMEs e setores inovadores. Se bem implementado, o 28º regime pode tornar-se um verdadeiro catalisador do mercado único, reduzindo a fragmentação e promovendo um ambiente mais previsível e competitivo. O futuro do mercado único exige ambição, pragmatismo, inovação regulatória e legislativa.
O 28º regime é uma oportunidade que não devíamos desperdiçar. Não cumprir o mercado único será não cumprir a Europa. Muito obrigado.
Ondřej Krutílek
Vážená paní předsedající, vážený pane komisaři, přiznejme si to, řekněme si to úplně naplacato. S projektem jednotného trhu máme brutální zpoždění. Na konci letošního roku to bude 34 let. Na jednotném trhu musíme začít konečně pracovat a přestat mluvit. Komise si musí vyhrnout rukávy a začít systematicky odbourávat umělé překážky a samozřejmě bránit i tomu, aby nevznikaly žádné nové.
A ano, nebude to snadné, jasně že to bude trvat, a právě proto beru zavděk jakoukoli variantou, která se ne, která napomáhá tomu, abychom tyhle ty překážky byli schopni obcházet. Ano, rozumíte mi správně, podporuju 28. režim, protože si myslím, že projekt EU Inc má možnost v tuhle chvíli, je to maximum možného a má možnost přinést, přinést pozitiva jak pro naše startupy a inovativní firmy, tak pro byznys obecně.
A teď je jenom na nás, abychom to nepokazili a abychom pod ten vánoční stromeček tak mocně nekladli dárky, až se nám všechny děti mezi tím rozutečou.
Jussi Saramo
Sisämarkkinoiden turhat esteet kannattaa tietysti poistaa. Mutta johtavaan asemaan nousseen oikeiston linja keskittyminen sääntelyn vähentämiseen on ollut parhaimmillaankin puuhastelua. Pahimmillaan nyt tuhotaan se ainoa asia, jossa Eurooppa on vetovoimainen: ihmisten hyvinvointi ja elämisen laatu. Sen pitäisi olla meidän päätavoitteemme ja kaikki muu sille alisteista. Euroopan kilpailukyky mitataan suhteessa muuhun maailmaan.
Kiina on sisäisesti armoton markkinatalous, jossa työntekijöillä tai vähemmistöillä ei ole oikeuksia. Valtion valvonta ulottuu kaikkialle. Ulkoisesti Kiina toimii suunnitelmallisesti ja ottaa yhden teollisuuden sektorin kerrallaan haltuunsa. Se on saanut meidät jo ansaan maamineraaleilla ja teollisuuden arvoketjuilla. Yhdysvallat ajaa sekin yhä aggressiivisemmin omaa etuaan tai ainakin maata johtavien miljardöörien etua.
Yhdysvaltojen demokratia ei koskaan ollut kehuttava, mutta nyt säännöt ja demokratia on siirretty kokonaan varastoon. Presidentin rahoittajat rakentavat digimonopoleja, joiden lonkerot ulottuvat kaikkialle. Hyvät kollegat, sisämarkkinaa ei voi rakentaa irti globaalista todellisuudesta.
Nikos Papandreou
Thank you, Chair, Vice-President. I think sometimes we need to restate the obvious and to take a look from the outside. What is the European Union? In fact, it's a very strange animal. Empires until now were built through force.
Historically, it's the first time, maybe someone can correct me, where countries join of their own will to, let's say, a certain empire in quotes. How do they do that? They have to give up their sovereignty. That's never happened before. To join the club, you have to do something.
You have to give up for what? For prosperity, for collective bargaining mentioned by the left, for the benefits that you get with all its attendant problems. However, it seems to me that once they join the club, they're like professors with tenure. They stop publishing. We need to continue the energy of membership so that we break down the national interests as was mentioned earlier.
The problem will not be solved to the single market only by Brussels. Only if the countries themselves take the responsibility for the difficult giving up of sovereignty, breaking national interests, the banking system, worker regulations that are never followed, will we have a true single market. Thank you.
Elisabeth Dieringer
Der Binnenmarkt ist einer der wenigen Bereiche, in denen die Europäische Union tatsächlich praktischen Nutzen für Unternehmen und Bürger stiften kann. Umso frustrierender ist es, wenn ausgerechnet hier die Kommission versagt. Der Europäische Rechnungshof bestätigt zu wenig strategischen Ehrgeiz und eine unzureichende Durchsetzung bestehender Regeln. Dienstleistungen machen rund 70 Prozent unserer europäischen Wirtschaftsleistung aus, aber nur 20 Prozent werden grenzüberschreitend in andere Mitgliedstaaten erbracht.
Von einem funktionierenden Binnenmarkt kann man hier ganz klar nicht sprechen. Auch wenn die Hindernisse seit über 20 Jahren bekannt sind, wurden sie bis heute nicht beseitigt. Stattdessen bekommen unsere Unternehmen jetzt eine neue Binnenmarktstrategie, die nicht mehr als eine schlechte PR-Show ist, um den Bürgern an der Nase herumzuführen. Dazu einen Industrial Accelerator Act, der die Wirtschaft nach Schätzungen der zyprischen Ratspräsidentschaft jährlich über 6 Milliarden Euro kosten soll. Dass die Kommission dabei von Bürokratieabbau spricht, ist eine Frechheit und ein Anschlag auf den Standort Europa.
Wenn die Kommission es ernst meint, dann muss sie aufhören, Probleme zu verwalten und beginnen, sie zu lösen. Momentan sind die Lösungen der Kommission schlicht neue Probleme für europäische Unternehmen. So hat uns zum Beispiel eine österreichische Firma von 18 Monaten Vorbereitungszeit allein für den Digital Services Act berichtet. Diese Ressourcen, die dafür Bürokratie daraufgehen, fehlen dann für die wirklich produktiven Geschäftsbereiche, für Innovation, für Wertschöpfung. Was wir brauchen, ist eine echte Subsidiaritätsoffensive und Konzentration auf das, was funktioniert, weniger Schönwetterrhetorik.
Vielen Dank, wir haben zwar eine Blue Card, Herr Sieper, aber wir sind schon so weit aus der Zeit raus. Ich hoffe, Sie haben Verständnis, Sie waren ja auch schon zweimal mit Zwischenfragen dran. Vielen Dank. Dann kommen wir zur nächsten Redner, Elena Donazzan.
Elena Donazzan
Per avere aziende forti e lavoro di qualità abbiamo bisogno di un'industria manifatturiera tutta completa. E la prevedibilità delle regole è la condizione minima affinché le nostre imprese possano investire, possano crescere, possano restare in Europa. E invece troppo spesso abbiamo fatto l'opposto, una sovraregolamentazione eccessiva, spesso sbagliata, che oggi cerchiamo di correggere. Da un lato semplifichiamo con gli Omnibus e questa è una cosa positiva, ma dall'altro introduciamo norme che mettono in crisi interi settori. Ne citerò alcuni: l'automotive, l'automotive e le scelte sbagliate di solo elettrico.
Ora forse correggiamo la rotta, ma è un po' tardi, abbiamo già perso, come ha detto lei presidente commissario Séjourné in commissione ITRE, 200.000 posti di lavoro dal solo inizio del mandato. L'energia, l'energia è evidentemente strategica, ma chi arricchisce il Green Deal? Sostanzialmente la Cina. Tutti i wafer che servono per il fotovoltaico sono per il 95 % prodotti in Cina e così le pompe di calore per le nostre case, 96 % prodotti in Cina. E gli ETS sono una tassa che paghiamo solo noi per finire con l'acciaio, caro commissario, su cui lei sa va protetta tutta la filiera.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you. The next speaker is Christel Schaldemose.
Thank you very much. Kære kollegaer, det indre marked er Europas motor og hjerte. Det skaber arbejdspladser, vækst og muligheder på tværs af vores lande. Men grænsen til det indre marked for produkter har i årevis stået åben på vid gab. Sidste år kom der næsten 5 milliarder små pakker ind i EU, og tallet er stigende.
Og alt for mange af dem lever ikke op til vores regler og standarder. Pakkerne sendes direkte til de europæiske forbrugere gennem platforme som Amazon, Shein, Temu og Alibaba. Ingen national eller europæisk myndighed har nogen chance for at følge med. Pakkerne skader både vores forbrugere, vores miljø og vores virksomheders konkurrenceevne. Jeg forstår ikke, at vi tillader det.
Ethvert marked bør have en grænse, det siger sig selv, og vi er nødt til at udruste vores. For hvis vi vil beskytte det indre marked, så skal vi også beskytte Europas grænser for varer. Derfor skal European Product Act og toldreformen lukke bagdøren til det indre marked en gang for alle. Lad os skynde os, det haster. Tak.
Zahvaljujem, kolegice i kolege, mnogi od vas već su govorili o ozbiljnim preprekama s kojima se suočava naše jedinstveno tržište.
Gordan Bosanac
I znamo da nećemo napraviti pomak dok ne bude dobre volje država članica da idemo u tom smjeru. Ali ja bih danas htio govoriti o onome što možemo već sada učiniti. Kako se boriti protiv inflacije koja uistinu ubija pojedine građane u pojedinim državama članicama? Vidimo dva ključna krivca te inflacije. Prvi su pohlepni međunarodni trgovački lanci, banke i telekomi koji državama poput moje Hrvatske, tržištima slabije kupovne moći, naplaćuju veće cijene nego drugim zemljama.
Kako je moguće da jedan proizvod u jednom dijelu EU bude duplo skuplji nego u drugom dijelu EU? A drugi su promašeno trošenje EU fondova koje smo davali kroz program oporavka i otpornosti, gdje su se gradili privatni hoteli, privatne poliklinike, obnavljali bazeni, umjesto da se ulagalo u osnaživanje tržišta, kupovne moći građana i antiinflatorne mjere. Zato hajmo vidjeti kako možemo na ovim konkretnim primjerima već sada uspostaviti bolju otpornost prema inflaciji. Hvala.
Salvatore De Meo
Grazie, Presidente. Il mercato unico non è solo uno spazio economico comune, ma uno strumento geopolitico con cui trasformare la forza economica dell'Unione europea in potere di influenza globale. E il dibattito di oggi conferma che completare il mercato interno è urgente per rafforzare la nostra competitività e la nostra autonomia strategica. Purtroppo la frammentazione normativa e la burocrazia frenano investimenti e mobilità dei lavoratori, che vanno invece trattenuti con il riconoscimento delle qualifiche professionali, perché attrarre competenze è decisivo per innovare e crescere. In un contesto globale sempre più competitivo, le nostre aziende chiedono regole chiare e stabili e non ventisette burocrazie.
Per questo attendiamo e apprezziamo l'introduzione del ventottesimo regime perché, unitamente all'Unione dei mercati dei capitali, permetterà alle imprese di crescere e di competere globalmente. Infine, il completamento e la regolamentazione del mercato unico richiedono competenze trasversali, ma auspico che la commissione IMCO venga sempre coinvolta in ogni fascicolo al fine di garantire la coerenza legislativa con l'importante lavoro finora svolto.
Branislav Ondruš
Kolegyne a kolegovia, ak si jednotný trh v Európskej únii vyžaduje rovnaké postavenie všetkých európskych firiem v každom členskom štáte, tak to isté požadujem aj pre zamestnancov. Odbory v bankovom sektore na Slovensku čelia ignorácii a odmietaniu zo strany bankovej asociácie, ktorá odmieta viesť odvetvové kolektívne vyjednávanie. Die Erste a Raiffeisen v Rakúsku, Intesa a UniCredit v Taliansku či KBC v Belgicku si nedovolia ani len tajne pomyslieť na to, že odmietnu vyjednávanie o kolektívnych zmluvách, nedovolia si návrhy kolektívnych zmlúv zahodiť do koša bez akejkoľvek reakcie, ale ich dcérske banky na Slovensku to robia už niekoľko rokov. Ignorujú náš odborový zväz a niektoré dokonca bránia založeniu odborov, jednoducho robia zo slovenských zamestnancov pracujúcich druhej kategórie, ponižujú ich spôsobom, aký by bol v Rakúsku, Taliansku či v Belgicku nevídaný. Preto, ak hovoríte o posilnení jednotného európskeho trhu, požadujem rovnaké práva a rovnaké postavenie aj pre zamestnancov a nielen pre korporácie.
Nikolina Brnjac
Poštovana predsjedavajuća, dakle jedinstveno tržište jedno od najvećih postignuća Europske unije. Ali danas moramo biti iskreni, Europa još uvijek ne koristi njegov puni potencijal. Dok naši globalni konkurenti ubrzano ulažu u industriju, tehnologiju i inovacije, europska poduzeća se i dalje suočavaju s fragmentiranim pravilima, ali i sporim procedurama. Ako želimo konkurentnu Europu, moramo poduzećima pružiti ono što danas se najviše traži: sigurnost, predvidljivost i stabilan investicijski okvir. Snažno i funkcionalno jedinstveno tržište nije samo gospodarski projekt, ono je ključ europske otpornosti, strateške autonomije i dugoročnog prosperiteta naših građana.
Hvala.
Romana Jerković
Hvala predsjedavajuća. Jedinstveno tržište neće biti uspješno ako se gradi samo za velike kompanije i njihov profit. Europski socijalni model nije prepreka konkurentnosti. Upravo su socijalna sigurnost i zaštita radnika ono što Europu čini snažnom. Kvalitetna radna mjesta, sigurni uvjeti rada, poštene plaće i snažan socijalni dijalog temelj su stabilnog gospodarstva i dugoročnog rasta.
Da, potrebno je smanjiti administrativno opterećenje, ali ne na štetu radnika. Od Europske komisije očekujemo ambiciozan Quality Jobs Act koji će osigurati pravo na isključenje, zaštitu od zlouporabe umjetne inteligencije na radnom mjestu i veću sigurnost radnika u lancima podugovaranja. Kao što je Letta istaknuo u svome izvješću, jedinstveno tržište mora ljudima omogućiti kvalitetan život tamo gdje žive, a ne ih prisiljavati na odlazak zbog nedostatka prilika i osnovnih uvjeta za život. Hvala.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Bardzo jednolity rynek Unii Europejskiej niewątpliwie jest wielką szansą dla 450 milionów obywateli, ale też wielkim wyzwaniem, bo dzisiaj instytucje Unii Europejskiej bardzo często wprowadzają wiele regulacji, które duszą konkurencyjność Unii Europejskiej. Dlatego też tak ważne jest, ażeby te regulacje, które wprowadzają instytucje unijne, ażeby były ograniczone. Ważna jest wolność gospodarcza. Ważna jest konkurencyjność. Przykładem sukcesu oczywiście jest polska gospodarka, gdzie 75% przedsiębiorców korzysta z wolnego rynku Unii Europejskiej, ale też coraz częściej przedsiębiorcy mówią i skarżą się na duszącą biurokrację, na te ograniczenia, które uniemożliwiają im dalszy rozwój.
Dlaczego tak ważne jest powrót do korzeni, powrót do wartości, wolny rynek i umożliwienie, ażeby przedsiębiorcy Unii Europejskiej mieli równe szanse konkurowania z przedsiębiorcami z innych części świata. W przeciwnym przypadku Unia Europejska przegra z globalnymi konkurentami, którzy nie mają tak wielkich ograniczeń, jakie mają przedsiębiorcy unijni. Dziękuję bardzo.
Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez
Gracias, presidenta, comisario. Yo hoy voy a compartir aquí una pregunta que yo creo que ya conoce de antemano y es para cuándo ese listado de barreras al mercado único por Estado que debemos eliminar para que, bueno, sea algo sencillo, sea algo entendible y para que eurodiputados y eurodiputadas podamos volver a nuestra casa y apretar para que las eliminen. Necesitamos estabilidad y predictibilidad y dada la incertidumbre externa que tenemos, el mercado único es nuestro mayor potencial: mercado único energético, unificación del mercado de las telecomunicaciones, fiscalidad, proteger y dar oportunidades a nuestras industrias, a nuestra cultura, animar a nuestra gente y resolver problemas de la ciudadanía como el acceso a la vivienda. Creemos que es hora de poner nombre y apellidos a las cosas, identificarlas, marcarlas para abordarlas. No podemos seguir hablando en genérico y lo que creemos es que de lo que ya conocemos y de las barreras existentes y claramente identificadas, pues tenemos que darles solución con ambición y con diligencia.
Las inconsistencias internas nos hacen débiles, por lo tanto, cambiemos la forma en la que tomemos las decisiones y abordémoslas ya.
Eskerrik asko.
Thank you. The next speaker is Mr. Braun.
Grzegorz Braun
Thank you, Chair. What is socialism? It's fighting obstacles and mischiefs that would never occur in regular, normal, civilized life. Same with Euro-socialism, same with Euro-kolkhoz: over-taxation, over-regulation, bureaucracy and those Talmudic values that Reichsführerin von der Leyen attributes to the European Union project. So whenever she speaks, it reminds me of the Soviet era that I remember so well, but it seems to be some slapstick remake of that tragedy.
Speaker 129
Sorry. Sorry, we have to respect the rules in this house, sorry. The next speaker on our list is Seán Kelly.
Seán Kelly
Go raibh maith agat, a Uachtaráin. High time to deliver on the single market. The words "high time" suggests an urgency and a frustration which is understandable. I remember saying to Ursula von der Leyen over two years ago at an EPP meeting that since I came here in 2009, all I was hearing was "we need to complete the single market, we need to complete the single market, we need to complete the single market". And I said to her I was looking forward to the day when somebody from the Commission would say "we have completed the single market".
We know what the obstacles are. We must tackle those obstacles and remove them. They've been identified by members of the House all morning, but we must do and take on the words of the trademark of Nike: "just do it". Just do it, and then we'll be able to say we have completed the single market. Time for action, no more talking.
Go raibh maith agat, a Uachtaráin.
Maria Grapini
Stimați colegi, vorbim de 30 de ani despre piața unică. Vom avea o piață unică când vom înțelege, domnule comisar, că piața unică înseamnă oameni. Iată și astăzi, președinta Comisiei pune dimensiunea socială pe ultimul punct. Fără oameni care să aibă nivel de viață, să poată să-și întrețină familiile, nu vom putea să avem competitivitate. Nu mai puneți contra competitivitatea cu drepturile sociale.
Atunci vom avea. N-am auzit o vorbă despre IMM-uri, n-am auzit o vorbă despre cum să eliminăm evaziunea fiscală, cum să aducem bani la buget. Cum putem să avem o piață unică, domnule comisar, când oamenii din țara mea, din alte state, n-au locuri de muncă, sunt copii în sărăcie? Foarte bine că vrem să avem competitivitate, foarte bine că vrem să avem industrie, dar trebuie să punem dimensiunea socială pe primul loc. Fără oameni nu putem să avem productivitate.
Fără oameni sănătoși și bine pregătiți profesional nu putem să avem productivitate și competitivitate. Așadar, puneți dimensiunea socială, puneți oamenii în centrul pieței unice și vom avea într-adevăr o piață unică.
Speaker 127
Thank you. The next speaker and the last speaker in the catch-the-eye, and I really beg the colleagues to be a bit more quiet so that we can complete the debate in respect to each other, is Sandro Gozi.
Sandro Gozi
Merci. Trop d'obstacles et pas assez d'argent, Messieurs les Commissaires. C'est ça le problème du marché unique. Trop d'obstacles, la cause profonde c'est le protectionnisme, la persistance de 27 barrières nationales dans des secteurs stratégiques, l'énergie, les services, les télécoms, les capitaux. Utilisez votre pouvoir.
Vous avez, vous pouvez obliger les États membres à démanteler ces barrières, utilisez les pouvoirs avec les procédures d'infraction. Et après il y a l'argent. Notre marché de capitaux sont fragmentés. Le capital-risque reste sous-développé. Trop de start-up européennes doivent aller en Californie pour changer d'échelle.
Notre réponse doit être une union des marchés de capitaux, des eurobonds et des nouvelles ressources. Plus d'excuses, plus de retard, plus de temps à perdre. Merci.
Stéphane Séjourné
Merci Madame la Présidente, Mesdames et Messieurs les députés, au terme de ce débat important au nom de la Commission européenne, je salue donc le soutien pour le renforcement au marché intérieur. Oui, il est grand temps qu'on concrétise en offrant également à nos entreprises des économies d'échelle en assurant des emplois de qualité pour les Européens. Et le message que je retiens, c'est que nous ne pouvons pas dans ce contexte... Madame la Présidente, c'est, c'est compliqué. Je disais donc que le message important à retenir, c'est que nous ne pouvons pas terminer ce mandat avec plus de barrières comme tous les autres mandats depuis un certain nombre d'années. Donnons-nous au moins cet objectif.
Le 25 mai dernier, il y a un an, nous avons donc proposé une stratégie ciblant dix barrières importantes aux échanges entre nous, dix barrières réglementaires qui ont un impact sur l'économie européenne. Nous travaillons avec vous, avec les États membres, avec leurs représentants pour faire tomber ces obstacles. Mais je le dis ici devant également les députés, 70 % du travail est également au niveau national, au niveau des réglementations et des législations nationales. Nous avons publié le 28e régime, nous avons publié un cadre juridique également européen opérationnel pour permettre aux entreprises d'opérer dans toute l'Europe, non seulement avec les mêmes règles, mais également avec un superviseur unique, la construction et les fondations également d'une union du marché des capitaux. Nous avons aussi publié des propositions sur l'union des marchés capitaux, sur les réseaux de télécoms, sur la modernisation de nos infrastructures énergétiques.
Enfin, la Commission et le Conseil, le Parlement avec vous, ont pris des engagements et une feuille de route très claire sur ce sujet-là. Alors nous devons être à la hauteur, nous devons délivrer. L'urgence est là et vous l'avez tous souligné ce matin, nos concurrents n'attendent pas. Avec 450 millions de consommateurs, notre potentiel est immense, mais il est souvent inexploité.
Nous devons gagner des points de croissance avec le marché intérieur. Le rapport Draghi et Letta nous l'ont dit avec clarté, la fragmentation nous coûte des points de croissance dans l'économie européenne, des emplois, mais également notre souveraineté. Et chaque barrière non enlevée, ce sont des entreprises européennes en moins, ce sont des capacités, y compris de compétitivité dans le monde, qui nous font défaut. Vous l'avez compris, la présidente von der Leyen l'a rappelé également ce matin, notre action est très claire. D'abord accélérer, et je compte sur vous sur les propositions qui sont en cours pour aller vite sur les télécoms, sur l'énergie, sur les marchés des services financiers et le marché des capitaux, sur également la e-déclaration qui est aujourd'hui en discussion.
Et vous pouvez compter sur moi sur les propositions que nous devons encore délivrer à la Commission. Je pense notamment à la commande publique ou à l'économie circulaire qui vont arriver dans les prochaines semaines. L'objectif premier est de libérer toute la puissance du marché intérieur, ensuite de l'appliquer, puisqu'il s'agit également de l'appliquer de manière égale État membre par État membre, et puis de simplifier nos procédures. Je m'y étais engagé également lors de mon audition, le marché intérieur c'est également une question d'harmonisation. One in 27 out, c'est probablement sur ce sujet que nous devons travailler et nous devons construire les réglementations de demain.
Je crois que nous sommes à un moment charnière avec des crises successives, sanitaires, énergétiques, géopolitiques. Et donc vous l'avez compris, nous ne pouvons plus nous permettre de la lenteur sur ce sujet-là. Alors oui, il est grand temps d'agir, il est grand temps surtout de délivrer au niveau des colégislateurs comme au niveau de la Commission. C'est une responsabilité partagée pour nos entreprises, pour nos travailleurs, pour l'avenir du modèle européen. La Commission en tout cas est prête aux côtés des colégislateurs.
Je vous remercie, Madame la Présidente.
Speaker 134
So thank you very much and also thank you to the colleagues who stayed quiet during that speech. Now I close this debate and we will interrupt this meeting for a few seconds to come to the votes. Thank you very much. Dear colleagues, before we proceed to the vote, I would like to welcome His Excellency Speaker Ghobash and all the members of the delegation from the Federal National Council of the United Arab Emirates.
Roberta Metsola
They are with us here today in the diplomatic gallery. Thank you for being here. We know the attacks your country is facing and I would like to use this opportunity to express the European Parliament's solidarity. Thank you. Now I have a point of order from Mr. Buxadé.
Jorge Buxadé Villalba
Gracias, presidente. De acuerdo con los artículos 38, 173 y 207 del Reglamento. Ayer la menguante mayoría de este Parlamento perpetró un fraude para convertir esta Cámara en un salón de actos donde entregar a Angela Merkel, uno de los grandes responsables de la debilidad actual de Europa, una orden al mérito que se han sacado de la manga. Suspendieron la sesión incumpliendo el Reglamento sin someterlo a votación del Pleno. Hicieron un acto político con el Pleno medio vacío.
Y para que no se notase, empezaron a llenar con figurantes y a ocupar los asientos de nuestros grupos políticos. Las decenas de diputados que ayer no estuvimos aquí lo hicimos porque queríamos poner de manifiesto nuestro rechazo, porque esa era la expresión de la voluntad popular, porque es lo que nuestros votantes pedían que hiciéramos. Y no respetar la realidad es tapar la democracia. Además utilizando a los ujieres que abochornados ya no sabían ni qué hacer. El Pleno medio vacío refleja su Unión Europea, la de unos políticos complacientes, aislados de la verdadera realidad, la de ahí fuera, la que exige respeto a la democracia y a los trabajadores.
Muchísimas gracias.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Buxadé. Okay. So yesterday you were aware that the session was suspended by agreement for the duration of the Order of Merit conferral ceremony. This allowed for guests to enter the chamber, including the laureates, which would otherwise not have been allowed to come in, their families and some staff members who worked on the event.
As usual with events in the European Parliament, members of the European Parliament who wanted to join the ceremony of course had priority for seats in the room, as in fact happened. And I think we should be in agreement that this was a proud moment for this House and I would like to thank all the services who worked so hard to bring it to fruition. All right, let's come to the votes. Now, report by Mr. Ilhan Kyuchyuk on the, give me a second, I will start the vote, then I will give you the floor. Report by Ilhan Kyuchyuk on the EU-Uzbekistan Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement.
We vote on consent, by roll call, the vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Report by Mr. Kütchük on the EU-Uzbekistan enhanced partnership and cooperation agreement, the resolution. Amendment 8 by roll-call vote is open. Oh, there's a problem with the machine. Let's give time to Ms. Mubarak just to plug in somewhere.
Let's keep the vote open. Is that all right? Does it work? Okay, vote is closed. Rejected.
Paragraph 4 original text in two parts. First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted.
Second part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Check second part. Vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 9 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 10, who's in favor?
Who's against? Who abstains? Rejected. Amendment 11, who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Rejected. 17, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Check amendment 17. Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 12, who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Rejected. Amendment 1 by roll-call vote is open. Doesn't work? Vote is closed.
Adopted. Amendment 13, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Rejected.
14 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. 15 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected. 16 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 2, who's in favor?
Who's against? Who abstains? Rejected. Amendment 3, who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Rejected. Amendment 4 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Recital K original text in two parts. First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted.
Second part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Check second part of recital K. Vote is closed.
Rejected. Recital L original text. First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Second part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Check as well second part recital L.
Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 5 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 6: who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Rejected. Amendment 7: who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
We vote on resolution as a whole by roll-call vote is open. Rejected. Vote is closed. Adopted. We move to the report by Mr. Bernd Lange on the international agreement on olive oil and table olives, amendment of article 36, vote by consent by roll-call vote is open.
Vote is closed. We like olives. Let's go. Okay. Let's move to another subject.
Let's move to the report by Mr. Moritz Körner on the United Nations Convention against Cybercrime. I give the floor to the rapporteur for two minutes.
Moritz Körner
Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Mit der UN Convention against Cybercrime verbessern wir die internationale Zusammenarbeit im wichtigen Feld der Cyberkriminalität. Gleichzeitig war dem Europäischen Parlament wichtig, dass Privatsphäre, Grund- und Menschenrechte in diesem Zusammenhang gewahrt bleiben. Die Verhandlungen über diese Konvention haben jahrelang gedauert, aber wir waren erfolgreich. Es war wichtig, oder mir persönlich war wichtig, dass wir über Parteigrenzen hinweg von links bis rechts eine gemeinsame Linie im Parlament gefunden haben.
Vielen Dank an die Schattenberichterstatter. Europa liefert, wenn es bereit ist, sich für seine Ziele einzusetzen. Herzlichen Dank.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you. 45 seconds, very good. We vote on the consent by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted.
Now we move to the report by Mr. Jaroslav Žoch on the EU-Lebanon agreement on cooperation between Eurojust and the authorities of Lebanon competent for judicial cooperation in criminal matters. This is a consent vote by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. We move to the report by Ms. Nora Junco García on the EC-São Tomé and Príncipe fisheries partnership agreement 2025-2029, the implementing protocol, vote by consent by roll-call vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Now we go to the report by Ms. Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez on the EU-Cook Islands sustainable fisheries partnership agreement 2025-2032 implementing protocol, this is a vote by consent by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted.
We have now the report by Ms. Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann and Mr. Boris Budka on the EU-Canada agreement laying down the conditions for the participation of Canadian legal entities and products originating in Canada to procurement under the SAFE instrument. I'll give the floor to the rapporteurs, first to Ms. Strack-Zimmermann and then Mr. Budka for one minute each.
Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann
Thank you very much. Vielen Dank, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Wir müssen die Zusammenarbeit in der europäischen Verteidigungsindustrie deutlich ausbauen, gemeinsame Beschaffung stärken und europäische Produktion hochfahren und fördern. Wie wir gestern im Trilog Defense Omnibus allerdings leider bemerken mussten, ist das Problem immer noch ein großes. Der Rat ist nicht nur zu langsam, sondern ärgerlich ist, dass der Rat EU-Rechtsvorschriften anstrebt, die darauf hinauslaufen, dass jedes Land seine Entscheidungen auf nationaler Ebene trifft, seine eigenen Verfahren anwendet, seine eigenen Ausnahmen wahrt.
Das ist zutiefst uneuropäisch. Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, europäische Stärke darf aber keine Abschottung sein. Wir sollten offen sein für die Zusammenarbeit mit verlässlichen Partnern, die unsere Werte, unsere Sicherheitsinteressen teilen. Mit Kanada haben wir dafür eine faire Vereinbarung erzielt. Kanada kann unter klaren Bedingungen an SAFE-finanzierten Beschaffungsprojekten teilnehmen und leistet dafür auch einen finanziellen Beitrag.
Das ist auch eine gute Vorlage für künftige Kooperation mit anderen Partnern. Kanada ist eines der europäischsten Länder außerhalb Europas, ein enger Verbündeter, ein verlässlicher Partner und seit Beginn des brutalen Angriffskriegs auf die Ukraine an der Seite der Ukraine. Und deshalb ist diese Zusammenarbeit ein Gewinn für uns alle. Ich danke allen für die gute und konstruktive Zusammenarbeit und bitte mehr denn je um Ihre Zustimmung, gerade da auf dieser Seite des Hauses gerade Unruhe herrscht. Vielen Dank.
Thank you. Mr. Budka.
Borys Budka
Bardzo dziękuję, pani przewodnicząca. Rzeczywiście program SAFE to wyjątkowy sukces, nasz wspólny. Udało nam się stworzyć program, który wzmacnia europejskie bezpieczeństwo, a jednocześnie pozwala na niezwykłe inwestycje w europejski przemysł obronny. I przede wszystkim z tego miejsca chciałbym zaapelować do moich koleżanek i kolegów z prawej strony sceny politycznej, do prawicowych populistów. Jeżeli nie potraficie zrozumieć, to nie przeszkadzajcie.
To wstyd, że w czasach, kiedy wróg jest w Moskwie, wy nadal nie potraficie zrozumieć, że musimy być razem i Unia Europejska to wielki wspólny projekt bezpieczeństwa. I nie szukajcie wrogów w Brukseli czy w Strasburgu, bo wróg jest zupełnie z innej strony. Nie potraficie tego zrozumieć, to przestańcie przeszkadzać.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you, Mr. Budka. Let's move to the vote. It's a consent vote by roll call. Vote is open. Vote is closed.
It's adopted. Now we move to the report by Ms. Stéphanie Yon-Courtin on the impact of the implementation of the Maritime Spatial Planning Directive 2014/89 on fisheries and selected fishing areas and sea basins. All the votes on this are by roll call. Amendment 4, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 2, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 5, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 7, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 6, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 1, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 3, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected. We vote on the resolution as a whole, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Now we move to the report by Mr. Andrey Kovatchev on the recommendation on the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly.
We start with paragraph 1.C, amendment 4 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. We vote on the original text in three parts. First part, who's in favor?
Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted. Second part, who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Adopted. Third part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Amendment 42 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 10 by RCV, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 5 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 43, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Rejected. 44, who's in favor?
Who's against? Who abstains? Rejected. 45, who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Rejected. 46, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Rejected. 47 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Paragraph 1.I, amendment 30 by RCV, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 6 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Paragraph 1.M, original text in three parts. First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted.
Second part by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Third part by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Paragraph 1.N, original text in four parts. First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Second part by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Third part by RCV, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Fourth part by RCV, vote is open. Bless you.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Paragraph 1.O, amendment 1 by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 16 by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 48. Who's in favor?
Who's against? Rejected. Who abstains? Original text by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Amendment 17 by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 49.
Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Rejected. Paragraph 1.P.
Original text in two parts. First part. Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Who's in favor? Second part. Who's against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Amendment 11. Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Check. Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 7 by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 8. Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Rejected. Paragraph 1.V, amendment 2 by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. We vote on the original text in two parts.
First part. Who's in favor? Who's against? Adopted. Who abstains?
Second part by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Paragraph 1.W, original text. Who's in favor?
Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted. Amendment 50. Who's in favor?
Who's against? Rejected. Who abstains? 51. Who's in favor?
Who's against? Who abstains? Rejected. 20. Who's in favor?
Who's against? Adopted. Who abstains? 31 by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 52 by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. 32 by roll call vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. 53 by roll call vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted.
Amendment 12. Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Check.
Amendment 12.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 54 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
I give the floor to Ms. Vilimsky to move an oral amendment to paragraph 1.AB.
Thank you, Madam President. On behalf of Renew Group and for the sake of balance, I would like to propose an oral amendment to the original text, paragraph 1.AB. After the two-state solution, I propose to add: stresses that a sustainable future for Gaza requires the demilitarization of Hamas and other armed groups in Gaza and that those groups should play no role in the governance and administration of the territory. Thank you.
Roberta Metsola
Thank you, Ms. Vilimsky. Is there opposition to this oral amendment? No. Okay, then the oral amendment cannot be taken, so we... it is taken, sorry. I put the oral amendment to the vote.
Who is in favor? Who is against? Who abstains? Adopted. Amendment 55 by roll-call vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. 56 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
57 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Who is in favor? 58.
Who is against? Rejected. Who abstains? 59 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 13. Who is in favor? Who is against? Who abstains?
Check. 13. Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 33 by roll-call vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendments 22 and 36 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 34 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 14. Who is in favor?
Who is against? Who abstains? Check. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 23 and 37 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 15. Who is in favor?
Who is against? Who abstains? Check. No, no, no, this is clear.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 35 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted.
Paragraph 1 AF, amendment 24 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. We vote on the original text in two parts, both by RCV. First part, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Second part, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted.
Amendments 25 and 38 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 26 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendments 27 and 39 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 21.
Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted. 60.
Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Check. 60.
Vote is closed. Rejected. 61. Who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Rejected. 62. Who's in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Rejected. 63 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Paragraph 1 AL, original text in five parts. First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted.
Second part by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Third part by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Fourth part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Check.
Okay, vote is closed. Adopted clearly. Fifth part by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted.
Amendment 64. Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Rejected.
28 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. 65 by RCV, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. 66. Who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Rejected. Paragraph 1 AQ, original text in two parts. First part, who's in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Second part by RCV, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 67. Who is in favour? Who is against?
Who abstains? Rejected. Amendment 68. Who is in favour? Who is against?
Who abstains? Rejected. 18. Who is in favour? Who is against?
Who abstains? Rejected. Who is in favour? 19. Who is against?
Who abstains? Rejected. Paragraph 1.bc original text. Who is in favour? Who is against?
Who abstains? Rejected. Adopted. Amendment 19? No, no, no.
Original text. That's what we voted on. No. Yes, yes, we voted on it. Paragraph 1.bd original text in two parts.
First part, who is in favour? Who is against? Who abstains? Adopted. Second part, who is in favour?
Who is against? Who abstains? Adopted. Citation 5 original text in two parts. First part, who is in favour?
Who is against? Who abstains? Adopted. Second part by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Citation 26 original text. Who is in favour? Who is against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Recital B original text. Who is in favour? Who is against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Recital C amendment 9 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. It's rejected. Original text in two parts.
Who is in favour? Who is against? Who abstains? Adopted. Second part, who is in favour?
Who is against? Who abstains? Adopted. Amendment 40. Who is in favour?
Who is against? Who abstains? Rejected. Recital F original text in two parts. First part, who is in favour?
Who is against? Who abstains? Adopted. Second part, who is in favour? Who is against?
Who abstains? Adopted. Amendment 29 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Recital G original text in two parts. First part, who is in favour? Who is against? Who abstains? Adopted.
Second part by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Recital K original text in two parts. First part, who is in favour?
Who is against? Who abstains? Adopted. Second part, who is in favour? Who is against?
Who abstains? Adopted. Amendment 3 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 3 by roll-call vote is open. No. Recital N original text in two parts. First part, who is in favour? Who is against?
Who abstains? Adopted. Second part, who is in favour? Who is against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Amendment 41 by roll-call vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. We vote on resolution as a whole.
Vote is open by roll-call. Vote is closed. Adopted. Now we vote on the report by Mr Brando Benifei on opportunities and challenges presented by a comprehensive artificial intelligence strategy for EU trade. It is a single vote by roll-call.
Vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Like this is the last report now.
Motion for a resolution tabled by five groups on the rule of law, fundamental rights and misuse of EU funds in Slovakia: the need for an EU response. Amendment 2 by Rokko, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 12 by Rokko, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Paragraph 2, amendment 6. Who is in favor? Who's against?
Who abstains? Check. Okay. Vote is closed. Rejected.
So we vote on the original text by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Paragraph 4, amendment 3 by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed.
That's rejected. We vote now on amendment 7. Who is in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Let's check amendment 7. Vote is closed. Rejected. So we vote on the original text. Who is in favor?
Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted. Paragraph 6, original text by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Adopted. Paragraph 11, original text in two parts. First part by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted.
Second part. Who is in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Adopted.
Amendment 13 by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment paragraph 15, amendment 4 by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected. We vote on the original text in two parts. First part, who is in favor? Who's against? Who abstains?
Adopted. Second part by roll call, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted. Paragraph 19, amendment 8.
Who is in favor? Who's against? Who abstains? Let's check this amendment 8. Vote is closed.
Rejected. We vote on the original text in two parts, both by roll call. First part, vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted.
Second part, vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted paragraph 20 amendment 9 who is in favor, who is against, who abstains check. Vote is closed. Adopted. So we go to paragraph 21 original text by RCV vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted paragraph 23 original text who's in favor, who's against, who abstains adopted amendment 16 who is in favor, who's against, who abstains adopted amendment 14 who is in favor, who's against, who abstains rejected. Recital 7 original text by RCV vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted recital 11 original text by RCV vote is open.
Vote is closed. Adopted recital 21 original text who's in favor, who's against, who abstains adopted recital 25 original text by RCV vote is open. Vote is closed. Adopted amendment 1 by RCV vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected recital D original text in two parts. First part who's in favor, who's against, who abstains adopted. Second part who's in favor, who's against, who abstains adopted after recital D amendment 10 by RCV vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected recital F original text in two parts first part who's in favor, who's against, who abstains adopted second part who's in favor, who's against, who abstains adopted recital S amendment 5 who's in favor, who's against, who abstains check.
Vote is closed. Rejected. So we vote on the original text who is in favor, who is against, who abstains adopted recital W amendment 15 who's in favor, who's against, who abstains adopted amendment 11 who's in favor, who's against, who abstains rejected so we vote on the resolution as a whole by RCV vote is open. Vote is closed. And it's adopted.
Mr. Aust. Would you like to make the point of order? Can you please speak silent as you exit the chamber dear colleagues we have to let the colleagues make their points of order.
René Aust
Nun gut, ich versuche es dennoch. Ich berufe mich auf Regel 164. Gestern hat sich Merkwürdiges zugetragen. Die Sitzung wurde unterbrochen für die Ordensverleihung, obwohl sie dem Anschein der Tagesordnung zur Agenda gehörte.
Aber sei es drum. Dann hat sich Unglaubliches abgespielt. Man ließ Personen, die keine Abgeordneten sind, in den Plenarsaal als Gäste und sie setzten sich wie selbstverständlich auf die Plätze der Abgeordneten. Als Kollegen von den Patriots, der ECR und uns darauf bestanden, ihre Plätze wieder einzunehmen, weigerten sich manche, die Plätze frei zu machen. Einem Abgeordneten wurde, verzeihen Sie die Sprache, zugerufen: "Fuck off".
Erst das Eingreifen des Saaldienstes, wofür ich mich herzlich bedanke, hat eine Eskalation verhindert. Der Grund für dieses Chaos ist einfach: Man wollte volle Sitzreihen für die Kameras, weil wir durch unser Fernbleiben friedlich gegen die Ordensverleihung von Angela Merkel protestiert haben. Diesen Protest wollte man verschleiern. Es hat nicht funktioniert. Meine Beiträge und die Beiträge meiner Kollegen haben gestern Hunderttausende in den sozialen Medien erreicht.
Diese Menschen haben diese Farce gesehen und damit auch dem Ansehen dieses Hauses geschadet. Es gibt hier nur eine Wahl: Entweder man akzeptiert gleiche Rechte für alle in diesem Haus oder man macht einen Zirkus hieraus. Dann sollte man auch konsequent sein und künftig keine Orden mehr verleihen, sondern rote Nasen ausgeben.
Okay, thank you. You will understand that my reply would be the same as I gave for Mr. Buxadé before. Now, Mr. Ozdoba.
Jacek Ozdoba
Szanowna Pani Przewodnicząca, szkoda, że wszyscy wyszli, ale wczoraj wielkimi brawami dziękowaliście Angeli Merkel. A dzisiaj nasi bracia Litwini, przyjaciele na teren Unii Europejskiej wlatują drony. To może w odpowiedzi na agresję Federacji Rosyjskiej czy kolejne prowokacje wpiszemy Gerharda Schrödera na listę persona non grata i to będzie adekwatne i może to będzie objęte wielkimi brawami, a nie autorka Nord Stream 1, Nord Stream 2 obok pana kanclerza Schrödera. Dziękuję.
Many thanks, to be noted and taken. Thanks, let's go to the next item now. Others, Mr. Botenga.
Marc Botenga
Thank you, Madam President. Just to express this, let's say, an uncomfortable feeling with the applause we just gave the delegation of the Federal Council of the United Arab Emirates. First of all, it's important, I think, to give the context: this is not a universal elected democratic assembly, you know, it's appointed, it's not legislative, so it's not like a normal democratic parliament. Secondly, you expressed solidarity with the strikes on the Emirates, which I understand, but at the same time, they came in a context where the United States used the bases in the Emirates to attack illegally another country. But most importantly, I think, we need a context today in Sudan: the Emirates are accused of the worst crimes by supporting the Rapid Support Forces.
We need to make clear with our parliament that we will not stand for this and that this does not represent our values in international relations. Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Botenga.
Sophie Wilmès
Good afternoon. The minutes of yesterday's sitting and the texts adopted are available. Is there any comments? The minutes are approved. The Left group has notified the President of a decision relating to change to appointments within delegations.
This decision will be set out in the minutes of today's sitting and take effect on the date of this announcement. Next item on the agenda is topical debate requested by a political group, reviewing the ETS system to support European competitiveness. I would like to inform the members that for this debate there is no catch-the-eye procedure and no blue card will be accepted. I will first give the floor to the author, Mr. Procaccini.
Nicola Procaccini
Grazie Presidente. Il dibattito che i conservatori europei portano in Parlamento tocca il cuore del nostro comune destino. Oggi a Strasburgo non discutiamo di freddi algoritmi di mercato, ma di come difendere la sopravvivenza della base produttiva e sociale dell'Europa. E persino di come difendere l'ambiente. L'impostazione ideologica del Green Deal ci ha incatenati ad obiettivi irreali che colpiscono la nostra economia e allo stesso tempo non aiutano affatto l'ambiente, come ingenuamente credeva qualcuno.
Il sistema dei crediti ETS, cioè la tassa sulle emissioni di anidride carbonica di qualunque cosa venga realizzata in Europa, è stata pensata in una stagione di utopie verdi e socialiste che si scontra con la realtà di oggi e di domani. Invece di concentrarci sull'adattamento al cambiamento climatico, investendo risorse sulla tutela dei territori e delle persone, si è scelto di sacrificare sull'altare della mitigazione climatica la crescita dell'economia europea e il sostegno alle persone, soprattutto le più fragili. L'Unione Europea nel suo insieme emette appena il 7% delle emissioni globali di CO2, eppure registriamo anno dopo anno il picco delle emissioni di CO2 nel mondo, semplicemente perché si spostano altrove. Ciò nonostante avrei voglia di citarvi i dati del programma Copernicus che certificano una temperatura della terra più fredda nel 2025 rispetto al 2024 e al 2023, ma non è questo il punto. Lo dico solo per suggerire sommessamente che certo l'anidride carbonica e il gas metano concorrono alla determinazione della temperatura sulla terra, ma ci sono anche altri fattori che influiscono in maniera anche forse più significativa.
Innovazioni tecnologiche e libertà di scelta fra le diverse opzioni tecnologiche che solo le economie liberali più competitive e dinamiche sono in grado di favorire. Un grande ambientalista come Michael Shellenberger fece scalpore quando disse: nei paesi ricchi c'è maggiore resilienza, quindi concentriamoci su come rendere gli individui più ricchi e più resilienti, non più poveri se vogliamo salvare il pianeta. Mentre noi sceglievamo la strada della decrescita felice, il resto del mondo si è messo a correre veloce, ringraziando l'Europa per aver deciso di farsi fuori da sola. Il gruppo ECR chiede un cambio di rotta sul sistema ETS fondato sul buon senso e articolato su tre priorità. Primo: serve una revisione dei parametri di riferimento.
Difendere l'ambiente non è solo emettere meno gas serra.
Se azzeriamo le quote gratuite, noi non faremo una transizione ecologica, condanneremo la nostra manifattura a essere cancellata dai mercati mondiali. Secondo: bisogna correggere gli effetti distorsivi dell'ETS nel settore marittimo, una misura ideologica che non riduce di un solo grammo le emissioni globali, ma costringe il commercio marittimo a evitare i porti europei, deviando le loro rotte verso gli scali del Nord Africa per sfuggire alle nostre tasse. Terzo: stop all'ETS 2, i cui modi e tempi rischiano di essere esiziali. Estendere questa tassa al riscaldamento domestico e al trasporto stradale significa dichiarare guerra alle nostre imprese, ai lavoratori, alle famiglie. Siamo conservatori anche perché cerchiamo di ragionare con chi la pensa diversamente da noi.
Vorremmo una revisione integrale dell'ETS, ma siamo disposti a cercare dei compromessi che sono necessari data l'urgenza della crisi che stiamo vivendo. Il nostro ruolo non è appiccare incendi, ma spegnerli. Mai come oggi il nostro ruolo è prezioso, direi indispensabile. Scriveva Giuseppe Prezzolini: il conservatore è un freno all'utopia e agli utopisti che si innamorano di cose e idee mai sperimentate e che quando si realizzano si rivelano ben diverse da come se le immaginavano. Grazie.
Wopke Hoekstra
Thank you very much, dear chair and honorable members, thank you very much for putting this on the agenda and in particular Mr. Procaccini, thank you very much for organizing the debate because it is highly topical. First, we have and we continue to have a huge climate problem and in fact Europe is heating up much more quickly than the rest of the world, so we have an incentive that is larger than the rest of the world to tackle this. Secondly, we have substantial issues with competitiveness that we do need to fix. And third, and the recent crisis is showing that ever more clearly, we simply are hugely vulnerable. We're importing more than I think 80% of the gas that we consume and more than 95% of the oil and as long as we continue to do that, we will be at the mercy of what others are doing across the globe.
So we will need to touch upon that vulnerability. And that means, and I've said it before and I'm going to repeat it, we need to bring climate competitiveness and independence much more hand in hand. Now of course if you want to reach that goal, there's much more that you need to do than just touch the ETS. It is about buy European, it is about simplification, it is about circularity, it is about tech investments, it is about reforms, it is about investments in general, there's a whole array of things we will need to do together in the years to come in order to fix all of the three elements of this problem.
And at the same time, the ETS is a hugely pivotal, important element in the design. It is market-based, it has worked very well in the past, and we now have the opportunity to move from good to great in its delivery. And that comes with a couple of challenges, and I very much appreciate to have the opportunity to have that debate today, but also in the weeks and months going forward. First, we will need to make sure that on the one hand, we reward the frontrunners that have made the investments, and that have been companies all over Europe in cleantech, but frankly speaking, also in heavy industry, and those who have betted on the transition needs to be rewarded for that. At the same time, and that is where the complication starts, we need to make sure that the vast majority in the middle of the pack also has a bright future in Europe.
So that means flexibilities, but linked to conditionalities and investments that need to be made here in Europe. Secondly, if you look at where the money is currently going, 80% of the money goes back to our Member States, and then of that 80%, roughly 90% is spent on all sorts of important budgetary line items, but it doesn't go back to industry. And that is something we will have to change. We will need to make sure that in this transition, public and private funding are going hand in hand. Third challenge, third important thing that we need to look into is what to include.
For example, waste, for example, the conversation on credits that we had in the context of the 2040 agreement, for example, negative emissions. What are the conditionalities, what are the parameters of all of these items? And that is a conversation we do need to have. And fourth, and that is something where I think many of us will be on the same page, we cannot allow the level playing field, whether it is for the car industry, the solar industry, the wind industry, the chemicals industry, and so on, to be as distorted as it is today. We no longer live in the rosy period we called the 90s where free trade was something we thought was everywhere.
So we will need to fix this level playing field problem within the ETS, within CBAM, and also beyond. That is the objective, that is what we will have to fight for, and I very much look forward to having this conversation with all the various groups here in Parliament, with Member States, and with industries from all walks of life. Thank you.
Thank you very much, I will now call to take the floor for EPP, Mr. Liese.
Peter Liese
Vielen Dank Frau Präsidentin, danke an die EKR-Fraktion, dass sie dieses Thema auf die Tagesordnung gesetzt hat und die Überschrift der Debatte teile ich zu 100 Prozent. Wir brauchen Reformen, wir müssen das ETS ändern, damit wir besser aufgestellt sind. Ich sage nur ein Beispiel: wir brauchen mehr kostenlose Zertifikate, insbesondere für die Unternehmen, die in Europa am Standort investieren, und ich glaube, da können wir sehr, sehr gut zusammenarbeiten. Ich warne aber davor, und die EKR ist ja damals von den Tories gegründet worden, ich warne davor, dass man nach dem Motto handelt von Boris Johnson: "if nothing else works, blame Europe". Was ich nicht erklären kann, laste ich Europa an.
Unsere Industrie hat viele Probleme, und es ist gefährlich jetzt zu sagen, das liegt alles am ETS.
Das ist nicht so. Der ETS hat uns auch vor Problemen bewahrt. Wir haben beispielsweise, wie Ursula von der Leyen gesagt hat, 100 Milliarden Kubikmeter Gas eingespart durch den ETS. Nicht auszudenken, wenn wir das jetzt auch noch zusätzlich bezahlen müssten in dieser aktuellen Krise. Und danke für die Bereitschaft zusammenzuarbeiten, Nicola.
Aber da muss die EKR ihre Position klären. Beim letzten Mal, Alexander Vondra, du weißt es, haben wir viele Forderungen der EKR aufgenommen. Im Trilog hat die EKR zugestimmt, aber im Plenum nicht. Also so können wir natürlich nicht gute Reformen machen. Und ein Wort an die sogenannten Patrioten.
Die Kommission hat einen Vorschlag gemacht, wie wir schnell Entlastung geben können für die Wirtschaft, nämlich die Löschung der Zertifikate im MSR beenden. Die Patrioten, die sogenannten Patrioten, waren nicht nur gegen ein Dringlichkeitsverfahren, sondern haben sogar auch das vereinfachte Verfahren blockiert. Große Reden nützen nichts, wenn man nicht konkret liefert hier im Parlament. Und last but not least: Leistung muss sich lohnen. Ich unterstütze ausdrücklich das, was der Kommissar gesagt hat.
Die Unternehmen, die investiert haben, die dürfen am Ende nicht die Dummen sein. Dafür müssen wir Sorge tragen. Deswegen Reform ja, aber kluge Reform. Vielen Dank.
Mohammed Chahim
Thank you. I'm a bit less tall than, or Peter Liese is a bit taller than me, so thank you. Thank you, Commissioner. What worries me in this debate is that some people tend to forget why we created ETS in the first place. Europe cannot be competitive if we depend on fossil fuels and we're continue to be exposed on gas and price shocks.
And today the reality is even clearer than ever. We are running around the world asking for autocrats to continue deliver us with oil and gas. That's not competitiveness, that's desperation. We would be in a totally different ballpark today if stronger investments were made. And that is where the real gain is.
Instead of giving handouts to hesitant companies. The question today is why didn't Member States invest all those billions in revenues to decarbonize industry? That's the question we should have today. And I tell you, Commissioner, that is something my group will focus on. Let's make sure the revenues go back to decarbonize that sector.
And we will not be part of punishing companies that already invested in decarbonization by taking away their incentive of continuing investing, for continuing having price stability. And one last comment, Mr. Commissioner, because I know that you're very busy working on ETS. On behalf of my group, we will not be served a dish without being involved in the kitchen. You cannot take our vote for granted. We will be part of the solution and will not only vote yes or no with whatever you cook for us.
Thank you very much.
Thank you. J'appelle maintenant Monsieur Bardella pour les Patriotes.
Jordan Bardella
Merci Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire. ETS, trois lettres, un acronyme qui sent la bureaucratie hors-sol à plein nez et une question qui revient toujours : qui va payer l'addition ? Trois lettres qui étranglent nos fleurons industriels sacrifiés pour un marché carbone à bout de souffle. Trois lettres qui provoquent chaque jour des faillites en cascade dans l'ensemble des fleurons européens des secteurs de la sidérurgie, de la chimie, du bâtiment, de tous ces secteurs qui font la solidité et la fierté de nos pays.
Trois lettres qui résonnent d'ores et déjà comme le cauchemar des automobilistes français, allemands, italiens ou polonais. Dès 2028, l'entrée en vigueur d'ETS 2 fera flamber les prix à la pompe de 15 centimes d'euro par litre. C'est plus de 600 euros par an de fiscalité supplémentaire sur la facture d'une famille française dépendante de son véhicule pour travailler, pour se déplacer, pour rendre visite à sa famille ou pour partir en vacances. À Bruxelles comme à Paris, vous ne cessez de frapper les mêmes par idéologie : les classes moyennes, les familles populaires, les travailleurs, les professions libérales ou encore les entrepreneurs. L'énergie, nous ne cesserons de le rappeler, c'est le sang de nos économies.
Et dans le contexte international que nous connaissons, Orban nous le rappelle chaque jour, c'est l'une des ressources les plus vitales pour nos pays. Elle ne doit en aucun cas demeurer un luxe sur notre continent, sans quoi la réindustrialisation ne sera qu'un slogan supplémentaire à votre bilan. Nos usines ne se redresseront pas sans la reprise en main de nos tarifs nationaux d'électricité, sans libérer l'économie et le travail des contraintes fiscales et normatives, sans patriotisme économique ni protectionnisme intelligent face aux superpuissances américaines et chinoises. Voici donc ce que les peuples européens attendent de nous : produire ici et chez nous, défendre et protéger nos industries, renouer avec l'esprit de puissance, le goût pour la croissance, le bien commun et par-dessus tout pour la prospérité. Je vous remercie.
Merci. I will now call Mr. Jaki speaking for ECR.
Patryk Jaki
Dziękuję, pani przewodnicząca. Pan komisarz rozpoczął swoje wystąpienie od tego, że musimy walczyć o planetę. Otóż, panie komisarzu, chcę pana poinformować, że dwutlenek węgla nie zatrzymuje się na strefie Schengen, nie prosi o azyl. W związku z tym istotne jest to, czy my redukujemy dwutlenek węgla na całym świecie, a na całym świecie dwutlenek węgla, odkąd wprowadzacie tę swoją politykę, co roku rośnie. Więc pytam, jaki to wszystko ma sens?
Po drugie, pan twierdzi, że ETS się sprawdził. Przecież to jest kpina. My mamy prawie najdroższą energię na świecie, do tego katastrofę przemysłu i katastrofę gospodarczą. ETS miał uratować planetę, a na razie uratował tak: producentów formularzy, konsultantów i chiński przemysł. Gratulacje.
ETS musi odejść, zanim całkowicie zamienicie Europę w skansen, w skansen. Odkąd wprowadziliście ETS, ceny energii dla przeciętnej rodziny w Europie wzrosły dwukrotnie. I co z tego macie, pytam, co zyskaliście? Dla przemysłu wzrosły o 100%. I co z tego macie, pytam?
Przecież to jest skandal, co wy wyprawiacie. I wy jeszcze twierdzicie tutaj, wychodzicie i twierdzicie tutaj, że trzeba bronić tego systemu? Ja nie wiem, czy cokolwiek może się wydarzyć, co by was nauczyło, że po prostu to, co robicie, to jest niszczenie Europy. I trzeba was zatrzymać, bo jesteście groźni dla siebie i dla Europy. Dziękuję.
Emma Ytterell
What is even happening here? Every day since the start of the war in Iran, Europe has been paying an extra half of billion euros for fossil fuels. Every day, for nothing. That's three and a half billion euros only for this week to fossil industry, for nothing. They're robbing us.
Without the emission trading scheme, we would have been in a much worse situation. Report showing that without the ETS we'd have had rationing fuels to European citizens by now. We would have been much more dependent on the fossil industry that is now robbing us. ETS is not the cause of the high energy prices, it's the way out of them.
And this, what we need to do is not more of this nonsense criticizing the ETS. We need a plan to phase out the fossil fuels. We need to stop subsidizing them, stop supporting the industry that is now holding a gun to our head, robbing us. We need to stop calling for the suspension of the ETS. It applies in this house, but also to the various nervous governments around Europe right now, to Austria, to Italy, to Germany.
Enough is enough. Stop questioning the best climate tool, the best anti-fossil tool that we are having. I had enough of it. You want to stop this, I say I want to stop you. Stop questioning the way out of this dangerous addiction.
Stop holding the fossil industries back, because they are robbing the citizens of Europe right now. Thank you.
Michael Bloss
President, Commissioner, when my daughter bumps into the wardrobe, she tells the wardrobe off very loudly. And the right side of the house is exactly doing the same thing. They are blaming the emission trading system for their own failed fossil-driven policies. But frankly, my daughter is two years old, so she has an excuse. Do you know what is actually driving energy prices up?
Do you know why industry is being slowly strangled? Can you say this out loud, Mr. Procaccini, Mr. Bardella? It is oil and it is gas, costing every single citizen a fortune every single day. And the cure is so embarrassingly simple: produce your own energy from renewables. Spain has the lowest energy prices in Europe because they don't use gas, and Italy has the highest because they use too much gas.
So you are blaming the doctor for the disease. You are scolding the wardrobe. So please, acknowledge the facts and start building renewables instead of whining around here. My daughter will grow out of this, and I hope you can do this too. Thank you very much.
Li Andersson
Puheenjohtaja, Trumpin laiton sota Iranissa on taas kerran osoittanut, miten Euroopan fossiilienergiariippuvuus on taloudellinen ja sosiaalinen katastrofi. Nimenomaan fossiilienergiariippuvuus on Euroopan suurimpia kilpailukykyongelmia. Iranin sodan vuoksi me maksamme EU:ssa nyt 20 miljardia normaalia enemmän fossiilisesta energiasta, ja juuri tämä riippuvuus fossiilisista nostaa ihmisten ja yritysten sähkö- ja lämmityslaskuja sekä lannoitteiden ja ruoan hintaa. Ja mitä tekee Euroopan laita- ja äärioikeisto? Ensin te tuette Trumpin laitonta sotaa, joka on aiheuttanut tämän nykyisen energiakriisin.
Sitten te vaaditte päästökaupan eli juuri sen työkalun heikentämistä, joka on ollut kaikkein tehokkain fossiilienergiariippuvuuden vähentämisessä, päästöjen leikkaamisessa ja korkeiden energialaskujen madaltamisessa. Tämä laitaoikeiston politiikka syventää elinkustannuskriisiä Euroopassa. Me tarvitsemme sen sijaan lisää investointeja uusiutuvaan energiaan, tukea kotitalouksille ja päästökauppajärjestelmän uudistus, joka vahvistaa sitä heikentämisen sijaan.
Thank you, Mr. David, for ESN.
Ivan David
Vážená paní předsedající, klesající konkurenceschopnost je z dlouhodobého hlediska hlavním problémem Evropské unie, který hrozí hlubokým úpadkem, který už začal. Má dlouhou řadu příčin. Většina z nich se řadí do klastru podmínek pro podnikání. Vedle klesajícího počtu kvalifikovaných pracovních sil v potřebné struktuře, přeregulovanosti a zatížení administrativní náročností jsou to dodatečné komplikace z vlastní iniciativy orgánů Evropské unie. Nejhorší je projekt Green Deal, který nepomáhá přírodě, ale likviduje hospodaření.
K nejpodstatnějším zátěžím patří ETS, zejména volný obchod s povolenkami. Je to zločinný nápad. Je nutno ho opustit nebo zásadně zmírnit, dokud je čas. Draghiho zpráva pojmenovala řadu problémů, ale pokud trvá na dosažení cílů Green Deal, je směšná. Je třeba vítat každou snahu o odstranění překážek konkurenceschopnosti včetně iniciativy konzervativní frakce.
François-Xavier Bellamy
Merci Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire. ETS, quand ce système a été créé pour faire payer les entreprises pour le carbone qu'elles émettent, il y a maintenant plus de 20 ans, c'était dans l'esprit de créer un marché mondial du carbone. Il n'a jamais été constitué. C'était pour donner un signal prix qui imposerait la décarbonation. Mais le signal prix aujourd'hui existe déjà.
Nous voyons ce qui se joue dans le monde qui nous entoure et il suffit de regarder les prix à la pompe pour comprendre que déjà aujourd'hui, utiliser de l'énergie fossile coûte très cher. Est-ce que les collègues ici entendent tous le même cri de détresse qui nous vient des familles en Europe qui peinent à vivre, à assurer les moyens de leur subsistance quotidienne, qui pour beaucoup d'entre elles devront renoncer à partir en vacances cet été ou à se retrouver ? Est-ce que tous les collègues entendent le cri de détresse de l'industrie européenne qui est sur le point dans bien des régions de mettre la clé sous la porte faute d'avoir les moyens de continuer à produire ? Nous avons entendu qu'il n'y a pas de planète B, mais à entendre ce débat, je me demande si certains collègues ne vivent pas déjà sur une planète B. Dans la réalité de la planète A, dans la réalité de cette planète, l'Europe est déjà le continent qui a fait les efforts les plus importants pour la décarbonation.
Tout ce que nous ferons contre les entreprises européennes, nous le ferons contre la cause du climat. L'Europe a tous les moyens aujourd'hui pour réussir à retrouver la prospérité et à assurer sa responsabilité à l'égard du climat. Pour cela, il suffit qu'on la laisse produire et qu'on laisse les entreprises, qu'on laisse les savoir-faire, qu'on laisse les compétences, qu'on laisse notre énergie nucléaire que les mêmes écologistes ont attaquée avec férocité alors qu'elle produit l'électricité la plus décarbonée d'Europe, qu'on laisse tous ces atouts de l'Europe se déployer pour permettre à notre continent de retrouver sa capacité de produire, de rayonner et d'assurer sa responsabilité pour l'avenir. Merci beaucoup.
Tiemo Wölken
Dear President, dear Commissioner, if you allow me five seconds more, I would start with the thing which should connect us today, happy birthday to Peter Liese, whose birthday is today and we organized this debate for your favorite topic today. Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, wie oft müssen wir denn eigentlich auch in dieser Debatte mit unserem Kopf gegen die fossile Wand rennen, um zu begreifen, dass der Weg hier zu Ende ist? Wenn die europäische Industrie wegen hoher fossiler Energie- und Rohstoffpreise in der Krise steckt, dann ist doch der einzige logische Schluss, uns aus der Unabhängigkeit uns unabhängig zu machen von diesen teuren Energieimporten. Und das würde ich auch gerne dem Kollegen Bardella sagen, der das immer noch nicht begriffen hat und der zu feige ist, hier zu diskutieren, weil er einfach gegangen ist. Aber so sind die Rechten.
Ein angemessener CO2-Preis würde die Leitplanke bilden, unseren Weg weg von fossilen Rohstoffen zu gehen und insbesondere die Frontrunner zu schützen, die jetzt schon innovativ in Europa unterwegs sind. Und ja, wir brauchen mehr Unterstützung für Industriezweige, die akut von der Krise bedroht sind, aber gleichzeitig müssen wir doch jetzt massiv in Erneuerbare, in Speicher, Netze und Wasserstoff investieren, um die Kosten nicht nur kurz-, sondern auch langfristig zu drücken. Und Herr Procaccini, der die Debatte hier angestoßen hat und überraschenderweise auch weg ist, Sie stünden doch gar nicht vor dem Problem, wenn Ihre Regierung endlich... Wo ist er? Hä?
Ja. Ja, he's... Ähm, finally, Sie stünden überhaupt nicht vor dem Problem, Ihre Regierung, äh, die Sie hätten, wenn Ihre Regierung endlich mal was dafür tun müsste, dass Haushalte sich das Heizen auch mit modernen Mitteln leisten können. Und deswegen weg von dem Wegducken, rein in die Debatte, und zwar alle zusammen.
Thank you. I would like to ask you all to try to stick to your time, otherwise I will be obliged to interrupt. Mr. Vondra, Abortcha, sorry, you are, you have one minute.
Paolo Borchia
Sui sarto che leggere nella stessa riga ETS, quindi una tassa, e competitività fa tanto cortocircuito, fa tanto paradosso, però il 15 luglio arriverà la revisione e questo Parlamento potrà decidere da che parte stare, se stare dalla parte dei settori produttivi oppure se continuare a portare avanti l'idea di un'Europa che si autoflagella come nessun altro attore a livello globale. Produzione dell'Eurozona, produzione industriale a picco, energia che costa due o tre volte in più rispetto agli Stati Uniti o all'Asia, e la risposta qual è? Anziché riflettere sul tema ETS, l'ETS viene addirittura raddoppiato: marittimo, trasporti, riscaldamento. Quindi il paradosso sembra evidente: con l'ETS 2 in arrivo il costo finirà sulle imprese e sugli europei, però questo Parlamento dal 15 luglio avrà la possibilità di scegliere e spero che lo faccia bene prima che le fabbriche siano chiuse.
Alexandr Vondra
Thank you, ladies and gentlemen. Times have changed. We live in a completely different world from the one in which the architects of the ETS planned their project. Whatever we think of the ETS, there is one thing we must agree on, and it's the fundamental reform. Conservatives are often criticized for their reluctance to embrace change.
Today, it is the left part of this House which want to defend the ETS at all costs. The revision of ETS must set a significantly low pace of transformation, prevent price volatility of allowances to prevent high energy bills, substantially extend free allowances for businesses and revise their benchmarks, because without doing this, the hundreds of thousands of jobs are at risk. Dear colleagues, dear Peter Liese, sentiments aside, reform is unavoidable. If we do nothing, the ETS will become, will become just the gravedigger of the European economy and we will continue to feed the Chinese monster that I don't want.
Thank you, Monsieur Canfin. Vous avez une minute. Merci.
Pascal Canfin
Merci, Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues.
Ce qui pose un problème de compétitivité à nos entreprises, ce n'est pas le prix du carbone, c'est le prix de l'énergie, le prix du gaz et le prix du pétrole. Et quand j'entends le représentant du gouvernement Meloni ici au Parlement européen critiquer le système ETS, alors que si l'Italie est dans une difficulté très importante au regard de son tissu industriel et de sa compétitivité, c'est précisément parce que l'Italie est le pays européen qui importe le plus de gaz pour faire de l'électricité. C'est la dépendance au gaz qui crée le problème italien, ça n'a rien à voir avec l'ETS. Quand j'entends Monsieur Bardella et Monsieur Bellamy critiquer l'ETS, alors que c'est un outil d'électrification, c'est un outil qui sert le nucléaire français qu'ils sont censés vouloir défendre, eh bien c'est un non-sens total. Ce que nous devons faire, c'est continuer dans notre décarbonation parce que c'est ça qui va nous permettre de réduire les prix, de réduire notre dépendance.
L'ETS, c'est un outil essentiel pour le climat, pour notre industrie, pour notre souveraineté et pour notre liberté, ne changeons pas de cap.
Merci. Mrs Schilling, you have one minute please.
Lena Schilling
Ach, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, ist es nicht großartig, dass immer wieder rechte Fraktionen vorschlagen, übers Klima zu debattieren und sich dann überlegen: Hmm, eigentlich, eigentlich haben wir dazu gar nicht so viel zu sagen. Vielleicht sollte Herr Procaccini das nächste Mal die Speaking Notes vom Eni-CEO mitnehmen, der gibt ihm sicher spannende. Ich glaube, wenn wir heute hier stehen und über die Klimakrise reden, dann sollten wir uns vielleicht daran erinnern, dass wir so viele Debatten in diesem Haus hatten, wo wir über Fluten geredet haben, über Menschen, die ihr Leben wegen der Klimakrise schon verloren haben. Und dann, dann wollen wir eines der wirkungsvollsten Instrumente, um diese Krise zu bekämpfen, aufweichen. Dann stellen sich meine konservativen Kollegen hierhin und sagen: Na ja, aber so ein bisschen Flexibilität muss doch noch sein.
Wie flexibel wollen Sie noch mit unserer Zukunft umgehen? Wie flexibel glauben Sie, dass planetare Grenzen eigentlich sind und ob Sie Seilhüpfen können mit denen? Das wird nicht funktionieren. Wir brauchen einen starken ETS, wir brauchen einen ordentlichen Klimaschutz und wir brauchen endlich eine vertrauenswürdige EVP, mit der man zusammenarbeiten kann. Danke.
Dario Tamburrano
È un piacere oggi ricordare ai sovranisti che decarbonizzare non è solo clima, ma autonomia, resilienza e sicurezza. Lo capisce anche oggi un bambino: meno fossili, più efficienza, meno dipendenza da trappole debitorie, strettoie di bilancio e passaggi stretti e pericolosi, proprio come Hormuz. Oggi l'Europa intrappolata dalla dipendenza carbonica davvero vuole cancellare l'ETS? L'Europa davvero vuol rimanere sotto la stretta usurante di mercati, speculazione e petromonarchie? La nostra fragilità non è aggravata dalla decarbonizzazione, ma proprio da chi non l'ha realizzata e continua ad ostacolarla anche oggi.
In Italia, in soli dodici anni, l'ETS ha generato, l'ETS 1, 18 miliardi di euro, di cui uno solo e mezzo speso per rinnovabili ed efficienza industriale. I proventi ETS 1 vengono dall'industria e dall'industria devono tornare, non una tassa indigesta e improduttiva come alcuni Stati membri fanno per la spesa corrente, ma un investimento dedicato al futuro dell'industria stessa. Questo era e deve essere lo scopo dell'ETS 1.
Sophie Wilmès
Thank you very much. Thank you. Mrs Arndt, you have one minute please.
Anja Arndt
Zu Beginn eine sensationelle Nachricht. Im April wurde der Weltuntergang vom Weltklimarat IPCC persönlich abgesagt. Er teilte mit, dass das bisherige Extremszenario 8.5 mit einer Temperaturerhöhung von bis zu 6 Grad unplausibel ist.
Es war also Unsinn, aber genau darauf bauen Sie doch seit 15 Jahren Ihre Klimapanik und das CO2-Abgabensystem ETS auf. Im letzten Jahr haben Sie damit unseren deutschen Unternehmen 21 Milliarden Euro entzogen, und da wundern Sie sich über den wirtschaftlichen Niedergang in der EU? Und die Benchmarks und kostenlosen Zertifikate werden jetzt jedes Jahr massiv reduziert. Ein Beispiel: Ein Unternehmer einer durchschnittlichen Ammoniakanlage muss 2026 rund 65 Millionen Euro CO2-Kosten zahlen. Das ist unfassbar.
Sie stellt den wichtigsten Grundstoff für die Düngemittel her. Gestern debattierten Sie noch hier, wie die Düngemittelindustrie zu retten ist. Dabei zerstören Sie mit falschen Szenarien des IPCC und dem ETS unsere Industrie und Versorgungssicherheit. Hier stimmt etwas gewaltig nicht. Ich frage mich, was Sie hier vorhaben.
Das ETS-System gehört sofort abgeschafft. Europa braucht die ESN und Deutschland braucht die AfD.
Elena Yoncheva
Уважаеми колеги, Европа се нуждае от сериозна климатична политика, но тя не трябва да наказва, не трябва да наказва европейската индустрия, работниците и енергийната сигурност. Системата за търговия с въглеродни емисии допринесе за намаляването на емисиите, но днес европейските компании плащат електроенергия два-три пъти по-скъпо от Съединените американски щати. Това поставя под риск стратегически сектори като стоманодобива, химическата индустрия, енергетиката. За страни като България преходът трябва да остане реалистичен и балансиран. България не може да си позволи загуба на базови мощности и отслабване на енергийната си независимост.
Част от въглищните централи трябва да бъдат запазени като стратегически резерв, който гарантира, който гарантира сигурното снабдяване на гражданите и на индустрията. Възобновяемата енергия трябва да се развива разумно и без риск за стабилността на мрежата. Европа има нужда от зелен преход, но основан на здрав разум, преход, който запазва индустрията и работните места в Европа, преход, който защитава националната енергийна сигурност и позволява на всяка държава членка да избира балансиран енергиен микс според своята стратегическа необходимост. Благодаря.
Borys Budka
Bardzo dziękuję, panie przewodniczący. Panie komisarzu, ja nie dziwię się, że po tych wypowiedziach kolegów z EKR-u po prostu uciekli, bo wiedzą doskonale, że systemu ETS nie da się wypowiedzieć. Trzeba go zreformować, trzeba naprawić błędy, które tam są zawarte, ale ten system w gruncie rzeczy ma doprowadzić do tego, by Europa była niezależna energetycznie między innymi od Rosji. Wiecie, kto powiedział, że nie da się wypowiedzieć systemu ETS? Mateusz Morawiecki.
Tak, szef EKR-u, były polski premier, który dopóki był premierem, doputy czerpał garściami i wydawał pieniądze z ETS-u, niestety nie na transformację energetyczną, tylko na wszystko inne. I dzisiaj najważniejszym zadaniem dla nas jest dobre wydawanie pieniędzy właśnie na transformację energetyczną. Potrzebujemy zmian w tym systemie, ale robionych z głową, tak byśmy wreszcie jako Europa byli niezależni energetycznie od takich kryzysów jak właśnie kryzys czy wojna w Iranie czy wojna prowadzona przez Rosję. I jeżeli dzisiaj chcemy dyskutować na ten temat, to to jest to miejsce.
I ja ubolewam nad tym, że po raz kolejny Patryk Jaki okazał się tchórzem, opowiedział kilka dyrdymałów, kilka nieprawdziwych rzeczy, po czym uciekł z tej sali właśnie dlatego, że wie doskonale, że był w polskim rządzie, który zgadzał się na propozycję Zielonego Ładu. Tak, Mateusz Morawiecki na to się zgadzał, a dzisiaj ten sam Mateusz Morawiecki jest szefem europejskich konserwatystów i reformatorów i uderza w system, którego był współautorem. Dziękuję.
Annalisa Corrado
Grazie, Presidente. L'ETS è quindi un'orribile tassa europea, come alcuni continuano a raccontare? No. È lo strumento con cui l'Europa ha spinto in questi anni industrie e sistemi energetici a ridurre consumo di combustibili fossili che non abbiamo, emissioni e dipendenza da gas e petrolio importati. E meno male che l'abbiamo fatto.
Un esempio su tutti: dalla crisi di Hormuz la spesa europea per le importazioni di fossili è aumentata di oltre 27 miliardi di euro. I prezzi schizzano e noi che non sappiamo smettere di usare gas e petrolio bruciamo letteralmente 500 milioni di euro ogni giorno. Si chiedono mai i detrattori dell'ETS, sul quale certamente bisogna lavorare per dei miglioramenti, dove saremmo oggi senza vent'anni di decarbonizzazione? E qual è la domanda vera da fare? Dove finiscono i proventi dell'ETS?
In paesi come l'Italia, da quando è in carica l'attuale governo che vuole smontare questo meccanismo, ci sarebbero 8 miliardi di euro e ne risultano rendicontati solo 1,6. Colleghi, ricordiamocelo bene: rispondere alla crisi energetica affossando l'ETS sarebbe come voler risanare i conti della banca del sangue affidandone la gestione al Conte Dracula.
Jorge Buxadé Villalba
Pagar por producir, pagar por invertir, pagar por crear empleo, pagar por crear riqueza. Las empresas europeas son expoliadas por el fanatismo climático. El comercio de derechos de emisión, buque insignia del Pacto Verde Europeo, se ha convertido en una condena para nuestra economía. Por culpa de ustedes, que votaron a favor y que siguen votando a favor, nuestra industria se ve obligada a pagar por el CO2 que produce en el proceso productivo. Ustedes sabían lo que iba a pasar, pero les dieron igual las consecuencias.
Decidieron desindustrializar Europa y mandar al paro a miles de trabajadores. Fábricas de automóviles cerrándose, despidos masivos, deslocalización del acero y el aluminio, la industria de aleaciones o la cerámica en Castellón camino de desaparecer, el puerto de Algeciras perdiendo tráfico frente al de Tánger y las facturas energéticas devorando las economías familiares. Mientras tanto, China y la India producen más que nunca. Ellos crecen y nosotros no. Por supuesto que tiene que revisarse todo el sistema, pero para derogarse con todo su Pacto Verde Europeo.
Si queremos ser competitivos, no podemos obligar a nuestras empresas y trabajadores a competir con las manos atadas a la espalda. Gracias.
Carlo Fidanza
Grazie, Presidente, Signor Commissario, colleghi. Il sistema ETS è oggi totalmente incompatibile con i bisogni dell'industria europea. Si è trasformato in una tassa carbonica contro le nostre famiglie, contro le nostre imprese. Questo è vero a maggior ragione in questa fase di crisi energetica che porterebbe qualsiasi persona di buon senso almeno a sospenderlo immediatamente per i settori più colpiti, a partire dall'industria energivora.
Quel buon senso che avrebbe dovuto portare a non fare l'ETS marittimo che sta spostando traffici commerciali dai porti europei ai porti africani, a mettere nel cassetto per sempre gli ETS 2 su trasporto pesante e abitazioni, a impedire la speculazione finanziaria sulle quote di carbonio. E invece al buon senso si preferisce ancora una volta la difesa di un totem ideologico, mentre chi lavora sulla revisione pensa di cavarsela con qualche modifica di facciata ai benchmark. Questa è la strada che conduce dritti al suicidio industriale e alla desertificazione produttiva dell'Europa, oltre che alla dipendenza totale dell'Europa dalla Cina. E non è questa la strada che possiamo percorrere, non è questa la strada che noi accettiamo.
Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy
Thank you, Madam Chair, and since I fundamentally believe that these kinds of debates should allow for blue cards, I'll react to a few of my colleagues. First of all, Mr. Procaccini, who already left, he called climate policy being ideological. But spending more than 500 billion annually on fossil fuels, is that ideological or factual? And that Member States who have the lowest investments in clean energy, that they are now the most vulnerable to high energy prices, is that ideological or factual? And that Italy by far spends the lowest amount of ETS revenues on climate action, is that ideological or factual?
We all know the answer and it's no wonder that Italy is in trouble. And then Mr. Bardella, who always talks about French independence. French people paid 1,000 euros a year in 2024 on fossil fuels. And if we follow his way, he will increase the dependence on France. The real ideologists are sitting over there, but their ideology is fossil fuels, it's high energy costs and full dependence.
Thank you.
Thank you, Madame Toussaint, vous avez la parole pour une minute.
Marie Toussaint
Merci. Chers collègues, depuis des mois, l'extrême droite ici présente ou d'ailleurs assez peu, n'a eu de cesse de remettre en cause les obligations climatiques des entreprises au prétexte de la compétitivité voire même parfois en prétendant défendre les classes populaires européennes. Au fond, l'extrême droite relègue la question climatique à l'arrière-arrière-arrière-plan alors même que l'Europe est en surchauffe. Et laissez-moi vous dire, le soutien de la droite européenne à l'affaiblissement des objectifs carbone est grave. Et on a d'un côté une extrême droite qui a ce culot de se prétendre défenseuse des classes populaires tout en les exposant, ces classes populaires, à des énergies fossiles dont les prix explosent et donc les poussant à s'enfoncer dans la précarité.
Cette extrême droite fait ceci et dans le même temps, elle vient réclamer à cor et à cri de dédouaner les entreprises polluantes de leur responsabilité de payer. Soyons clairs, les multinationales ArcelorMittal ou ThyssenKrupp ont reçu plus de quotas gratuits que leurs émissions réelles, engrangeant ainsi des milliards d'euros de profits tout en détruisant l'emploi sur le territoire européen. C'est ce modèle-là que l'extrême droite veut défendre. Vous défendez les pollués, les pollueurs contre les pollués, vous défendez les profiteurs par les précarisés, vous choisissez les actionnaires plutôt que les classes populaires, nous continuerons à nous battre contre vous et le modèle que vous proposez.
Sophie Wilmès
Thank you, merci beaucoup, Mr. Sypniewski, you have one minute please.
Marcin Sypniewski
Dziękuję. Szanowni Państwo, kiedy my dzisiaj debatujemy o Zielonym Ładzie, tysiące ludzi wyszło na ulice Warszawy, żeby powiedzieć jedno: precz, precz z Zielonym Ładem, precz z drogą energią, precz z tym całym klimatycznym szaleństwem, za które płacą zwykli ludzie. Wyszli górnicy, wyszli hutnicy, wyszli rolnicy, wyszli pracownicy zakładów przemysłowych, ale wyszli też zwykli ludzie w obronie swoich miejsc pracy, w obronie swoich portfeli, w obronie swojego normalnego życia, które chcecie im zabrać. ETS miał ograniczać emisje. Spójrzcie na wykresy, wcale emisje nie maleją, rosną.
To jest po prostu nieskuteczne.
W praktyce stworzyliście maszynkę do zarabiania pieniędzy przez spekulantów, którzy okradają zwykłych ludzi, powodując, że energia jest coraz droższa. A teraz chcecie iść jeszcze dalej. ETS 2 ma objąć budownictwo i transport. To będzie podatek od normalnego życia. Komu my mamy płacić ten podatek od życia?
Kogo my napadliśmy? Cały świat się z was śmieje. Śmieją się z was w Azji, w Stanach, uruchamiając kolejne kopalnie i elektrownie węglowe. Zrobiliście z Europy skansen i rujnujecie ją dalej. Dziękuję bardzo.
Maria Zacharia
Η Ευρώπη λέει στους πολίτες ότι το ETS είναι εργαλείο για τη σωτηρία του κλίματος. Στην Ελλάδα όμως ο κόσμος πληρώνει λογαριασμούς πανάκριβους, μικρές επιχειρήσεις ασφυκτιούν και έχουμε μια αγορά ενέργειας όπου οι λίγοι γίνονται συνεχώς ισχυρότεροι. Πείτε μας λοιπόν, πώς γίνεται όσο αυξάνεται το κόστος της πράσινης μετάβασης για την κοινωνία να αυξάνονται ταυτόχρονα και τα υπερκέρδη στην ενέργεια; Οι πολίτες δεν βλέπουν μια δίκαιη μετάβαση, βλέπουν ένα σύστημα όπου η περιβαλλοντική πολιτική περνά μέσα από χρηματιστηριακούς μηχανισμούς, χρηματοοικονομική κερδοσκοπία και μεταφορά κόστους στους πολλούς. Πραγματικά βιώσιμη Ευρώπη δεν σημαίνει μόνο το πόσο διοξείδιο του άνθρακα εκπέμπουμε.
Είναι ποιος πληρώνει το κόστος, ποιος κερδίζει και ποιος τελικά αποκλείεται από το δικαίωμα στην ενέργεια και στην αξιοπρεπή ζωή. Έχω ξεκινήσει έναν κοινοβουλευτικό έλεγχο για το καρτέλ στην ενέργεια που δρα στην Ελλάδα. Έχω ζητήσει τα στοιχεία από την Κομισιόν και η Κομισιόν μου τα αρνήθηκε. Σας παρακαλώ πολύ να μου δώσετε όλα τα στοιχεία. Ευχαριστώ.
Jessica Polfjärd
Tack fru talman, herr kommissionär. Utsläppshandelssystemet ETS är det mest kostnadseffektiva verktyget vi har för att nå våra klimatmål, och nu vill vissa försvaga det. Men låt oss vara tydliga: sänker vi ambitionsnivån i ETS försvinner inte utsläppen, de flyttas bara. Notan hamnar istället hos någon annan sektor: jordbrukssektorn, transportsektorn. Det kommer alltså bli dyrare att köpa mat, det kommer att bli dyrare att köra bilen till jobbet.
Det är inte någon realistisk klimatpolitik, det är bara att flytta problemet. Och låt oss inte heller glömma säkerhetsdimensionen. Situationen i Hormuzsundet är en påminnelse: vårt beroende av fossil energi är inte bara en klimatfråga, det har också en säkerhetsdimension. Varje steg bort från inhemsk, ren energi är ett steg mot större exponering. Företag runt om i Europa har gjort enorma investeringar i grönt stål och i ren industri.
De har satsat på att kostnaden för utsläpp ska gå ner och att vi ska fortsätta att kunna ha en konkurrenskraftig industri i Europa. Om vi nu drar undan mattan så riskerar vi att slå ut Europas modiga föregångare, just de företag som bevisar att omställning faktiskt är möjlig. Om inte ens de modigaste entreprenörerna längre ser en affärsidé, vilken signal sänder det till alla de som ännu inte vågat satsa? Vi måste ha våran trovärdighet kvar, det står på spel. Vi måste få ner utsläppen och upp tillväxten, och för att lösa den ekvationen måste vi hålla kursen och behålla utsläppshandelssystemet.
Tack.
César Luena
Buenas tardes. Vemos a todas las derechas hoy populistas, antieuropeas, atacando un sistema como el sistema de comercio de los derechos de emisión que funciona y un sistema que ha ayudado a reducir nuestra dependencia de los combustibles fósiles, que es lo que queremos. Por eso creo que no se tiene que debilitar, necesitamos un sistema alineado con la ley del clima, con sus objetivos de descarbonización y asegurar la certidumbre regulatoria a la industria, como ya se ha dicho aquí. Tres temas muy rápidos sobre el mercado para absorciones permanentes: estos créditos deben ser adicionales y mantenerse fuera del techo de emisiones del sistema. Sobre los créditos internacionales, comisario, no pueden convertirse en una obligación.
Y los ingresos deben utilizarse para descarbonizar precisamente la industria europea. Y tercero, sí que creo que debemos abordar las fugas de carbono y los desvíos de tráfico marítimo hacia puertos vecinos que no están cubiertos por el sistema. En definitiva, tendrá que venir una reforma, pero que sirva, por favor, para obtener más industria limpia y más autonomía energética. Es de lo que se trata. Gracias.
Dank u, meneer Van Dendriessche. U heeft één minuut, alstublieft.
Tom Vandendriessche
Voorzitter, collega's, het klimaatbeleid van de Europese Unie is eigenlijk ronduit rampzalig. Ze maken energie kunstmatig duurder dan in de rest van de wereld met ETS. En dit systeem straft wie werkt, wie onderneemt en zelfs wie simpelweg zijn huis wil verwarmen. Waar China, India en de Verenigde Staten hun industrie beschermen, jaagt de Europese Unie de onze weg met ETS 1: klimaatboetes, bureaucratie en onbetaalbare energieprijzen. En alsof dat nog niet genoeg is, leggen ze nu met ETS 2 extra klimaattaksen op voor onze gezinnen: honderden euro's extra klimaatbelasting per gezin per jaar, terwijl mensen het nu al moeilijk hebben om die energiefactuur te betalen.
De Europese Commissie kent het leven van gewone mensen gewoonweg niet. Ze is bezig met achterhaalde klimaatwaanzin, niet met de dagelijkse realiteit waar gewone mensen mee geconfronteerd worden. Schaf deze klimaattaksen toch gewoon af. Europa heeft nood aan betaalbare energie en een beleid van het gezond verstand. Dank u.
Marion Maréchal
Chers collègues, en matière de climat, Bruxelles est une machine à perdre. Monstre de bureaucratie, le marché européen de carbone dit ETS 1 est en réalité une taxe européenne qui ne dit pas son nom, un chantage permanent fait aux Européens. Ce dogmatisme climatique, mes chers collègues, c'est l'asphyxie programmée de notre industrie. C'est la détresse de nos agriculteurs qui s'exprimaient encore hier devant ce Parlement et que vous refusez d'entendre. C'est la perte sèche de millions d'emplois sur notre sol.
C'est aussi une prime aux délocalisations et aux importations étrangères. Alors avec le groupe ECR, nous réclamons que la Commission mette fin à la course à l'abîme vers laquelle ses politiques nous précipitent. ETS 1 avec son prix du carbone délirant et la fin des quotas gratuits est obsolète. Il doit être revu de fond en comble. ETS 2 avec son surcoût sur la facture énergétique annuelle des ménages de l'ordre de 150 euros sera un véritable coup de massue pour nos ménages et nos entreprises, il doit être purement et simplement abandonné.
Alors je crois qu'il est temps de tourner la page de cette gauche qui nous parle la main sur le cœur d'indépendance énergétique mais qui dans le même temps a milité contre le nucléaire, dans le même temps a défendu le pacte vert qui aboutit dans les faits à un véritable Buy China Act, qui s'est complue dans un véritable agrobashing qui fait que nous n'avons jamais été aussi dépendants sur le plan agricole de l'étranger.
Merci. I will now ask Mr. Lücke to come. You have the floor for one minute, please.
Andreas Glück
Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, wenn Energie unbezahlbar wird, wandert Wohlstand ab. Nicht laut, sondern mit ganz leisen Standortentscheidungen zu unseren Ungunsten. Nicht der Klimaschutz ist das Problem, sondern die Doppelregulierung ist das Problem. Wir haben auf der einen Seite Verbote, hohe Standards, eine Technologieverliebtheit einzelner Personen und auf der anderen Seite haben wir das technologieoffene Instrument ETS. Und meine Kritik an der ECR, Alexander Vondra ist glaube ich gerade eben nicht mehr da, ist, dass sie gegen das Falsche vorgehen.
Denn der ETS bedeutet, dass jeder, dass wir Vorgaben machen zum Klimaschutz, aber dass jeder die günstigsten und besten Lösungen umsetzen kann. Und das ist die Voraussetzung dafür, dass Klimaschutz weltweit angesetzt werden kann. Wir brauchen gut und günstig, um das Klima schützen zu können weltweit und um unsere eigene Wertsteigerung und unsere Wertschöpfung sicherzustellen. Und deswegen brauchen wir weniger Verbote und mehr ETS, meine sehr geehrten Damen und Herren. Vielen Dank.
Isabella Lövin
Fru talman, världen står inför den värsta energikrisen i historien. Det var vad internationella energiorganet slog fast häromdagen. Ändå mitt i den krisen så väljer Sveriges regering att införa breda skattesänkningar på bensin och diesel som ökar efterfrågan på olja istället för att rikta stöd till omställning och till de som verkligen behöver det. Det är helt fel. Man kan välja en annan väg.
I Frankrike till exempel så satsar man nu 10 miljarder euro om året på att göra landet mindre beroende av olja och gas. Och det är det vi behöver, mer ambitiös politik som stöttar hushåll och företag i omställningen. Och på EU-nivå måste vi också göra mer. Ett av våra viktigaste verktyg är utsläppshandelssystemet som sen införandet minskat utsläppen med 50 procent och mer än så. Och det är verkligen oroväckande att vissa länder nu vill försvaga det systemet.
Det får inte ske. Tvärtom, vi måste höja ambitionsnivån ytterligare för klimatet men också för vårt oberoende och vår säkerhet. Tack fru talman.
Markus Buchheit
Danke Frau Vorsitzende, liebe Kollegen, das EU-Emissionshandelssystem ist gescheitert und zwar vollständig. Es hat weder das Klima gerettet noch die Industrie in irgendeiner Weise gestärkt. Was es geleistet hat hingegen ist die Energiepreise in die Höhe zu treiben, Produktionskosten explodieren zu lassen und europäische Unternehmen in die Knie zu zwingen oder gleich ins außereuropäische Ausland zu vertreiben. Wir reden heute über eine Überprüfung. Ich sage Ihnen, man überprüft kein System, das strukturell falsch konzipiert ist.
Man schafft es ab. Solange China, die USA und der Rest der Welt ohne CO2-Bepreisung produzieren, bestraft das ETS ausschließlich europäische Unternehmen und europäische Arbeitnehmer. Das ist keine Klimarettung, das ist wirtschaftlicher Selbstmord auf Raten. Die Antwort auf die Wettbewerbskrise Europas heißt nicht Reform, nicht Anpassung, nicht Überprüfung, sie heißt Abschaffung des ETS heute und vollständig.
Angelika Niebler
Vielen Dank Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen, die Energiekrise ist nicht vorbei.
Im Gegenteil, die Lage bleibt unsicher und sie bleibt unberechenbar. Die Kommission hat mit ihrem Werkzeugkasten schnell und zielgerichtet reagiert, aber die Maßnahmen reichen nicht aus, um unsere heimische Industrie wegen der steigenden Kosten zu unterstützen. Deshalb ist es mehr wie wichtig, dass die Revision des ETS endlich kommt. Sie ist eine Chance, unsere Industrie gerade in diesen herausfordernden Zeiten mittelfristig zu entlasten. Fakt ist, und viele Kolleginnen und Kollegen haben ja schon drauf hingewiesen, Europa ist weltweit die einzige Region mit einem signifikanten CO2-Preis.
Der liegt heute pro emittierter CO2-Tonne bei rund 75 Euro, in China liegt er unter 10 Euro. Das ist kein Level Playing Field, das ist ein Wettbewerbsnachteil für die europäische Industrie. Das ETS läuft in ein strukturelles Problem. Der Absenkungspfad ist zu steil, lange bevor technische Alternativen verfügbar sind. Die Marktstabilitätsreserve schöpft Zertifikate künstlich ab und schafft Verknappung im Voraus.
Vor allem in Zeiten von externer Schocks, wie wir sie aktuell erleben, stellt das große Probleme dar. Die Folge ist, die Unternehmen sichern sich ab, sie halten Zertifikate zurück, sie hedgen. Damit wird genau das Kapital gebunden, was ja eigentlich notwendig ist, um die Transformation erfolgreich durchzuführen. Ich denke, dass ein langsameres Abschmelzen der freien Zuteilungen unabdingbar ist und auch der CBAM-Prozess, der ja mit großen bürokratischen Hürden derzeit noch verbunden ist, muss erst noch optimiert werden, damit letztlich hier auch der Außengrenzschutz effektiv ist und wir ETS entsprechend just nachjustieren können. Vielen Dank.
Thank you, Mrs. Brilka. You have one minute, please.
Anna Bryłka
Dziękuję, pani przewodnicząca, panie komisarzu. ETS miał być opłatą służącą zmniejszeniu emisji CO2 i zmobilizowaniu przemysłu w projekty dekarbonizacyjne, ale w praktyce stał się klimatycznym podatkiem. W efekcie ETS przemysł europejski wyprowadza się z Unii, emisje są poza Europą, a Europejczycy kupują te same produkty z jeszcze większymi emisjami, tylko że z regionów poza Europą. Właśnie w ten sposób upada europejski przemysł. Trzeba jasno przyznać, że radykalne cele klimatyczne są nieosiągalne w żaden ekonomiczny sposób.
Gospodarki konkurujące globalnie z Europą rozwijają się szybciej, a Europa przegrywa w tym wyścigu i jest z roku na rok coraz słabsza. System ETS wymaga radykalnej zmiany, wymaga zawieszenia. Potrzebujemy pauzy legislacyjnej, potrzebujemy zatrzymania procesu zielonej legislacji na każdym etapie, natomiast ETS 2 powinien zostać zupełnie zlikwidowany, zanim jeszcze wszedł w życie. Bez przemysłu nie zbudujemy silnej gospodarki w Europie i tego Komisja Europejska nie chce zrozumieć. Dziękuję.
Charlie Weimers
Thank you, Mr. Weimers. You have one minute, please.
Tack, fru talman. EU:s utsläppshandel, ETS, skulle minska utsläppen. Istället riskerar den att slå sönder Europas industri. Svenska hushåll märker det redan på elräkningarna, företaget märker det i form av högre kostnader och investeringar som flyttar utomlands. Och samtidigt fortsätter Bryssel att göra energi dyrare.
Resultatet: jobben lämnar Europa, industrin lämnar Europa, men utsläppen försvinner inte, de flyttar bara till Kina. Europa kan inte bli fossilfritt genom att bli industrifritt. Vi behöver billig och stabil energi, inte politik som gör oss fattigare och mer beroende av andra stormakter. Därför behöver utsläppshandelssystemet en rejäl översyn, och det innan Europas klimatpolitik blir Europas industriella självmord.
Thank you. Mrs. Kulmuni, you have one minute please.
Katri Kulmuni
Madam Speaker, Finland did an energy taxation reform already in the 90s before the EU membership and divided the energy taxation into CO2 emission and energy content. This enabled energy policies at the same time to cut emissions and increase the share of domestic renewable energy. If the energy is local, so is the positive employment effect. I understand that the shift from the local coal production into renewables need regional social input, but still the renewables, especially in wind and solar, are today perfectly competitive in electricity production and they are local too. So, the problem isn't the ETS, the problem are policies on the national level that hasn't been pushing for renewables constantly and long enough.
Today, the share of clean electricity and renewables is highest in the Nordics and the electricity is the cheapest. How do you explain this? Well, you don't, why you run away and aren't here present anymore.
Kai Tegethoff
Dear colleagues on the conservative and far-right benches, you want to talk competitiveness, so let's do that. Look at the news, just days after the strikes in the Middle East, gas prices were already skyrocketing. That's the real tax on European business: our crippling dependence on imported fossil fuels. Yet you use competitiveness as a trump card to unpick the ETS, our most powerful market-driven tool for green innovation. The ETS is not a burden, it's the very tool that incentivizes technical innovation, that lets us build energy independence and domestic clean technology, and that ultimately drives our competitiveness.
True competitiveness won't come from protecting the system that let us fall behind in first place. Come back to future, colleagues. By holding us back, you're not protecting our economy, you're simply misunderstanding it and destroying our chance to catch up with the rest of the world and to adapt our economic growth to planetary boundaries.
Wouter Beke
Dank u wel mevrouw de voorzitter, meneer de commissaris, collega's. Wie vandaag zegt zoals de rechterkant hier dat we de ETS op de schop moeten gooien, die begrijpt absoluut niet waarom dat we moeten decarboniseren. Maar wie zoals sommigen van de linkerkant zegt dat we ETS gewoon moeten doorgaan zonder te luisteren naar de industrie, die begrijpt niet hoe zwaar die transitie voor een aantal sectoren is. En ja, we moeten decarboniseren. Dat is van een ontzettend groot belang.
En wat mij betreft niet alleen om ecologische redenen, maar vooral om economische redenen, om strategische autonomie, om onafhankelijk te worden. Maar we moeten dat wel doen op een manier die haalbaar is. En voor een aantal belangrijke sectoren is het vandaag moeilijk, quasi onmogelijk om dat ze geen alternatief hebben. En dus de waarheid, collega's, die ligt in het moedige midden. ETS heeft zijn nut bewezen.
Het geeft een prijsprikkel. Het zorgt ervoor dat we op een marktgebaseerde manier kunnen vergroenen. We mogen het kind niet met het badwater weggooien. Maar voor een aantal sectoren is er wel een tekort aan betaalbare technologieën en dan wordt ETS geen hefboom voor verduurzaming, maar gewoon een extra kost, een extra kost die uiteindelijk terechtkomt bij de burger. Het zal hij zijn die betaalt door duurdere bouwmaterialen, door duurdere renovaties en duurdere woningen.
En dat raakt de gezinnen dan rechtstreeks. Daarom moet het bespreekbaar zijn om in sectoren waar vandaag geen haalbare alternatieven zijn, de uitstootrechten trager af te bouwen. Mijn pleidooi is een pleidooi voor de redelijkheid. Behoud de kracht van het ETS,
behoud de prijsprikkel, maar zorg voor een haalbaar traject. Want als de sociaal-economische impact te groot wordt, dan verliest niet alleen de burger, maar ook de industrie en tenslotte ook het klimaat.
Thank you. I'm now calling Mr. Knotek to take the floor for one minute please.
Ondřej Knotek
Thank you Madam Chair. Mr. Commissioner. Mr. Commissioner. I'm talking to you. Mr. Commissioner.
Mr. Commissioner. I'm talking to you. Please allow me speak one minute, yeah. Mr. Commissioner, you repeatedly state that the ETS works well. But what do we see?
Strategic sectors delay investments due to low investment return. The same strategic sectors shut down and move production outside the EU. The rate of promised new green jobs is neglectable compared to the jobs lost in the EU. Coal and lignite power plants are against the logics of today's global situation forced to close. So if you say that ETS works well,
Mr. Commissioner, what is the real goal of ETS? Economical destruction of Europe? High prices of ETS is the enemy of Europe and friend of Europe competitors. So Mr. Commissioner, I have a question on you. Are you a true European patriot or you are a friend of the ETS?
Because at the same time you cannot be both. Thank you very much.
Adrian-George Axinia
Thank you. It's the economy stupid. Dacă vrem să salvăm economia europeană și îndeosebi industria e obligatoriu să demantelăm sistemul de tranzacționare a emisiilor de dioxid de carbon. Birocrații de la Bruxelles să se dea jos de pe norișorul eco-friendly pe care plutesc și să înțeleagă că suntem pe punctul de a pierde războiul privind competitivitatea industriei cu China, America și India. Nu ne ajută cu nimic faptul că ne-am urcat pe un piedestal moral câtă vreme, așa cum arată datele economice, România, Europa rămâne în urmă, iar calitatea vieții cetățenilor noștri scade.
Noi conservatorii le cerem celor care conduc Comisia Europeană să dea dovadă de o minimă logică și să cupleze introducerea tarifelor la importul de oțel cu reducerea taxelor verzi. Nu poți să salvezi industria siderurgică europeană blocând concurența la graniță, atât timp cât în interiorul Europei o sugrumi prin prețul carbonului. Marile fabrici europene se închid din cauza energiei scumpe și a taxelor împovărătoare. Aici trebuie acționat dacă mai vrem industrie. Dacă revizuim sistemul ETS și o lăsăm mai moale cu Green Deal-ul, nu va fi nevoie de programe disperate de tip helicopter money precum celebrele SAFE pentru a salva industria.
A greși este omenește, dar această perseverență în delirul verde este absolut diabolică.
Stine Bosse
Commissioner, Chairman, dear colleagues. Alle borgere i EU skal have adgang til billig og sikker energi. Det har man de steder også i dag, hvor man er længst fremme med at omstille til fornybar energi. For når man satser på energiomstilling, så bliver man mindre afhængig af dyre og ustabile fossile brændstoffer. Den vej skal virksomhederne også.
De skal have adgang til ren, billig energi fra vind, sol, vand og atomkraft. Det fremmer sikkerhed og konkurrencekraft. For at få det til at ske, så har vi ETS-systemet. ETS gør vores helt egen energi til en god forretning. Det sætter pris på CO2 og flytter investeringer i den rigtige retning.
ETS sørger for, at forureneren betaler, sund fornuft, og det finansierer endda omstillingen.
Hvilken luksus. Patrioterne og ECR vil skrotte det hele, helt ærligt, det er simpelthen ikke klogt. Nej, vi skal udvikle ETS, ikke afvikle det. Det styrker vores sikkerhed, vores økonomi og vores konkurrencekraft.
Virginijus Sinkevičius
Thank you very much. Dear colleagues, in this debate I heard a lot of accusations and very little numbers. It's like, you know, partying while the whole night and then in the morning feeling bad and blaming a cookie. Because if you look at the ETS, it's actually responsible for less than 10% of the electricity price. And many of you said that ETS collects huge revenues, but you never said where those revenues actually goes.
It goes to your national budgets. Is Poland, Czech Republic or others ready to actually let those money go and not to invest into energy efficiency, into innovation in their countries? That's first question to be asked. Because colleagues, when you speak about ETS, you always try to blame EU like there is some sort of magic EU budget that ETS goes to. No, it goes to your national budget and you should ask your governments where those money are spent.
Absolutely, ETS 2 also must be introduced very fairly and very carefully because we should look at the real situation on the ground and especially families struggling with their bills. But that cannot be a stoppage for a change that we have started because the real pressure comes from our dependency on fossil fuels. Thank you.
Markus Ferber
Liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen, Herr Kommissar, der Emissionshandel war von Anfang an als ein marktbasiertes Instrument gedacht. Das Versprechen war klar: Wer CO2 am günstigsten einsparen kann, der tut es zuerst. Kein bürokratischer Dirigismus, sondern ein klares Preissignal, das Investitionen in die richtige Richtung lenkt und kostengünstige Emissionsminderung ermöglicht. Dieses Versprechen kann aber nur eingehalten werden, wenn das System auch verlässlich ist. Wer eine Anlage baut, die 30 Jahre läuft, braucht Planungssicherheit über diesen Zeitraum.
Das bedeutet, der CO2-Preis muss eine verlässliche Grundlage für unternehmerische Entscheidungen sein, nicht eine politische Variable, die je nach Stimmungslage nachjustiert wird. Und genau das ist das Problem: Wir basteln permanent an dem System rum und senden damit kein klares Signal an die Wirtschaft, wohin sie investieren soll. Deswegen, lieber Herr Kommissar, wenn Sie schon eine großangelegte Überprüfung vorhaben, sorgen Sie dafür, erstens, dass wir Stabilität in das System bringen und nicht alle Jahre nachsteuern müssen, und zweitens, dass ein klares Preissignal ausgesandt wird und die Gelder auch im System bleiben, damit richtig investiert werden kann. Vielen Dank.
Roman Haider
Das EU-Emissionshandelssystem muss nicht überprüft werden, es muss abgeschafft werden, ersatzlos gestrichen. Der Emissionshandel ist die wirtschaftsfeindlichste und mit Abstand dümmste Maßnahme in der Geschichte der EU. Ohne Sinn und Zweck wird damit die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit unserer Wirtschaft in allen Bereichen zerstört. Der Emissionshandel verteuert die Produktion, der Emissionshandel verteuert die Energie, der Emissionshandel vernichtet Jobs, der Emissionshandel ist das größte Geschenk für all unsere Konkurrenten in China, den USA und im Rest der Welt. Und falls es den Klimagläubigen hier im Haus noch nicht aufgefallen ist, sogar der Weltklimarat hat die Klimaapokalypse offiziell abgesagt.
Weder wir noch unsere Enkelkinder werden in der Klimahölle verglühen. Wir können also zur Vernunft zurückkehren. Wir können also diese sinnlosen Klimagesetze in Bausch und Bogen zum Fenster rauswerfen, und mit dem Emissionshandel sollten wir beginnen.
Daniel Obajtek
Panie przewodniczący, szanowny panie komisarzu. Przysłuchuję się tej dyskusji i to jest po prostu całkowity absurd. Od dziesięciu lat widzimy, w jakim kierunku idzie kwestia ETS-u. Od dziesięciu lat słyszymy o reformie ETS-u. Słyszymy, że ETS ma wprowadzać nowe tak naprawdę technologie.
Od dwóch lat w tym Parlamencie mówi się o konieczności reformy ETS-u. Ale cóż, nic się nie dzieje. Gospodarka europejska się stacza. ETS nie służy do rozwoju. To jest podatek od towarów.
Przyjęliście dodatkowy podatek od towarów. Teraz nowy budżet europejski chcecie zasilić tym podatkiem. Co to ma wspólnego z konkurencyjnością? Składałem wniosek, żeby zamienić ETS na inwestycje, żeby można było za ETS realizować inwestycje, nowe inwestycje, które zmienią oblicze naszej gospodarki. Wszyscy mówicie tak, fajny pomysł, tylko nic z tym tak naprawdę nie robicie, nie realizujecie.
Cały czas mówicie o reformie ETS-u, której tak naprawdę nie robicie, a gospodarka europejska coraz bardziej jest do tyłu. Dziękuję.
Christophe Grudler
Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, désigner l'ETS comme le responsable de nos difficultés industrielles, c'est détourner le regard du vrai problème : notre dépendance aux énergies fossiles importées. L'ETS reste l'outil climatique et industriel le plus puissant dont dispose l'Europe. L'affaiblir, c'est ralentir l'électrification de notre économie au moment même où elle devient un impératif stratégique. Oui, le système doit évoluer, mais certainement pas en distribuant toujours plus de quotas gratuits au risque de faire disparaître le signal prix carbone. Sans ce signal, pourquoi investir dans l'électrification ou dans les technologies propres ?
Notre objectif doit être clair : sortir définitivement des fossiles importés. Cela passe par une accélération massive de l'électrification industrielle. Veillons à ce que chaque euro issu de l'ETS serve cet objectif et ne vienne pas abonder les budgets nationaux des États membres. Quant à la future banque de la décarbonation, elle doit devenir une véritable banque européenne de l'électrification et de la souveraineté industrielle.
Jutta Paulus
Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen, es ist ja schon fast ein bisschen witzig, ne? Also seit Jahrzehnten hören wir von den Konservativen, es braucht überhaupt keine Ordnungspolitik, wir haben ein marktbasiertes Instrument und der wird alles zum Besten regeln. Und jetzt, wo kostenlose Zuteilungen auslaufen und der Preis regeln kann, kommen natürlich die Rufe nach der Aufweichung. Ich habe hier jetzt eine Stunde lang der Debatte gelauscht und habe leider nicht erfahren, was denn Ihr Plan ist, um diejenigen zu unterstützen, die schon investiert haben und diejenigen, die ihre Hausaufgaben nicht gemacht haben, dazu zu bewegen, das zu tun.
Das fehlt mir leider. Ich möchte aber, jetzt ist er leider weg, als Geburtstagsgeschenk für Herrn Liese über den Luftverkehr reden, denn zwei Drittel der europäischen Emissionen aus dem Luftverkehr werden nicht bepreist. Das sind die Langstreckenflüge. Die sind vom ETS ausgenommen und da geht es um fast 200 Megatonnen CO2, also nur um es ins Verhältnis zu setzen, das ist ein Drittel der Emissionen Deutschlands. Und kommt mir jetzt bitte nicht mit CORSIA, da sind weder die USA noch China drin, das heißt CORSIA springt hier auch nicht ein und anders als in allen anderen Sektoren kennen beim Luftverkehr die Emissionen nur eine Richtung und zwar nach oben.
Deshalb frage ich Sie...
Martin Hojsík
Thank you very much, Mr. Hoekstra. Thank you. I'm sorry, Madame Paulus, I have to be fair with the time and I'm generous in this debate generally. A teraz poprosím kolegyňu Ferenc, nech sa páči.
Viktória Ferenc
Tisztelt kollégák, tisztelt biztos úr! A kibocsátáskereskedelmi rendszer felülvizsgálata során szakítani kell a Green Deal ideológiai megközelítésével, amely az elmúlt években súlyosan gyengítette Európa versenyképességét. Miközben a versenytársaink olcsó energiával és célzott iparpolitikával erősödnek, Európa egyre nagyobb terheket rak saját iparára és polgáraira. Az energiaválság már így is komoly hátrányt okozott az európai embereknek. Éppen ezért elfogadhatatlan, hogy az ETS2 további terheket jelentsen a családok számára a fűtés és az üzemanyagárak növelésén keresztül.
Ezért haladéktalanul követeljük az ETS2 felfüggesztését. Ezzel párhuzamosan az ETS rendszerében meg kell őrizni az ipar számára az ingyenes kiosztásokat, mert ezek nélkül Európa további beruházásokat, munkahelyeket és termelési kapacitásokat veszíthet. Európának nem ideológiai klímapolitikára, hanem versenyképességre, energiabiztonságra és legfőképp józan észre van szüksége.
A teraz poprosím kolegu Solíra, nech sa páči.
Diego Solier
Gracias, presidente, comisario. Europa ya no penaliza contaminar, penaliza producir. Y esa es la realidad que llevamos escuchando desde hace casi dos años de mandato: industrias que cierran, empresas que se marchan, trabajadores que pierden su empleo. Y mientras tanto, Europa sigue aumentando importaciones de países que no gobiernan desde la ideología, sino defendiendo sus propios intereses. Y esto ya no afecta solo a la industria.
Pregunten al sector primario. Pregunten al sector logístico. Pregunten a los trabajadores de Algeciras, que ven cómo los barcos paran en Tánger mientras sus terminales se vacían de contenedores. Nos hablan de soberanía europea mientras obligamos a nuestras empresas a cerrar fábricas para acabar importando exactamente los mismos productos desde fuera de Europa. Y eso no es una transición ecológica, eso es desindustrialización.
Desde el ECR defendemos revisar profundamente el sistema ETS, porque Europa no puede seguir imponiendo objetivos técnicamente imposibles, energéticamente inviables y económicamente destructivos. Porque si seguimos por este camino, Europa dejará de producir. Porque cuando Europa deje de producir, deja también de decidir su propio futuro. Gracias.
Jan-Christoph Oetjen
Vielen Dank, sehr geehrter Herr Präsident, verehrter Herr Kommissar, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Als Verkehrspolitiker kann ich Ihnen sagen, dass natürlich die Bepreisung von CO2 in Europa auch dazu führt, dass sich Verkehre verlagern.
Und ich hätte gerne eine Antwort auch von der Kommission darauf, wie sie darauf reagieren will, dass Verkehre zu Hubs außerhalb von Europa verlagert werden, denn darauf brauchen wir eine Antwort. Aber klar ist aus meiner Sicht, dass der Emissionshandel das zentrale marktwirtschaftliche Instrument ist zur CO2-Bepreisung, zur CO2-Reduktion. Denn er sorgt dafür, dass CO2 genau dort eingespart wird, wo es am günstigsten ist. Und deswegen sollten wir gerade dieses Instrument, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen, stärken, anstatt kleinteilige, komplizierte Spezialregeln für einzelne Branchen zu erfinden und versuchen, wirtschaftliche Entwicklungen staatlich zu steuern. Gleichzeitig müssen wir aber natürlich in Europa in Energien investieren, die klimaneutral sind, die CO2-neutral sind.
Erneuerbare Energien, aber genauso kleine modulare Reaktoren in der Kernenergie, die wir brauchen, denn aus meiner Sicht ist das zentrale Thema heute, dass wir abhängig sind von fossiler Energie aus dem Ausland und wir dafür sorgen müssen, dass wir die Energie bei uns klimaneutral produzieren. Vielen Dank.
Anna Maria Cisint
Presidente, Commissario, l'Europa, Commissario, sta commettendo un errore gravissimo. Mentre affrontiamo la pesante crisi energetica, la Commissione continua a imporci un sistema ETS e rigidità che aumentano artificialmente i costi per le imprese e per le famiglie. Per esempio, dal 2028, è notizia di oggi, per il trasporto in Italia il maggior costo è stimato in 11 miliardi ed è inaccettabile. La contraddizione però è evidente. Per la difesa e le armi Bruxelles ha concesso la flessibilità e deroghe ai vincoli europei, ma per sostenere imprese e famiglie e lavoro la nega.
Così non si difende l'ambiente, ma si distrugge il nostro futuro e la fiducia delle famiglie e delle imprese che è già in deciso calo. Quindi bisogna rivedere con urgenza e meglio se sospendere l'ETS a tutela delle imprese e dei cittadini e va autorizzata con urgenza la flessibilità di bilancio per investimenti e caro energia.
Kris Van Dijck
Dank u wel, voorzitter, meneer de commissaris, collega's. Ja, de EU moet decarboniseren. Maar collega's, laat het alsjeblieft geen de-industrialisatie worden waarbij sectoren en jobs verdwijnen. Want waar ik voor pleit is toch wel een zekere realiteitszin. De wereld is veranderd.
De geopolitieke context is veranderd. Praat met onze bedrijven en je hoort de signalen. Ik denk aan de agressieoorlog van Rusland waardoor de energieprijzen gestegen zijn. Denk aan de concurrentiestrijd tussen de Verenigde Staten en China waar wij de gevolgen van dragen. En dus onze industrie lijdt zwaar omdat dit systeem onbetaalbaar dreigt te worden.
Waar ik voor pleit, commissaris, dat is één: herbekijk de prijs van de emissierechten. Ten tweede: stop de snelle afbouw van de gratis certificaten. En ten slotte: laat het geld eerlijk terugvloeien naar de industrie. Ik geef een voorbeeld: bij ons in Vlaanderen, waar ik vandaan kom, zal onder het huidige systeem in 2030 600 miljoen euro te weinig terugvloeien om onze bedrijven inderdaad de kans te geven om een transitie te maken. Dank u wel.
Sigrid Friis
Hvis du forurener, så skal du selv betale for oprydningen og udledningen. For hvis ikke, så kommer alle vi andre til at gøre det.
Jeg vil ikke være med til at skubbe regningen videre til mine børn eller børnebørn. Men populisterne, antieuropæerne derude på højrefløjen, der forsøger at snyde jer til at tro, at det er betalingen gennem ETS-systemet, der har fået energipriserne til at eksplodere. Det er simpelthen ikke rigtigt. Det er vores afhængighed af fossil energi fra fremmede stater, der skaber de skyhøje priser. Det er en sårbarhed, der rammer europæiske familier, og som skader Europas evne til at stå stærkt.
Hvis vi lyttede til højrefløjen, hvis vi slagtede kvotesystemet, så vil det kun skabe usikkerhed, bremse investeringerne og gøre Europa endnu mere sårbar over for den næste fossile krise. Hvis vi vil passe på Europa, så skal vi gøre os mindre afhængige af fossil energi. Vi skal sikre vores egen grønne energi i rigelige mængder og til fornuftige priser. Det er kun sådan, vi kan skabe et stærkt Europa, vi kan give stolt videre til den næste generation.
Ďakujem pekne a teraz poprosím kolegu Žalstra, nech sa páči.
Auke Zijlstra
Ja, voorzitter, dank u wel. Voorzitter, niemand in de Europese Unie heeft nog enig idee wat energie eigenlijk kost, want de wereldprijs is vervangen door onbetaalbare energiebelastingen, door CO2-heffingen, door transitiedwang. Maar zonder heldere door vraag en aanbod bepaalde prijzen weten bedrijven helemaal niet meer wat energie werkelijk mag kosten, wat schaars is, waar ze verstandig in moeten investeren. In 1974 kreeg Friedrich von Hayek de Nobelprijs voor de economie precies omdat hij aantoonde dat centrale planning de kennis vernietigt die alleen in vrije prijzen tot uiting komt, en zonder die prijsinformatie zijn rationele economische beslissingen onmogelijk. En dus zijn er nu al een miljoen banen verdwenen in de industrie.
En nu bedrijven niet meer kunnen concurreren, komen er subsidies om de effecten van de heffingen te bestrijden. Dat, voorzitter, is het verergeren van het probleem, het gas geven richting ravijn. Voorzitter, de Europese Unie is uitgespeeld en de wereld kijkt hoofdschuddend toe. Dank u wel.
A ako posledného v rozprave poprosím kolegu Ozdobu, nech sa páči.
Jacek Ozdoba
Szanowni Państwo, na pytanie, czy system ETS wyrzucić do kosza, czy zlikwidować, jaka jest obecna ocena obywateli, to wystarczy spojrzeć na ulice Warszawy. Właśnie w tej chwili, kiedy odbywają się te obrady, w tej chwili na ulicach Warszawy setki tysięcy Polaków protestują przeciwko polityce klimatycznej. Piękne wasze hasła o ETS-ie, a tymczasem spójrzcie na różne instrumenty finansowe. Wczoraj tutaj na sali odznaczaliście Angelę Merkel. Szkoda, że niemiecka delegacja nie przypomina sobie, skąd się wziął ETS, Energiewende, pozbyć się węgla, wziąć gaz, a gaz ma być dostarczony poprzez Nord Stream 1, Nord Stream 2.
To była wasza strategia. A dzisiaj na teren Litwy, gdzie nasi przyjaciele z Litwy mieszkają, wlatują drony, które być może były bezpośrednio sfinansowane właśnie poprzez Nord Stream 1, Nord Stream 2, przynajmniej przez tę ideę. Więc zastanówcie się, po co właściwie był ten ETS, który blokuje możliwość rozwoju przemysłu i gospodarki europejskiej. Dziękuję.
Martin Hojsík
A teraz v závere debaty poprosím pána komisára Hoekstru, nech sa páči.
Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy
Yes, please. Thank you, Chair. I just want to make a point of order. We have a topical debate. This hall is totally empty.
Even the one who initiated the debate is not here to listen to the Commission. This is not only offensive to a Commissioner, but also to this own institute, European Parliament.
This is not a place like a press room where you have your statement for cameras and then you leave. This is a political arena for political debate. So my question, and that's why it's a point of order, could you please ask the president to address this at the conference of presidents because in this way this is not working. Thank you.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you for your point of order. I think this will be taken note and this will be I guess discussed well I guess this will be discussed within the discussions in the conference of presidents but also in the bureau regarding the organization of the plenary. Thank you for raising this point and let me give the floor to the commissioner Hoekstra. Is there another point of order? But I would like to prevent starting the debate so yes please try to stick to point of order.
Speaker 210
Thank you very much. Just to it's about a lie. I initiated the debate and I'm here. So don't lie anymore.
Then I would like to give the floor now to the commissioner Hoekstra.
Wopke Hoekstra
Thank you very much chair and I know you personally understand this is better for people who have been drinking too much milk when they were young. A couple of things that I think are important to note at the very end. One is whether you look at this debate from the perspective of the huge climate damage we see happening all across Europe and just take the latest examples in Portugal earlier this year. Or whether you're mostly worried by the competitiveness problems our industries are experiencing and the hugely the huge prices they face in terms of getting their energy. Or when you take the look of vulnerability and lack of independence.
The answer is always the same: more clean, cheap, homegrown energy. That simply is what Europe needs. So that means electrification, it means geothermal, it means interconnectors, it means solar, it means wind, it means nuclear, it means batteries, all of it without prejudging or taking any of it out of the solution space. That's what we need. Again for climate, for competitiveness and for independence.
Secondly, and that was part of the debate today, let's look at the prices across the various member states and you can even look into the various bidding zones of the various member states. And you will find that those who have an abundance of homegrown energy, solar, wind, nuclear, whatever specific part of the mix whatever the mix might look like, they have the cheapest energy for their citizens and for their industry. And just to be clear that is not correlation, it is causality. That's the reality. So we need more of it.
Third, if you look at all the elements that we're going to put on the table in terms of the innovation fund, in terms of the solidarity component, if you look at the investment booster, all of the elements that we're putting on the table, I think we are preparing ourselves for the transition and we are addressing some of the worries that people have voiced here.
But again, let's continue to have this debate. This is also intellectually not the easiest file we have. Again, those who have investment have invested cannot be punished, they should be rewarded for it. And at the same time, we feel a huge obligation to bring all energy all companies from all walks of life towards a better future. To make sure whether regardless of whether they're from the steel industry or the chemicals industry or the car industry or whatever industry you might be most preoccupied with, we will need to make sure that this instrument works for them.
So that is the way forward, let's continue to have that conversation and I want to thank everyone very much for this debate. Thank you, chair.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem pekne a debata k tomuto bodu sa týmto skončila. Ďalším bodom programu je vyhlásenie Komisie nedávne návrhy na boj proti chudobe v Európskej únii. Počkáme na chvíľu na výmenu na mieste komisára, respektíve komisárky v tomto prípade. If I may request Commissioner Hoekstra and MEP Vondra to slightly move the debate, I'm sure it's a really important one, and I would like to give the floor to Madam Commissioner Mînzatu.
Roxana Mînzatu
I have had milk but the quality of the milk is debatable. No, no, no, I was making a I was making a joke. Sorry. Good afternoon and thank you for this opportunity to be able to discuss with with you here in the plenary the EU anti-poverty strategy and overall social package that we have adopted in the European Commission on the 6th of May. And I must start with the figure, with the numbers of truth that drive our action, that is that one out of five Europeans, that is 93 million people in Europe are at risk of poverty, at risk of of social exclusion.
And for children, the number is one out of four, and that would mean some 19 million children that are in this precarious situation. And for the European Union, with the indicators, with the economy, with the domestic internal product that we have, this is really unacceptable and it is not just unacceptable, it is not something that we could have not avoided. So with this in mind, we have adopted this package, this social package that has three tools inside, three components. The communication on the first ever EU anti-poverty strategy, that sets a very clear path forward on making significant accelerated progress towards our 2030 headline target, that is addressing poverty in in adults and in children. But of course, it is an important boost towards our 2050 ambition to help eradicate poverty.
So this is the main goal, the most ambitious goal. Then the second tool is the communication on a reinforcing, on strengthening the European Child Guarantee, and it is very important because it is exactly the tool that breaks the generational transmission of poverty. Third tool, addressing another critical issue, housing, we have set forward a proposal for a Council recommendation on fighting housing exclusion.
Now, all three parts of the package include and announce concrete tools, practical mechanisms that can help us advance together in the European Union, in full respect of the competences that Member States have, that the European Union have, but also with a mindset that we have a collective fight against poverty. Before I would turn to substance, I also want to thank you, the European Parliament, and it's an honest thank you because it is about the many conversations, the many debates, the many resolutions, reports, engagements with you bilaterally, with you with the committees, with the intergroup. All this contribution has shaped this package and I think has made for a better anti-poverty strategy. It's not a perfect anti-poverty strategy, but because of your contribution, it is a better tool for Europeans. Of course, many asked why come with a strategy and why at this moment?
Main answer is this one: we are running out of time. As I've mentioned, we have committed that by 2030, we take out of poverty 15 million Europeans. Is it much, is it little, I have told you the overall numbers. But even if we look at this ambition, we are still at only 3.7 million Europeans that have been effectively supported and relieved and taken out of poverty and social exclusion. So we are barely on our way there, we are barely making it.
So in a world that is anyway shocked, that is undergoing so many challenges, this is not the way to go on our road to reduce poverty. We really need to step up, we really need to accelerate. So this strategy gives us very concrete deliverables on how to do that. We built it on three main priorities. First, it is about quality jobs, it is about quality employment, because this is the surest way out of poverty for those that, yes, can work.
And this year, the Commission will launch this first-stage consultation of European social partners on possible EU action to support the activation of people excluded from the labour market. That could become a legislative tool, let us see what the consultations will tell us. We are also committing to continue tackling in-work poverty directly, because many who have a job are still living in poverty and exclusion. Numbers say 8% of all workers in the EU, but we know how dynamic these numbers and we see the pressure of the cost of living, the affordability crisis, so numbers indeed are important, but we have to take them in a context. Second, the anti-poverty strategy refers to access to quality services, because people in poverty and in risk and vulnerability, they face a fragmented access to services and systems that are many times difficult to navigate for them.
Many do not know what services they are eligible for or how these services can really help them. So we will propose a Council recommendation on integrating access to services. Integrated access is quite essential so that we can address this: a better outreach of people who need support, a faster needs assessment, better cooperation between administrations, and integrated and personalised support plans for the people who need assistance. Third, the strategy is about mobilising all actors, a whole-of-society, we would say, approach, because fighting poverty is a collective responsibility. That is why we called on Member States to appoint a national anti-poverty coordinator that should be positioned at the highest political level, in the Prime Minister, President of the Council's office if possible, so that we make sure this top political priority makes it possible to tackle this huge challenge across the whole of the government, not just in one ministry, one agency, and across the different governance levels.
We are also deepening our partnerships with the Parliament and in particular with the intergroup that on fighting poverty, with the Committee of the Regions, with the Economic and Social Committee, with the private sector, with the philanthropy sector through the coalition against poverty that we are preparing to launch. And crucially, a partnership with people who have experienced poverty themselves through a new tool, a structured dialogue that we are putting into place. We are also strengthening the European Child Guarantee. The aim is to improve access to education, to healthcare, to healthy nutrition, healthy meal, to adequate housing for every child in need because we know that the best social investment that we can make, and it is an investment, is in the first years of life. Also, we are including a housing recommendation proposal that gives Member States a clear framework looking at a person-centered, housing-led preventive approach.
We need to act before people lose their homes. We need to support them with integrated services when they need it. And we need to support Member States to deliver on the supply of affordable social housing for those that are in risk of exclusion. So honorable members, this strategy is our collective answer to the needs of millions of Europeans who are struggling. We have set the course and now we need to walk it together.
I look forward to your questions and to your input. Thank you.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you very much, Madam Executive Vice-President, and to open the debate, I would like to give the floor to Madame Marczulajtis-Walczak for the EPP, please.
Jagna Marczułajtis-Walczak
Szanowna Pani Komisarz, Szanowne Panie i Panowie Posłowie. Po raz pierwszy Unia Europejska przedstawia tak ambitną strategię walki z ubóstwem, strategię, która nie mówi już tylko o ograniczaniu skutków, ale stawia sobie za cel całkowite wyeliminowanie ubóstwa do 2050 roku. To ważny sygnał, szczególnie dziś, gdy Europa mierzy się jednocześnie z kryzysem bezpieczeństwa, wysokimi kosztami życia i rosnącymi nierównościami społecznymi. Często słyszymy, że nie jest to dobry moment na ambitne cele społeczne. Kryzysy są, były i będą, ale naszym zadaniem jako polityków jest odpowiadać na potrzeby ludzi właśnie w trudnych momentach.
Cieszy mnie, że strategia wyraźnie dostrzega osoby z niepełnosprawnościami jako jedną z grup najbardziej narażonych na ubóstwo i wykluczenie społeczne. Bo w przypadku osób z niepełnosprawnościami ubóstwo nie wynika z braku chęci do pracy czy aktywności, ale z barier, które nadal istnieją: ograniczonego dostępu do rynku pracy, edukacji, transportu, mieszkań dostępnych czy usług społecznych. Jednocześnie chcę odnieść się do przedstawionej na początku maja strategii na rzecz osób z niepełnosprawnościami. Zabrakło w niej nowych propozycji legislacyjnych, a temat niezależnego życia osób z niepełnosprawnościami nie wybrzmiał wystarczająco mocno. W obu przypadkach powodzenie tych strategii będzie zależało od tego, czy za ambitnymi deklaracjami pójdą realne środki finansowe i konkretne działania.
Potrzebujemy inwestycji w dostępne usługi społeczne, mieszkalnictwo, opiekę zdrowotną i aktywizację zawodową. Potrzebujemy rynku pracy, który nie wyklucza.
Doceniam, że Komisja Europejska proponuje bardziej systemowe i długofalowe podejście do walki z ubóstwem i wykluczeniem społecznym. Teraz najważniejsze będzie to, aby te ambitne cele przełożyły się na realną poprawę życia osób najbardziej narażonych na wykluczenie, w tym osób z niepełnosprawnościami. Dziękuję bardzo.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem pekne. A teraz poprosím za skupinu Progresívnej aliancie socialistov a demokratov v Európskom parlamente kolegu O'Riodon, nech sa páči.
Aodhán Ó Ríordáin
Poverty is the most profound, grinding insecurity anyone can face. Yet the only security we deal with urgency is at our borders. The only competitiveness we care about is market share. The only simplification we deliver is for business. Millions of Europeans compete for survival, for a simple roof over their head, for a fair wage, for their child's next meal.
Commissioner, we welcome this first EU anti-poverty strategy. But a union that can move mountains for markets must now move them for people. Too often for those who need it most, we describe and we delay. Ireland just recorded its highest number of evictions since the famine. The 7,000 people affected do not need another strategy, they need protection.
Hungry children do not need another framework, they need investment. Words must be matched by concrete actions: a directive on minimum income, a binding EU-wide ban on no-fault evictions, and 20 billion euro for child poverty. The Irish presidency must make this a priority, and I know you will too, Commissioner. The Commission buzzwords of simplification, competitiveness, and security are meaningless if your children are cold, homeless, or hungry. Poverty is not chosen by those who suffer it.
Poverty is a political choice. Poverty must be despised and ended. It is that simple.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem. A za skupinu Patrioti pre Európu poprosím kolegyňu Dostálovú, nech sa páči.
Klara Dostalova
Děkuji za slovo. Vážená paní komisařko, Evropská unie dnes mluví v souvislosti s bojem s chudobou o nedostatku bydlení, jako kdyby krize bydlení přišla sama od sebe, jako kdyby to byla nějaká přírodní katastrofa, kterou nemohl nikdo předvídat. Ale buďme k sobě prosím upřímní. Brusel, Evropská komise se dnes tváří jako hasič krize, kterou ale sám pomohl vytvářet. Kdo zdražil energie?
Evropská komise. Kdo rozšířil ETS a přenesl další náklady na domácnosti a stavebnictví? Evropská komise. Kdo vytvořil obrovské regulatorní břemeno pro výstavbu? Evropská komise.
Developer dnes v Evropě nestaví dům. Developer dnes vyplňuje ekologické formuláře o udržitelnosti, o energetické náročnosti budov, taxonomii, Fit for 55, další povinnosti, další reportingy, další regulace. A výsledek? Mladí lidé nedosáhnou na bydlení, výstavba klesá, povolení trvají roky, ceny rostou rychleji než mzdy. Prosím, sáhněte si už jednou do svědomí a přiznejme, kdo způsobil cenově nedostupné bydlení.
Děkuji.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem. A teraz poprosím kolegyňu Teodorescu z Európskych konzervatívcov a reformistov.
Georgiana Teodorescu
Thank you, chair. Doamnă comisar, toată lumea vorbește aici despre strategii, statistici, rapoarte, dar în România reală oamenii nu trăiesc din hârtii și sloganuri europene. România a ajuns din păcate una dintre cele mai sărace țări din Europa, iar românii plătesc chiar acum când vorbesc cel mai mare preț la energie de pe continent.
În fiecare lună, milioane de oameni aleg între a-și încălzi locuința și a pune mâncare pe masă. Știți ce înseamnă asta? Înseamnă un sfert de milion de copii care merg la culcare flămânzi. Înseamnă pensionari care sting lumina ca să poată să-și cumpere medicamente. Înseamnă părinți care muncesc din greu și tot nu-și permit un trai decent.
Puterea de cumpărare a românilor s-a prăbușit alarmant, iar oamenii și-au pierdut speranța. Românii nu cer privilegii, cer doar dreptul la o viață decentă. Dar de aici, de la Bruxelles, nu se vede drama din estul Europei. Se construiesc strategii anti-sărăcie fără să se asculte de fapt vocea celor săraci. Se vorbește despre cifre, dar se uită oamenii.
Dacă Uniunea Europeană nu a uitat pentru ce a fost creată, atunci trebuie să înceapă să lupte pentru cetățenii ei și nu pentru cei ai altor state.
Martin Hojsík
A teraz za skupinu Renew Europe poprosím pani kolegyňu Jovevú, nech sa páči.
Irena Joveva
Naroda ne bi smeli soditi po tem, kako ravna s svojimi najbolj privilegiranimi državljani, temveč po tem, kako ravna s tistimi najranljivejšimi. Citat Nelsona Mandele seveda ni izbran naključno. To ni samo nek lep moralni opomnik, to je ogledalo Evropi in resničen test predstavljene strategije za boj proti revščini. Ker ima revščina danes v Evropi obraz ljudi, ki delajo, ki se trudijo in ki kljub temu komaj pridejo čez mesec. Pogosto je to obraz mlade osebe z dvema službama ali matere samohranilke ali upokojenca, ki med plačevanjem položnic mora izbirati med ogrevanjem in hrano.
Tudi vaši podatki, torej podatki Komisije, jasno kažejo: revščina v Evropi ima danes obraz zaposlenega človeka. In oprostite, ampak družba, v kateri dostojno življenje postaja privilegij, ni uspešna družba. In ta predlagana strategija Komisije je zelo široka in res veliko stvari v njej pozdravljam: otroška revščina, invalidi, stanovanja, kakovostna delovna mesta, vse to je absolutno pomembno in na mestu, ampak ključni del žal manjka in to je realizacija rešitev. Ni predloga za zvišanje sredstev jamstva za otroke, ni predloga, kako zagotoviti plače, s katerimi lahko človek normalno živi, še vedno čakamo na predlog direktive za minimalni dohodek in rešitve ni niti za ustrezno socialno varnost prekarnih delavcev. Namesto tega se skoraj vse upe prelaga na prihajajočo uredbo o kakovostnih delovnih mestih, kar je sicer v redu, ampak ne moremo se pretvarjati, da bo ena sama uredba sama rešila problem revščine zaposlenih v Evropi.
Vse našteto skupaj pač potrebujemo, če res želimo Evropo z uspešno družbo in Evropo, ki ji bomo lahko brez sramu sodili po tem, kako ravna s tistimi najranljivejšimi. Hvala.
Speaker 217
Ďakujem a za skupinu Zelených/Európska slobodná aliancia poprosím pani kolegyňu Ohisalo, nech sa páči.
Maria Ohisalo
Hyvä komissaari, hyvät kollegat. Maailman onnellisimmissa maissa ihmiset jonottavat ruokaa, työttömyys on Euroopan korkeinta ja asunnottomuus lisääntyy. Tämä Suomessa. EU on yksi maailman rikkaimmista alueista. Miten siis voi olla, että 93 miljoonaa ihmistä on köyhyys- ja syrjäytymisriskissä?
Että yli miljoona ihmistä elää kodittomana, joista 400 000 on lapsia? Että yhdellä viidestä ihmisestä ei ole varaa kunnon ateriaan? Kyse ei ole siitä, etteikö meillä olisi varaa korjata tätä. Kyse on siitä, että toimet ovat tasoa thoughts and prayers, valitettavasti. Ja ne eivät riitä, kun lapset elävät ilman kotia, kaduilla, nälissään.
Ne eivät riitä. EU ei ratkonut koronaa, ei puolustuskriisiä ilman yhteisiä päätöksiä. Ja sama logiikka pätee köyhyyden torjuntaan. Me tarvitsemme sitovaa lainsäädäntöä, me tarvitsemme lisää resursseja.
Köyhyys ei ole luonnonlaki. Sen ratkaiseminen vaatii poliittista tahtoa ja sitä pitää nyt komissionkin näyttää.
Martin Hojsík
Děkuju a za skupinu Levice v Evropském parlamentu poprosím kolegu Oliveiru de Paçes.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, presidente, senhora comissária Šuica. Insistimos hoje em algumas das questões centrais que afirmamos no relatório do Parlamento Europeu aprovado em fevereiro passado. A erradicação da pobreza exige uma mudança de prioridades que ponha o foco nas necessidades sociais e económicas dos povos. Exige atacar a pobreza nas suas causas profundas com políticas que garantam uma distribuição justa da riqueza. Exige a concretização dos direitos humanos enquanto direitos políticos, económicos, sociais e culturais como direitos universais e indivisíveis.
Exige uma abordagem global e integrada que enfrente a pobreza nas suas múltiplas dimensões e que tenha presente o objetivo da sua erradicação em todas as políticas setoriais. O relatório que aprovamos neste Parlamento em fevereiro passado foi um importante ponto de partida para construir esse caminho da erradicação da pobreza. A estratégia anunciada pela Comissão Europeia fica muito aquém do que é necessário. É verdade que encontramos no texto muitas das referências que ficaram do relatório do Parlamento. Mas a estratégia proposta pela Comissão é uma proposta a que falta compromisso efetivo, financiamento associado e necessário e absolutamente indispensável para a erradicação da pobreza.
Apontando-se a militarização da União Europeia para 2030, é incompreensível que se deixe o objetivo da erradicação da pobreza para 2050. Esse é um sinal de secundarização de questões económicas e sociais que não pode ficar para trás.
Martin Hojsík
Děkuju a za skupinu Evropa suverénních národů poprosím kolegu Vannacciho, nechte se páčit.
Roberto Vannacci
Donna commissar, è un piacere sanemai vederci in quest'aula. Non è pio cantare vittoria sui morti caduti, diceva Ulisse alla sua serva dopo la strage dei proci da lui stesso compiuta al suo ritorno a Itaca. Analogamente non è pio ed è indubbiamente ironico che questa Commissione si interroghi sulla povertà da lei stessa causata per le sue scelte e le sue politiche scellerate. Patto di stabilità, Green Deal, desertificazione industriale, guerra ad oltranza, sanzioni controproducenti, debito comune, spesa per armi, incremento delle risorse proprie, irrilevanza internazionale e Mercosur sono solo alcune delle scelte scriteriate che questa Commissione ha attuato e che hanno spinto sul lastrico l'intera eurozona. Allora assodata la vostra incompetenza, fatevi da parte e lasciate risolvere i danni da voi stessi causati agli stati sovrani.
Perché oggi voi non rappresentate la cura, ma solamente l'epidemia. Grazie.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you and this concluded the round of speakers in the name of political groups. I want to inform you that the blue cards were open. I see the number of you are already asking for catch-the-eye. I'm happy to see that. And that I will also have to start to be more strict on the time.
That's the custom to give a bit more to the round of the first speakers in the name of the groups, but then we're running a bit late as well. So just to give you a clear warning. Please, Madam Doherty, the floor is yours.
Regina Doherty
Thank you, Chairperson. Commissioner, across the European Union, we rightly take pride in being one of the most prosperous, educated and socially developed regions in the world.
And yet every single day, millions of our children are waking up in homes that are struggling to afford food, heating, school supplies, or even a secure home, a roof over their head. And I have to say, that should be a shame on every single one of us. Child poverty is not inevitable, and it's not a mystery that needs to be solved because we absolutely know what works. Early childhood education, affordable childcare, hot school meals, decent housing, strong family supports, access to healthcare, and supporting parents in secure employment. The real question is whether we have the political courage backed by the financial commitment to consistently act at scale required.
No child chooses the circumstances that they're born into, and the Union built on opportunity, fairness, and solidarity, it is simply unacceptable that a child's future can still be determined by the area, their parents' income, or the Member State that they happen to be born in. We must also recognize that poverty in childhood doesn't end in childhood. It follows people throughout their whole lives, affecting education, health, employment opportunities, and social mobility. And if we are really serious about Europe's competitiveness and our long-term prosperity, then investing in our children is not charity, it's common sense. And that's why initiatives like the European Child Guarantee and the anti-poverty strategy are so important.
They're practical, constructive, but 20 billion euros is what we need as a bare minimum. Europe can afford to end child poverty. The failure is choosing not to.
Estelle Ceulemans
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím pani kolegyňu Kulemans.
Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, 93 millions d'Européens, soit un sur cinq, vivent dans la pauvreté ou l'exclusion sociale et près d'un quart d'entre eux sont des enfants. Certes, la stratégie présentée par la Commission européenne constitue un pas important et a l'ambition d'éradiquer la pauvreté, mais à un horizon beaucoup trop loin. Car c'est maintenant qu'il faut agir. Cette stratégie évoque l'emploi de qualité, le logement abordable, l'accès aux services sociaux, mais elle restera lettre morte sans engagement budgétaire solide. Car aujourd'hui, aucun financement n'est garanti pour les politiques sociales dans le futur budget européen.
Pire. Les États membres ne recevront l'argent de l'Europe que si et seulement s'ils réforment ou plutôt affaiblissent leur régime de pension ou encore leur système de soins de santé. C'est pourquoi j'appelle la Commission européenne à revoir sa copie. Parce qu'elle ne peut à la fois viser à l'éradication de la pauvreté et empêcher les États de mener des politiques sociales et elle ne devrait pas non plus affaiblir le pilier européen des droits sociaux alors même qu'elle l'a mis en place et l'a soutenu. La lutte contre l'austérité et l'exclusion doivent devenir nos priorités communes.
C'est notre devoir en tant que démocrates. C'est aussi nécessaire pour lutter contre les extrémistes de tout poil. Enfin, c'est une condition sine qua non au maintien de notre vivre-ensemble qui est tellement précieux.
Csaba Dömötör
Ďakujem pekne a teraz poprosím kolegu Demeteranics, páči.
Kevés szó esett itt valamiről, arról, hogy az európai családok megélhetési viszonyaiban a magas energiaárak okozzák a legnagyobb károkat. Kezdődött az egész azzal, hogy az erőltetett zöldítésnél nem vették figyelembe azt, hogy ez milyen többletköltségekkel jár, az árak ezért már a járvány előtt megugrottak. Ezután döntés született arról, hogy Európa levágja magát a keleti energiaimportról, ezzel tovább emelkedtek az energiaárak. Ezt tetézte be az iráni háború. Most már nemcsak az a kérdés, hogy milyen magasan maradnak az árak, hanem az is, hogy lesz-e elegendő energiája Európának.
Kerozinhiányról, dízelhiányról szólnak a hírek. Ilyen körülmények között több kormány is arról döntött, hogy korlátozza az áram- és gázárakat a családok számára, vagy éppen védett árakat vezet be a benzinkutakon. A Bizottság mindvégig ellenezte ezeket az intézkedéseket. Arra kérjük őket, hogy legalább a mostani helyzetben ne üldözzék az árkorlátozó lépéseket. Az európai vállalatok már évek óta fizetik a rossz döntések árát.
Ne engedjék, hogy a családok is megfizessék ezt, és erre biztatjuk az új magyar kormányt is. Köszönöm.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím pani kolegyňu Maląg, nech sa páči.
Marlena Maląg
Szanowna Pani Komisarz, Szanowni Państwo. Komisja obiecuje wyprowadzenie z ubóstwa 15 milionów ludzi i likwidację bezdomności do 2030 roku. Czy ktoś na tej sali w to wierzy? W cztery lata, z mniejszym budżetem niż do tej pory? Europejski Fundusz Społeczny to około 142 miliardy euro.
W nowych ramach finansowych społeczne środki to około 100 miliardów. Większy budżet Unii, a mniej pieniędzy na walkę z biedą. Jak to ma działać? Nie będzie działać. Pieniądze zostaną rozmyte w krajowych planach i biurokratycznych sporach.
Za to Komisja zachowa prawo politycznej oceny i nacisku. Widzieliśmy już w Hiszpanii, jak przy milczącej zgodzie Brukseli środki trafiały na łatanie systemu emerytalnego. Dziś poprzez ETS zwiększa się koszty życia, a później oferuje ludziom rekompensatę za biedę. W którą stronę zmierzamy? Europa potrzebuje przemyślanej polityki społecznej, polityki, która wyciąga ludzi z biedy i przywraca im to, co najważniejsze: godność.
Dziękuję bardzo.
Nicolae Ștefănuță
Grazie, presidente. Doamnă comisar Monzat, n-o să spun ca un politician român care a spus: „Cu noi săraci, cu noi cum rămâne?”, pentru că aș fi ipocrit. Pentru că sărăcia, așa cum e ea astăzi, nu mai arată așa cum o știm. Sărăcia astăzi are diplome, are loc de muncă, are foarte multă educație și multă investiție și noi nu reușim să oferim șansa unui venit decent. O generație întreagă muncește mai mult și primește mai puțin.
Oamenii nu mai visează la prosperitate, oamenii visează la stabilitate, să treacă ziua de mâine. Există mame care sar peste cină să nu le lipsească nimic copiilor lor, de exemplu nu-și permit scutece în țara din care vin. Și eu cred că noi, în Europa, trebuie să oferim locuințe sociale, deci vreau să investim în asta, să oferim contracte decente de muncă și să oferim servicii sociale care să ajute oamenii să intre pe o piață de muncă demnă și bine plătită. Și vă mai spun un singur lucru: nu putem să ne lăsăm duși în fața buldozerului AI. Lumea asta nu există să muncească pentru șapte miliardari din lume, lumea asta există să fim mulțumiți toți.
Mulțumesc.
Leila Chaibi
Merci Madame la Présidente. Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, une légende raconte qu'à la veille de la Révolution française, la reine Marie-Antoinette aurait déclaré face au peuple affamé : « Ils n'ont plus de pain ? Qu'ils mangent de la brioche ! ». Cette phrase, en réalité jamais prononcée, elle aurait pu l'être par Ursula von der Leyen la semaine dernière lors de la présentation de la stratégie anti-pauvreté. Des millions d'Européens n'arrivent plus à se loger, se nourrir, se chauffer, et que répond la Commission ? Aucun financement nouveau, aucun objectif contraignant.
Pire, le Fonds social européen est menacé alors qu'il s'agit du principal outil de l'Europe pour lutter contre l'exclusion. Vous proposez des consultations, des plateformes, des guides et de faire appel aux dons des entreprises et des plus riches. Quand il s'agit de financer la guerre, les milliards apparaissent en quelques semaines, mais pour la pauvreté, il faudrait attendre, discuter, coordonner. Madame la Commissaire, les Européens n'attendent ni brioches ni miettes de pain. Ils exigent des droits, des services publics et des salaires dignes.
Merci.
Stanislav Stoyanov
Уважаема госпожо председател, за десетки милиони европейци задоволяването на основни нужди става все по-трудно. По данни на Евростат за 2024 година 21% от населението на Европейския съюз е в риск от бедност и социално изключване. В България този дял достига дори 30,3%. Ясно е, че проблемът е не само социален, но и икономически. Твърде дълго Европейският съюз следва погрешни приоритети и идеологии, вместо да поставя благосъстоянието на гражданите на водещо място.
Не можем да имаме добра социална политика с отслабваща икономика. Бюрокрацията, свръхрегулацията, скъпата енергия, липсата на евтини ресурси, санкциите, слабите инвестиции и ниската производителност са част от причините за икономическите проблеми и задълбочаването на бедността. Равният достъп до основни услуги трябва да бъде гарантиран. Без достъп до качествено образование, здравеопазване и реални възможности за развитие цели поколения остават обречени на бедност. Истинската социална политика започва със силна икономика и производство, подкрепа на семействата и защита на покупателната способност на гражданите.
Бих подкрепил всяка стратегия, която предлага реални решения на тези проблеми. Благодаря.
Lukas Sieper
Thank you colleague for accepting the blue card. I just guess when you talk about the EU supporting ideologies, you mean stuff like for example identity rights, protection of LGBTQIA+ persons etc. etc. Are you aware of the fact that all scientific research and economic studies show that... Can I restart? Last sentence, last sentence please.
Are you aware about the fact that all scientific research and all academic studies regarding the economy show that people who are discriminated against are a weaker factor in economy? So that all that what you call ideological policies that the European Union is pursuing to protect individual rights, to protect human rights, actually benefits the economy massively.
Stanislav Stoyanov
Всъщност аз имах предвид друго. Когато казвам, че се преследват идеологии, имах предвид, че се налагат устойчиво и упорито политики, които имат икономическа щета. Визирам част от зелените политики, които са изключително противоречиви и носят много икономически щети, не са добре обмислени и цената я плащаме всички ние, цената я плаща бизнесът, цената я плащат гражданите. Има и много други идеологии, които са геополитически, като налагането на санкции. Там може да се търси много по-прагматично решение като дипломация, диалог, а ние упорито налагаме санкции вече в продължение на четири години без видим резултат.
Дотук резултатът е нулев. Това имах предвид.
Lukas Sieper
Just to reply.
Dear colleague, I would love to have a very long discussion with you about the question if your political party or political group follows an ideology or not, and if not all politics rely on ideologies in some way or another. But I will ask another question. So you're not talking about identity rights, you're talking about the Green Deal. So I rephrase my question: are you aware that all scientific research and all data regarding the economy shows that doing climate protection now, doing green policies now, will save us big, big costs in the future that would stem from climate catastrophe? So are you aware that we're actually protecting the economy by protecting the climate?
Stanislav Stoyanov
А реалността ви опровергава, защото всъщност икономическите резултати са много лоши. Тоест това, което казвате, то не е издържано и вие не може да спорите с реалността. Това е така, това е самата реалност. Икономическите резултати в Европа са лоши. Имаме сериозни проблеми, които трябва да решаваме и трябва да имаме здрав разум, да сме прагматични, разумни и да подхождаме с идея за решаване на проблемите, а не да упорстваме в дадена посока.
Това е моят отговор.
Nikolaos Anadiotis
Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, ένας στους πέντε Ευρωπαίους και ένα στα τέσσερα παιδιά ζει σήμερα στα όρια της φτώχειας. 93 εκατομμύρια συνάνθρωποί μας δεν ξέρουν αν αύριο θα έχουν σπίτι, φαγητό ή θέρμανση. Αυτοί δεν είναι απλοί αριθμοί σε ευρωπαϊκές εκθέσεις και ασκήσεις επί χάρτου, είναι άνθρωποι με ονόματα, οικογένειες και αξιοπρέπεια που κανείς δεν έχει δικαίωμα να αφαιρέσει. Ως ευρωβουλευτής του κινήματος Νίκη βρίσκομαι εδώ για να πω αυτό που κάποιοι δεν θέλουν να ακούσουν. Τις περισσότερες φορές η φτώχεια είναι αποτέλεσμα αδικίας, αποτέλεσμα συγκεκριμένων επιλογών που έθεσαν για δεκαετίες την αγορά πάνω από τον άνθρωπο και τα κέρδη των λίγων πάνω από το κοινό καλό.
Κλείνω με κάποια θλιβερά δυστυχώς στοιχεία της Eurostat για την πατρίδα μου την Ελλάδα, η οποία καταγράφοντας μία από τις χειρότερες επιδόσεις στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση όσον αφορά στην παιδική υλική στέρηση, κατέχει αρνητική πρωτιά με ποσοστό που αγγίζει το 33,6% για τα παιδιά κάτω των 16 ετών. Δηλαδή ένα στα τρία παιδιά στην πατρίδα μου μεγαλώνει σε συνθήκες έλλειψης βασικών υλικών και κοινωνικών αγαθών. Ο πολιτισμός μιας κοινωνίας κρίνεται από το πώς συμπεριφέρεται αυτή στους ανθρώπους που έχουν ανάγκη και ακόμα περισσότερο στα παιδιά. Η αλληλεγγύη και η φιλανθρωπία είναι η δύναμη κάθε κοινωνίας που σέβεται τον εαυτό της. Ας δουλέψουμε να εξαλείψουμε τη φτώχεια με μείωση φόρων, με αξιοπρεπείς μισθούς, με λύσεις στο πρόβλημα του υψηλού κόστους ενέργειας.
Ευχαριστώ πολύ.
Georgios Aftias
Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, κύριε Επίτροπε, γνωρίζω τις προσπάθειές σας για ανθρώπους που έχουν πολύ μεγάλη ανάγκη σε όλη την Ευρώπη. Αλλά θα πρέπει να σταθούμε σε έργα και η κοινωνική πολιτική έχει κυρίως ως έκφραση τον άνθρωπο. Τι θέλει ο κόσμος; Τι θέλουν τα νοικοκυριά; Τι θέλει η κοινωνία;
Σταθερό εισόδημα, θέλει προσιτή κατοικία, θέλει δημογραφικό, στήριξη του δημογραφικού, παιδεία και υγεία. Και πώς θα το κάνουμε αυτό; Χωρίς λεφτά δεν μπορεί να γίνει. Άρα η πρότασή μου είναι αύξηση των κοινωνικών κονδυλίων για να τραβήξουμε μπροστά, να μπορέσουμε να κοιτάζουμε την κοινωνία στα μάτια. Επίσης, κύριε Επίτροπε, η πρόταση για τη στήριξη της κοινωνίας χρειάζεται και κάτι ακόμη.
35 ολόκληρα χρόνια το έλεγα στην ελληνική τηλεόραση και το τόνιζα στους Έλληνες και αυτό θα πω και από εδώ. Πρέπει να φτιάξουμε παρατηρητήριο κατά της αισχροκέρδειας ώστε να σταματήσει αυτή η Λερναία Ύδρα να απλώνεται σε ολόκληρη την Ευρώπη.
Κάντε το τώρα και να ξέρετε ότι θα σας ευγνωμονούν όλοι οι Ευρωπαίοι πολίτες. Σας ευχαριστώ θερμά.
Gabriele Bischoff
Frau Vizepräsidentin, Mitsato, Kolleginnen und Kollegen, es reicht nicht über Armut zu sprechen. Worüber wir sprechen bei einer Armutsstrategie ist allen Menschen ein Leben in Würde zu garantieren. Und Sie haben es gesagt mit den Armutszielen, wir haben bis 2030 konkrete Ziele und wenn wir auf die Bilanz gucken, dann sehen wir, wir sind nicht auf Kurs. Und deshalb halte ich es auch nicht für eine gute Idee plötzlich wolkig von 2050 zu sprechen. Das hilft keiner Alleinerziehenden im Moment, die jeden Euro umdrehen muss oder jemand mit Behinderungen, der die keine Arbeit findet.
Wir müssen gucken, wie wir bis 2030 auf Kurs kommen und deshalb ist es für uns ganz wichtig, dass diese Armutsstrategie konkret ist. Und wir begrüßen den Vorschlag. Wir brauchen ehrliche Zwischenschritte. Wir glau- wir brauchen wirklich eine gesicherte Finanzierung und wenn man gleichzeitig die Axt an den ESF legt und da weniger Mittel hat, halten wir das nicht für den richtigen Weg. Und wir brauchen eine Offensive gegen Erwerbsarmut.
Wir haben zu viele Menschen in Europa, die arm sind trotz Arbeit. Gute Arbeit, faire Löhne, starke Tarifbindung und soziale Mindeststandards, die Menschen vor Arbeit schützen. Eine große deutsche Sozialpolitikerin hat einmal treffend gesagt: Ein Alltag ohne soziale Demütigungen, das ist das Grundrecht aller ausnahmslos. Und dafür wollen wir unseren Beitrag leisten, dass aus diesem Vorschlag einer ersten Armutsstrategie genau das wird: Eine Strategie für ein Leben in Würde aller.
Antonella Sberna
Madam Bischoff, there is a blue card for you, for example, please Mr. Sieper.
Lukas Sieper
Frau Bischoff, vielen lieben Dank, dass Sie die blaue Karte akzeptiert haben. Wir haben uns ja eben darüber ausgetauscht, ob es ein Problem ist, dass wenn man Kolleginnen und Kollegen, die hier Lügen verbreiten, eine Blue Card stellt, ob man ihnen dann nicht mehr Redezeit für diese Lügen gibt. Deswegen würde ich Sie jetzt einfach mal fragen: Wir hatten ja gerade hier den Kollegen, der behauptet hat, dass unsere Klimapolitik oder andere Ziele, die der EU in dieser Hinsicht- die die EU in dieser Hinsicht verfolgt, letztlich der Sozialpolitik schadet. Was denken Sie denn dazu? Schadet die Klimapolitik der Sozialpolitik?
Gabriele Bischoff
Es ist interessant, dass ausgerechnet die Trump-Freunde jetzt bei den Energiepreisen schreien, wo es die Politik ist, die dazu geführt hat, dass wir die letzten Verschärfungen zum Beispiel hatten. Und gerade für Menschen in Armut ist es zum Beispiel wichtig, dass sie in Häusern leben können, die auch energetisch saniert sind, dass das nicht nur den Reichen vorbehalten ist, weil es ihnen hilft, die wenig Geld haben, auch tatsächlich ihre Heizkosten zu bezahlen. Und deshalb haben wir auch einen sozialen Klimafonds gemacht, um genau die Menschen zu unterstützen. Aber ich bin wie die Kommission und Sie auch an Lösungen interessiert und nicht einfach an einem Blame Game und da erwarte ich ein bisschen mehr von der rechten Seite.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole. You want to reply? Okay. Thank you, please Mr. Moreira da Silva, prego. Do you want to reply?
Ah, sorry. I understand now. Please, sorry.
Vielen Dank.
Lukas Sieper
Vielen Dank für Ihre Antwort, Frau Kollegin. Ich glaube, was wichtig ist zu begreifen, was viele Leute gerade im populistischen oder extremistischen Lager nicht zu verstehen in der Lage zu sein scheinen, ist, dass wir als Politikerinnen und Politiker doch multitaskingfähig sind. Es scheint immer so, als könnten wir uns mit einem Thema nicht befassen, nur weil wir uns mit einem anderen befassen, oder als müssten wir ständig Abwägung treffen. Natürlich müssen wir manchmal Dinge gegeneinander abwägen, aber letztlich dienen wir in allem, was wir tun, den Menschen. Und wie die Frau Kollegin Bischoff jetzt dort drüben sitzt und nicht mehr da vorne steht, richtig gesagt hat, so dient die Klimapolitik auch dem Schutz der einkommensschwächeren Bevölkerungsschichten, dient auch dem Sozialschutz.
Und dementsprechend ist die Kommission, auch wenn sie es nicht immer ist, in dieser Sache doch auf dem richtigen Dampfer. Vielen lieben Dank.
Tiago Moreira de Sá
Obrigado, senhora presidente, senhora comissária. Enquanto sobre a terra houver ignorância e miséria, livros como este não serão inúteis, escreveu Victor Hugo na nota introdutória a Os Miseráveis. Victor Hugo compreendeu que a miséria explica demasiado, mas não explica tudo. Em Os Miseráveis, ninguém é reduzido à sua miséria. Quando o bispo Myriel acolhe Jean Valjean, não lhe oferece apenas um teto e lençóis, devolve-lhe as rédeas do seu destino.
Quando Fantine se perde na degradação, não é julgada como fracasso moral, mas revelada como vítima de uma sociedade incapaz de proteger os mais vulneráveis. A pobreza pode marcar uma vida, mas não deve condená-la. Pode até inaugurá-la, mas não deve concluí-la. É por isso que pertencemos a uma direita social, guardiã de uma tradição moral milenar que nos ensinou que a dignidade exige amparo, mas também emancipação. Milhões de seres humanos interpelam-nos do fundo da sua carência e do alto da sua dignidade.
São eles a inspiração e a razão de ser da nossa existência e da nossa missão, que não é menor do que a de Victor Hugo no seu tempo. Muito obrigado.
Claudiu-Richard Târziu
Mulțumesc, doamnă președintă, doamnă comisar, stimați colegi. Prima strategie antisărăcie din istoria Uniunii Europene nu are un buget dedicat și nici legislație obligatorie. Comisia tratează sărăcia a 93 de milioane de europeni printr-un document cu recomandări, să fie bine și să nu fie rău. Dincolo de asta, mă voi referi la sărăcia pe care nu o văd rapoartele Comisiei doamnei von der Leyen. Sărăcia din satele românești, de pildă, care nu au drumuri, medici, școli funcționabile și n-au niciun viitor, precum și sărăcia fostelor zone industriale, ca Valea Jiului, Reșița, Hunedoara și multe altele, în care fabricile, uzinele sau minele au fost închise și nu s-a pus nimic în loc.
Sărăcia rurală, ca și sărăcia din fostele zone industriale, nu dispare prin recomandări și discursuri. Ea dispare când există fabrici, când există infrastructură critică și școli profesionale. Europa nu duce lipsă de fonduri pentru sărăcie. De ce nu ar avea și voința pentru a produce prosperitate în zonele cu sărăcie extremă? Vă mulțumesc.
Villy Søvndal
Thank you, chair, and dear commissioner, I'll speak in Danish. Fattigdom ødelægger mennesker. Fattigdom ødelægger samfund. Det er derfor kampen mod fattigdom er så vigtig, og desværre går det den forkerte vej i øjeblikket. En af grundene er den måde vandrende arbejdstagere behandles på i en række lande, hvor de arbejder under lønforhold og andre forhold, der er væsentligt lavere end dem, der arbejder på et organiseret arbejdsmarked.
Derfor er kampen for et organiseret arbejdsmarked en af de aller vigtigste kampe.
Den anden vigtige kamp er den traditionelle kamp mod fattigdom. Min personlige historie er den, at den omfordelende velfærdsstat gav mig og en række andre mulighed for uddannelse, selvom vi var født under nøjsomme kår. Derfor, ingen børn skal vokse op i fattigdom. Alle skal kunne tage en uddannelse, få et godt job, have et godt liv. Og i en tid, hvor der tales meget konkurrencekraft, er min afsluttende pointe: Lande med stærke velfærdssystemer, med organiserede arbejdsmarkeder og der gode arbejdsforhold, det er dem, der klarer sig bedst.
Og derfor er det helt underligt at høre den ekstreme højrefløj tale om, at det er forhindringer for vækst. Det er stik modsat. Det koster at bekæmpe fattigdom, men det er endnu dyrere at lade være. Tak.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole. Grazie onorevole, prego onorevole Della Valle. Prego.
Danilo Della Valle
Grazie presidente. Accogliamo con favore il lancio della strategia europea contro la povertà perché è un atto dovuto. Finalmente si aprono gli occhi sulla realtà. A causa delle vostre politiche neoliberiste, dei tagli alla spesa sociale e alle scelte guerrafondaie della Commissione von der Leyen, la povertà morde sempre più cittadini e lavoratori. Faccio l'esempio dell'Italia dove i numeri dell'Istat sono lapidari.
Oltre 5,7 milioni di persone vivono in povertà assoluta, quasi il 10% della popolazione, con un minore su sette privato del futuro. Ci sono 2,6 milioni di lavoratori che, pur avendo un contratto, sono considerati poveri. Di fronte a questa catastrofe, la risposta antisociale anche del governo italiano di Giorgia Meloni è stata quella di smantellare il welfare e il reddito di cittadinanza. Mancano i fondi? Non è vero, perché i soldi ci sono.
È inaccettabile che mentre si taglia lo stato sociale regaliate miliardi ai signori delle armi e delle industrie belliche. Voglio ricordare che la povertà non nasce dalla scarsità di ricchezza ma dalla sua confisca. Il bisogno dei molti è la fortuna speculativa di pochi. L'Europa deve decidere adesso da che parte stare. Grazie.
Milan Mazurek
Why are Europeans falling into poverty? Why are our cities so dangerous right now? Why young people don't see any future for them in our countries? Who is responsible for all of that? Of course you and your policies.
Your green scam regulations are destroying our industry. Look at the prices of fuels and energies in the European Union. We have the highest prices in the whole world. Are you satisfied with that? You are making life of ordinary people more and more expensive day by day.
And what about the results and consequences of your migration policies? You invited millions and millions of illegal immigrants turning our cities into uninhabitable areas many times. What about the consequences for our social and healthcare systems? Are you happy about it? And now you want to tell us that we should give you more power, we should give you more money because you will solve the issues which were caused by your decisions?
No, the real solution is to get rid of your anti-European foolishness. The real solution is to dispose of your government and let people live free, let people to have freedom which they deserve finally. We need the common sense not you. So your defeat, your lose, your fall will be the biggest win for Europeans.
Maria Zacharia
13 ώρες δουλειά και πάλι να μην μπορείς να πληρώσεις σπίτι. Και θέλουν να το θεωρούμε φυσιολογικό. Να θεωρούμε φυσιολογικό νέοι άνθρωποι να μένουν στο παιδικό τους δωμάτιο μέχρι τα 35. Να θεωρούμε φυσιολογικό ηλικιωμένοι να διαλέγουν ανάμεσα σε φάρμακα, τρόφιμα και θέρμανση. Αυτό είναι το περιβόητο success story της Ελλάδας.
Όχι, η Ευρώπη δεν έχει πρόβλημα έλλειψης πλούτου, έχει πρόβλημα κατανομής πλούτου.
Το μοντέλο της ανεξέλεγκτης αγοράς και του νεοφιλελευθερισμού έχει τελειώσει. Το μοντέλο αυτό θυμίζει εποχές δουλοκτητών και βασιλιάδων που ζουν μέσα στα πλούτη κλέβοντας τον κόπο των λαών τους. Ο πιο γρήγορος δρόμος για να βγουν οι λαοί από τη φτώχεια είναι οι πολίτες της Ευρώπης να επιβάλουν τη δική τους θέληση, ξεκινώντας από την ψήφο τους για να αλλάξουν ηγεσία και κατεύθυνση της Ευρώπης. Να χτίσουμε έναν νέο κόσμο από την αρχή, μια Ευρώπη όπου η οικονομία θα υπηρετεί τους ανθρώπους και όχι τις αγορές και τα κέρδη των λίγων. Σας ευχαριστώ.
Caterina Chinnici
Grazie Presidente, signora Commissaria. In Europa oggi milioni di persone vivono ancora in condizioni di povertà o esclusione sociale. Una condizione che riguarda oltre il 20% della popolazione europea e che colpisce soprattutto i più vulnerabili. E dietro i numeri e le percentuali ci sono persone, famiglie fragili, persone con disabilità, anziani e soprattutto minori. L'abbiamo sentito, un bambino su quattro che crescono senza pari opportunità, senza un accesso adeguato all'istruzione, alla salute, all'assistenza e persino ad una casa dignitosa.
L'Unione Europea deve quindi continuare a rafforzare le proprie politiche sociali, gli strumenti di sostegno contro povertà ed esclusione. Bene la nuova EU Anti-Poverty Strategy presentata dalla Commissione Europea, così come il rafforzamento della European Child Guarantee per contrastare povertà infantile e per garantire ai minori più fragili un accesso concreto a servizi essenziali ed opportunità. Però è importante anche l'attenzione dedicata al contrasto dell'esclusione abitativa, al pieno inserimento delle persone con disabilità, perché la lotta alla povertà richiede un approccio realmente integrato e trasversale. Dobbiamo continuare su questa strada, signora Commissaria, con politiche europee incisive e coordinate. Perché la povertà non è soltanto una questione economica, ma è una questione di diritti, è una questione di solidarietà, è una questione di coesione sociale.
Grazie.
Marit Maij
Ja, dank u wel voorzitter, mevrouw de commissaris. In Europa worden te veel kinderen geboren in armoede en te veel mensen leven en werken in armoede. Veel mensen leven in armoede terwijl ze werken, maar niet voldoende daarmee verdienen. Je bent aan de bak en je kan alsnog je huur niet betalen. Er zijn ook veel mensen die willen werken, maar waarbij het niet lukt.
Bijvoorbeeld omdat in de snel veranderende wereld ze niet meer de juiste vaardigheden beschikken of omdat ze een beperking hebben. We moeten rechten van deze mensen versterken. Handhaven wanneer er sprake is van discriminatie en iedereen een kans geven om een leven lang te kunnen leren om zo de eigen boterham te kunnen blijven verdienen. Goed voor de samenleving, maar ook goed voor mensen zelf. Het Europees Sociaal Fonds speelt een fundamentele rol in het ondersteunen en helpen van mensen naar de arbeidsmarkt.
Het financiert projecten die mensen begeleidt en zoekt naar passend werk. Het ondersteunt kinderen die uit de armoede komen. Het is een cruciaal fonds dat moet blijven bestaan in de komende periode met voldoende budget. Want in de Europese Unie zou niemand in armoede moeten opgroeien, moeten leven of moeten werken. Dank u wel.
Julien Leonardelli
Merci Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire. Vous présentez aujourd'hui lutter contre la pauvreté en Europe. Mais comment ne pas voir que ce sont précisément les politiques menées par l'Union européenne depuis des années qui ont appauvri nos peuples ?
Vos traités de libre-échange ont désindustrialisé nos pays, détruit des milliers d'emplois et mis nos travailleurs en concurrence avec le monde entier. Votre pacte vert a ensuite aggravé cette situation en imposant à nos entreprises des contraintes toujours plus lourdes pendant que des puissances étrangères produisent moins cher sans respecter aucune des règles que vous imposez aux Européens. Et comme si cela ne suffisait pas, votre politique migratoire organise une pression permanente sur les salaires et fragilise les travailleurs les plus modestes. Voilà la réalité de votre modèle. Vous parlez de lutte contre la pauvreté mais vous refusez de voir que le travail lui-même ne protège plus de la précarité.
La pauvreté ne se combat pas avec davantage de bureaucratie ou de communication. Elle se combat en protégeant nos frontières, nos emplois et nos industries car les peuples européens n'ont pas besoin d'une union qui les fragilise davantage, ils ont besoin d'une Europe des nations qui les protège enfin.
Antonella Sberna
Il y a une blue card pour vous si vous voulez. Madame Clément, à vous.
Estelle Ceulemans
Merci Monsieur Leonardelli, voilà. Je suis contente de pouvoir vous poser une petite question parce que vous vous faites le grand défenseur de la lutte contre la pauvreté des travailleurs et des travailleuses à travers l'Europe et dans votre pays. Mais comment se fait-il que votre représentant, votre groupe ne vote jamais des mesures notamment pour assurer un salaire minimum aux travailleurs, lutter contre la pauvreté, protéger les stagiaires contre les stages gratuits ? Donc voilà, ce serait c'est fort intéressant évidemment de de savoir pourquoi vous dites une chose et quand vous votez, vous votez autre chose.
Julien Leonardelli
Je vais vous répondre simplement, laissez-nous les manettes des responsabilités et vous nous verrez à l'œuvre. Nous redresserons la barre et nous permettrons justement aux peuples européens et notamment en tant que Français au peuple français, nous leur permettrons d'avoir de l'oxygène et de pouvoir vivre décemment.
Vous demandez les manettes mais vous assumez complètement que en fait vous manipulez et mentez à vos électeurs puisque vous dites les défendre et dans la réalité vous ne votez jamais pour les défendre.
Julien Leonardelli
Voter les mesures que vous proposez effectivement nous ne serons jamais à vos côtés.
Marie Toussaint
Chers collègues, quatre-vingt-treize millions de personnes vivent aujourd'hui en situation de précarité en Europe, quatre-vingt-treize millions. Et pourtant le plus inquiétant ce n'est pas ce chiffre mais c'est notre capacité collective à nous y habituer. Nous habituer à voir des personnes dormir dans la rue sans même plus les saluer. Nous habituer aux files qui s'allongent devant les banques alimentaires. Nous habituer et finir par considérer l'inacceptable comme normal.
Pourtant la pauvreté est le résultat de choix politiques. L'éradiquer l'est donc aussi. Cette stratégie Madame la Commissaire constitue donc une première avancée importante parce qu'elle appelle enfin à la participation des personnes concernées aux décisions qui les touchent. Parce qu'elle reconnaît la discrimination liée à la situation de pauvreté et parce qu'elle affirme qu'aucun texte, aucun investissement ne devrait contribuer à plus de précarité. Mais cette ambition ne deviendra réalité qu'avec des outils et un budget car sans moyens réels, sans objectifs contraignants, sans calendrier clair, cette stratégie risque de n'être qu'une promesse de plus sans lendemain.
C'est simple, quand l'Europe considère une crise comme prioritaire, elle sait trouver des milliards en quelques semaines. Nous devons en faire de même et faire preuve de la même détermination politique pour mettre fin à la précarité. Les Européens n'ont plus besoin de promesses mais d'actions.
Estrella Galán
Gracias, presidenta. Luchar contra la pobreza es luchar contra el miedo. Un miedo al que parece que la bancada de la ultraderecha no le importa porque no están, pero realmente está persiguiendo a más de 93 millones de personas en la Unión Europea. Miedo a no llegar a fin de mes. Miedo a no poder dar de comer a tus hijos o el miedo a perder el hogar, como el de las más de 5.000 familias que en estos momentos están amenazadas a un desahucio por un fondo de inversión en Madrid.
¿Qué estabilidad puede tener un niño si vive con el miedo constante de que le echen de su casa? Porque hoy, uno de cada cuatro niños en Europa se encuentra en riesgo de exclusión. Y la principal causa del empobrecimiento es el aspirador de rentas en el que se ha convertido la vivienda. Mientras los fondos buitres compran nuestros barrios y la Comisión confunde seguridad con militarización, priorizando el gasto en armas y recortando los fondos del Fondo Social Europeo. ¿Qué tanque va a resolver la pobreza de millones de europeos?
¿Qué misil va a proteger a un niño del miedo a quedarse sin casa? Si realmente quieren un plan de lucha contra la pobreza, tomen medidas para impedir que la especulación no nos expulse de nuestros barrios y de nuestras ciudades. Muchas gracias.
Andrzej Buła
Szanowna pani przewodnicząca, szanowna pani komisarz, szanowni państwo. Dziękuję Komisji za przedstawienie tej kompleksowej strategii. Uważam za niezwykle ważne, aby w tych niepewnych i burzliwych czasach patrzeć na nasz europejski dom całościowo. Gospodarka, społeczeństwo, pracodawcy, pracownicy, dzieci, młodzież, osoby starsze to wszystko podmioty jednej układanki. I nie da się stworzyć stabilnej konstrukcji, jeśli jeden z nich będzie niedomagał.
To dobrze, że ambitny plan zwiększania konkurencyjności i innowacyjności naszego kontynentu został uzupełniony agendą społeczną. Czy jest ona równie ambitna? Na pewno cieszy, że kompleksowo opisane zostały potrzeby i cele. Musimy jednak powiedzieć wprost: teraz potrzebujemy środków do działania. Gdzie są pieniądze na walkę z ubóstwem?
Czy nowy Europejski Fundusz Społeczny w kształcie takim, jak go proponuje Komisja Europejska i 15% na cele społeczne w planach RPP sprosta tym ambicjom, jakie wyznacza strategia? Podczas kwietniowej sesji plenarnej Parlament Europejski przyjął jasne stanowisko w tej kwestii. Europejski Fundusz Społeczny jako osobny program z budżetem 124 miliardów euro, elastyczny, aby kompleksowo odpowiedzieć na wyzwania i problemy lokalnych społeczności. Wspieranie dobrej jakości miejsc pracy, budowa przystępnych cenowo mieszkań, inwestowanie w przyszłość dzieci i młodzieży. Tego wszystkiego oczekują od nas obywatele.
Nie zawiedźmy ich.
Isilda Gomes
Senhora presidente, senhora vice-presidente executiva, hoje quero falar-vos do António. O nome é fictício, mas asseguro-vos que a pessoa é real. Há uns anos, quando eu era presidente da câmara, o António abordou-me desesperado. Sozinho, a criar dois filhos, um deles com uma deficiência profunda, o outro ainda uma criança, António não sabia se conseguiria manter o emprego, pois tinha de cuidar do filho, dada a insuficiência de rede de cuidados.
O que lhe aconteceria então? O que aconteceria aos seus filhos? Por toda a Europa, milhões de pessoas com deficiência e as suas famílias vivem angustiadas em situações de pobreza e exclusão ou muito próximos delas. A estratégia europeia contra a pobreza é um bom primeiro passo, mas de pouco servirá se for avante a proposta de reduzir o Fundo Social Europeu. Os milhões de Antónios por essa Europa fora não precisam de palavras, mas de ações concretas.
O apoio às pessoas com deficiência, como todo o combate à pobreza, não é uma opção, é uma obrigação. Muito obrigada.
Juan Carlos Girauta Vidal
Muchas gracias, señora presidenta. Estamos debatiendo sobre cómo combatir la pobreza desde las instituciones que más trabas ponen a la generación de riqueza. En la mentalidad de la Unión no se crean empresas, se regulan, no se genera riqueza, se redistribuye. Queremos afrontar el problema de acceso a la vivienda? Insten a los estados a liberalizar suelo, a dejar de controlar los alquileres y enfrentar a propietarios con inquilinos.
Miren, en España la entrada de dos millones y medio de inmigrantes ilegales en dos años ha generado un enorme tirón de la demanda en la vivienda. Queremos asegurar un trabajo y un salario digno? Dejen de importar mano de obra barata e ilegal. Verán cómo el mercado se ajusta y promueve la contratación por salarios adecuados. Permitan prosperar a nuestras empresas sin ahogarlas en burocracia y cargas fiscales.
Básicamente, no molesten. La clave no es repartir los recursos disponibles, eso lo sabemos hacer todos. La clave es multiplicarlos y eso lo saben hacer pocos, por lo menos no los bloqueemos. Muchas gracias.
Rasmus Andresen
Vielen Dank. Rentner, die Pfandflaschen sammeln müssen, um über die Runden zu kommen, alleinerziehende Mütter, die an der Supermarktkasse ihre Rechnung nicht mehr zahlen können, Studierende, die in unseren Städten unter hohen Mieten leiden oder Wohnungslose, die durch sämtliche Raster und Sicherheitsnetze schon gefallen sind. Armut hat bei uns in Europa sehr viele unterschiedliche Gesichter und ich finde, dass wir uns schämen sollten, dass wir es uns auf einem so reichen Kontinent leisten, dass so viele Menschen bei uns in Armut leben müssen. Und ich finde ganz ehrlich, dass die Europäische Union, aber auch die EU-Mitgliedstaaten viel zu wenig tun, um Armut zu bekämpfen. Im Gegenteil, die EU-Kommission hat jetzt einen Haushaltsplan vorgelegt, der dazu führen würde, dass das soziale Programm der ESF-Fonds zusammengestrichen würde.
Sie legen Pläne vor für bezahlbares Wohnen, ohne sich wirklich mit den großen Immobilienkonzernen anzulegen und dafür zu sorgen, dass die Mieten wieder sinken. Nein, so kann es nicht weitergehen. Es wird Zeit, dass Ursula von der Leyen mit derselben Leidenschaft für soziale Themen kämpft, wie sie es beispielsweise in der Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik tut. Die EU sollte an der Seite von Menschen mit wenig Einkommen stehen und nicht an der der Reichen. Vielen Dank.
Cristian Terheş
Thank you. You just stated right now that EU is not doing enough to fight poverty. I mean, if you check the schedule that we have here and the agenda, we passed so many regulations, so many directives. You guys are proposing so many resolutions. How much more the European Commission has to do in order to fight poverty, or the actual cause of this poverty in Europe is exactly the European Commission?
Because you overregulate and you strangle the economy. So I'm wondering what is your perspective on this.
Rasmus Andresen
Herr Kollege, zunächst einmal würde ich Sie gerne darauf hinweisen, dass ich Mitglied der Grünen-Fraktion hier im EU-Parlament bin. Es gibt nicht einen Kommissar im Kolleg, der meiner Parteienfamilie angehört. Also weiß ich gar nicht, wen Sie eigentlich genau ansprechen. Und zweitens möchte ich sagen, dass es nicht auf die Anzahl der Regulierung ankommt, sondern auf die Qualität der Regulierung. Und ich habe gerade eben beispielsweise deutlich gemacht, dass ich mir wünschen würde, dass die EU-Kommission im neuen EU-Haushalt beispielsweise mit uns gemeinsam dafür kämpfen würde, dass wir weiterhin einen starken Europäischen Sozialfonds haben, oder indem wir beispielsweise multinationale Konzerne stärker besteuern, eine Digitalsteuer einführen, das als Eigenmittel verwenden und das Geld dann auch wieder für soziale Ausgaben ausgeben können.
Von daher gibt es eine ganze Reihe an Sachen, die man besser machen kann. Es geht nicht um die Masse, sondern um die Qualität.
Kathleen Funchion
Go raibh maith agat, a Uachtaráin. I mí Feabhra, leag an Pharlaimint amach a seasamh maidir leis an straitéis frithbhochtaineachta. D'ioc muid go mbeadh an leagan amach tógtha d'fhonn coinníollacha a chur ar fáil do bhochtanas ar fud an Aontais Eorpaigh. Anois, tá moltaí an Choimisiúin againn agus is mór an náire iad. Níl aon fhreagra i straitéis an Choimisiúin maidir le conas is féidir deireadh a chur le bochtanas.
Níl aon mhaoiniú nua chun cabhrú lenár bpobal i dtograí an Choimisiúin. Is mór an trua é seo agus níl sé seo sách maith. Caithfimid infheistíocht a dhéanamh inár bpobal agus inár ndaoine. Teastaíonn straitéis uainn a chuireann an gnó, duine lárnach, agus tá dualgas orainn é sin a bhaint amach. Go raibh míle maith agaibh.
Sérgio Humberto
Grazie, Presidente. Signor Presidente, Signora Commissaria, cari colleghi, la regione dell'Unione europea è il miglior posto per si vive, ma oggi quasi 95 milioni di europei continuano in rischio di povertà o esclusione sociale. Ma c'è un dato particolarmente preoccupante: nell'Unione europea circa 20 milioni di cresce bambini crescono in contesto di vulnerabilità. Isto rappresenta un rischio sociale immediato, ma anche un enorme desafio economico e demografico per il futuro d'Europa. La risposta europea implica una strategia centrata nella valorizzazione del lavoro, nella qualificazione, nell'abitazione accessibile e in una maggiore articolazione tra fondi europei, impiego e politiche territoriali.
Ogni euro investito nell'infanzia, nelle competenze e nella integrazione professionale riduce costi futuri in salute, disoccupazione e esclusione. Il Fondo sociale europeo Plus, la Garanzia per l'infanzia e il Pilastro europeo dei diritti sociali sono strumenti decisivi, ma la priorità deve essere ora trasformare finanziamento in impatto mensurabile nella vita delle persone. Molto grazie.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė
Ačiū pirmininke. Gerbiama komisare. Europa negali vadintis socialine sąjunga, kol 19 milijonų mūsų vaikų skursta. O daugiau negu 16 milijonų dirbančių žmonių vis tiek gyvena skurde, nes negauna pakankamo atlyginimo. Ypač skaudu, kad skurdą paveldi vaikai.
Ačiū komisijai už pristatytą kovos su skurdu strategiją, tačiau mes privalome būti ambicingesni. Kova su skurdu negali apsiriboti vien tik statistika ar gerais ketinimais. Tai turi tapti realybe ir socialine investicija į žmones. Nė vienas vaikas Europoje neturi eiti miegoti alkanas ar neturėti galimybės gauti kokybiško išsilavinimo, būsto ar sveikatos priežiūros. Todėl būtina stiprinti Europos vaiko garantiją, skirti ne mažiau kaip 20 milijardų eurų.
Ir dar, taip pat turime pripažinti atrodo paprastą tiesą, juk darbas turi apsaugoti žmones nuo skurdo. Todėl būtini sąžiningi, pakankami atlyginimai, kolektyvinės sutartys, stipresnės darbuotojų teisės ir socialinė apsauga. Tik taip įveiksime skurdą.
Ilaria Salis
Grazie presidente. La povertà in Europa non è più un'emergenza marginale, sta diventando una frattura sociale sempre più profonda, più visibile e più violenta. In Italia quasi 6 milioni di persone vivono in povertà assoluta. Ma la povertà non è una fatalità, non è un incidente della storia, è il risultato preciso di un modello economico e politico che si chiama capitalismo. Finché i governi continueranno a fare gli interessi dei capitalisti invece di quelli dei lavoratori, la povertà continuerà a crescere.
Noi rifiutiamo questo modello. L'Europa non deve essere uno spazio costruito per massimizzare i profitti, ma uno spazio fondato sulla cooperazione sociale, sulla dignità e sui diritti. E allora di che cosa stiamo discutendo oggi? Di una strategia europea per contrastare la povertà senza le adeguate coperture finanziarie. È ridicolo.
Per combattere davvero la povertà servono risorse economiche, investimenti pubblici, servono buoni salari, case accessibili, welfare, sanità pubblica, istruzione. Servono soldi, quei soldi che quando si tratta di riarmo o di sostenere le banche e le grandi imprese si trovano sempre. Se si vuole combattere davvero la povertà servono politiche serie per la redistribuzione della ricchezza.
Alicia Homs Ginel
Muchas gracias presidenta, vicepresidente. No resulta irónico que esta mañana hablásemos de competitividad mientras en una de las regiones más ricas y estables del mundo uno de cada cuatro niños vive en riesgo de pobreza. La pobreza no es solo infantil, la pobreza se hereda. Se hereda porque los padres y madres de esos niños y niñas trabajan en empleos que no les permiten llegar a final de mes y porque los servicios básicos se vuelven inaccesibles y en consecuencia el ascensor social deja de funcionar. La garantía infantil europea es nuestra herramienta para romper ese ciclo y no basta solo con declararla.
Si queremos sacar a 5 millones de niños de la pobreza antes de 2030 necesitamos recursos, no solo intenciones. Y esto pasa por garantizar los 20.000 millones de euros que los socialistas llevamos años reclamando para el próximo marco financiero. Y aquí le digo una cosa a la derecha. Competitividad sí, pero no a costa de los derechos. No se puede hablar de futuro o de competitividad mientras se niegan a que haya salarios dignos, que se especule con la vivienda o que se desmantelen servicios públicos como son la educación y la sanidad pública como hacen allí donde gobiernan.
Muchas gracias.
Klára Dobrev
Well, dear colleagues, do you know what is the biggest lie nowadays in Europe? The biggest lie is that you can achieve and have a decent wealth, you just have to work hard enough. That's a lie. That's not true anymore. Today, what we know as the so-called trickle-down effect, that you have to support the big one, the strong one, the rich one, and then their wealth will trickle down to the everyday people, that's not true anymore.
That was the biggest illusion of neoliberalism and the conservative parties, and as I see on the right and EPP, they still live in this illusion. But friends, that's not true anymore. Wealth is not created, decent wealth, by hard work, but by wealth itself. And so the poverty is a reality for hard-working European citizens every day in Europe. And the market will not solve it.
Not solve it. On the contrary, the market left alone is creating this kind of injustice. So our goal is to solve poverty problem. Our goal is to help people. So EU cannot be a single market solely.
EU has to be a social Europe where social justice and fight against poverty is a fundament of every single policy what we have. That's social democracy for me. Thank you.
Antonella Sberna
Mrs. Dobrev, there is a blue card for you. Please Mr. Terheș, for 30 seconds.
Cristian Terheş
Thank you. You and I are coming from former communist countries, correct? You are coming from Hungary, I'm coming from Romania. What you are proposing we had in communism. So you are right now in Europe where we have a free market, you know, so to speak.
But what you want to do is move back to a communist kind of society where the government is taking from some and kind of distributing to the rest. The problem is what are you going to do when you don't have any other wealth to take from nobody to distribute it to some. Thank you.
Please for 30 seconds.
Klára Dobrev
Sorry. You are absolutely mistaken. I'm not going backwards, I'm going forwards. I'm looking for a society where social justice is an everyday experience. That what we see in the last 30 years, that there is a new elite growing out all over, not only Europe, in the United States as well.
Big companies, multinationals, tech companies, having fortune like nobody had in history before. And seeing people, millions of people struggling with everyday life. So what we need is justice. And communism was not justice. But this what's happening today in the world, it's not justice either.
So we Europeans, we have to show that we are on the side of the people. Economy that works for people. Let's do it. Thank you.
Cecilia Strada
Grazie presidente, cara commissaria. La guerra che verrà non è la prima, scriveva Bertolt Brecht nel 1939. Prima ci sono state altre guerre. Alla fine dell'ultima c'erano vincitori e vinti. Fra i vinti la povera gente faceva la fame, fra i vincitori faceva la fame la povera gente ugualmente.
È ancora così, è sempre così. Lo scenario internazionale di guerra e di crisi sta impoverendo la popolazione, anche qui, mentre qualcun altro diventa ancora più ricco. L'industria europea delle armi, per esempio, nel 2024 ha aumentato i ricavi del 13%. Così, mentre in Europa ci sono più di un milione di persone senza casa, qualcun altro sta comprando la sua decima casa al mare grazie agli extraprofitti della guerra, cioè grazie al fatto che altri esseri umani vengono uccisi, dall'Ucraina al Libano passando per Gaza. E qui abbiamo un piano d'azione, cara commissaria, ma senza nuove risorse.
Però un piano d'azione senza risorse rischia di essere solo un pezzo di carta.
Dove possiamo trovarle queste risorse? Cominciamo a tassare pesantemente gli extraprofitti del settore delle armi, per esempio, dell'energia, del petrolio. Andiamo avanti tassando il giusto le grandi multinazionali dello spazio digitale. Togliamo quei soldi dalle tasche di chi è già milionario e usiamole per la povera gente che fa la fame tra i vinti e tra i vincitori. Grazie.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole, abbiamo terminato il dibattito, abbiamo nove persone iscritte alla procedura Catch-the-Eye. Possiamo accoglierle tutte, ma vi chiedo di restare nel minuto per favore colleghi. Iniziamo, prego onorevole Jerković. Prego.
Romana Jerković
Kolegice i kolege, povjerenice. Da, siromaštvo danas više nije samo problem onih koji ne rade. To je problem ljudi koji rade, a svejedno ne mogu pokriti osnovne životne troškove. To je problem mladih koji unatoč poslu ne mogu napustiti roditeljski dom i osamostaliti se. To je problem umirovljenika koji si nakon cijelog života rada ne mogu priuštiti dostojanstvenu starost.
To je problem djece kojima su prilike danas ograničene već samim rođenjem. I građani danas s pravom od nas traže političku odgovornost i konkretne promjene. Naša je dužnost osigurati im kvalitetna radna mjesta, dostojanstvene plaće, jače kolektivno pregovaranje i ulaganje u obrazovanje i prekvalifikaciju. Pod hitno su nam potrebna značajna ulaganja u javno i priuštivo stanovanje i u borbu protiv dječjeg siromaštva. Europa ne može govoriti o konkurentnosti dok milijuni zaposlenih žive u siromaštvu.
I zadnje što nam treba je još jedna strategija koja neće biti provedena. Hvala.
Julien Sanchez
La Commission européenne se demande aujourd'hui comment combattre la pauvreté en Europe. Nous pensons que le débat est mal posé. Nous aimerions plutôt parler de combattre la pauvreté des Européens car c'est des Européens dont nous devons nous occuper ici. Oui, combattre la pauvreté des Européens devrait être une priorité. Hélas, en plus de préférer vous occuper des non-Européens, vous nous imposez aussi la double peine en accueillant ici les ressortissants d'États tiers que vous nous imposez ainsi qu'aux États de prendre en charge leur hébergement, leurs soins, la scolarité des enfants, etc., en sanctionnant en plus ceux qui ne le font pas comme la Hongrie sous Viktor Orbán.
Or le budget européen et le budget de nos nations ne sont pas infinis et pour financer vos délires, les Européens paient et s'appauvrissent. Alors pour combattre la pauvreté des Européens, voici plusieurs pistes. Un, s'occuper d'abord des Européens, oui ça aide. Deux, mieux gérer l'argent public en supprimant les dépenses inutiles et nocives. Trois, arrêter de racketter nos entreprises et nos travailleurs comme avec le Green Deal notamment afin d'éviter les faillites et délocalisations.
Quatre, écouter et prendre en compte les amendements déposés par le groupe des Patriotes pour l'Europe sur tous les textes. Là aussi votre dogmatisme coûte cher aux Européens. Il y a trois semaines, le président du groupe PPE Weber, otage de la gauche, a tout fait pour qu'un rapport sur la protection des intérêts financiers ne puisse pas être voté car il était porté par les Patriotes. Tant que ce sera ça la droite ici, il ne faudra pas s'étonner de l'appauvrissement général des Européens. Merci.
Katrin Langensiepen
Grazie onorevole, prego onorevole Langensiepen, prego.
Kinderarmut bekämpfen mit der Grundsicherung, super. Menschen mit Behinderungen arbeiten in prekären Jobs, finden wir doof, super. Obdachlosigkeit, ich komme aus Hannover und pendle jede Woche Brüssel-Hannover und dann haben wir die Menschen, die auf der Straße leben, das finden wir alle nicht schön. Aber wollen wir wirklich Geld dafür in die Hand nehmen? Wollen wir Strukturen verändern?
Nein, hier machen wir uns einen schlanken Fuß. Und die Faschistinnen und Freunde der blauen Herzen waren nie wirklich ernsthaft an der Seite von derer, die von Armut oder Obdachlosigkeit betroffen waren, auch das vielleicht mal als kleines Sidenote. Wenn wir Armut bekämpfen wollen, müssen wir Geld dafür in die Hand nehmen. Dann brauchen wir eine starke Kindergrundsicherung und dann müssen wir hier auch Geld on top auf den ESF legen, 20 Milliarden.
Da müssen wir uns wirklich mal die Karten legen, was wir wollen. Obdachlosigkeit bekämpfen müssen wir die Kommunen in unseren Mitgliedstaaten stärken und es nicht ihnen überlassen, herzlichen Dank.
Cristian Terheş
Stimată doamnă comisar, sunt cinci motive principale pentru care există sărăcie astăzi în UE. Primul, birocrație excesivă, care efectiv distruge locurile de muncă. Această birocrație excesivă vine împreună cu o serie de sintagme care schimbă realități. Luni am auzit în acest Parlament vorbindu-se despre oțel verde și mâine-poimâine o să veniți cu altă lege, cu altă directivă, cu alt regulament în care să ne explicați ce-i ăla oțel verde. În timp acesta, China produce astăzi peste 50% din oțelul mondial.
A doua problemă, Green Deal-ul. Când Ursula von der Leyen a venit în acest Parlament și ne-a cerut votul, a spus că prin acest Green Deal va scădea prețul la energie și cei săraci vor fi mai bogați. Astăzi cei săraci sunt și mai săraci și cei care erau oarecum bogați în urmă cu șapte ani astăzi sunt mai săraci. Al treilea lucru, fondurile UE se dau pentru proiecte efectiv irelevante. Ajungem să susținem finanțări cum ar fi cu gender equality în care bărbații care se pretind femei ar fi femei.
Nu aveți pentru ce folosi banii pe proiecte mai bune decât pe aceste lucruri? Soluția nu este mai multă reglementare, ci demisia actualei Comisii Europene. Mulțumesc.
Maria Grapini
Doamna comisar, stimați colegi, eu cred că trebuie să fim realiști. Avem acum un pachet social și o propunere din partea doamnei comisar legat de strategia antisărăcie. Haideți să vedem cum construim. Are un rol foarte important doamna comisar, dar și foarte greu în Consiliul comisarilor. Pentru că da, am spus-o și astăzi când am vorbit de piața unică, dacă nu punem oamenii în centru, n-o să avem niciodată o piață unică.
O să avem o fragmentare, o să avem nedreptăți, o să avem neîncredere. Așadar propunerea mea este, și vin dintr-o țară din est, doamna comisar cunoaște foarte bine și vă asigur că este un om sensibil și care cunoaște problema oamenilor. Dar haideți să luptăm împreună cu doamna comisar să avem și buget alocat, așa cum s-a spus aici, pentru că până la urmă nu putem să facem nicio măsură dacă n-avem buget. Și n-avem buget dacă n-avem o economie dezvoltată. Și n-avem o economie dezvoltată dacă n-avem o protecție a industriei europene.
Acest lanț trebuie să-l punem împreună în funcțiune. Și da, doresc ca Parlamentul European să facă și grupul meu dacă vreți, să facem o scrisoare doamnei președinte a Comisiei să țină cont că acest proiect pentru pachet social este o necesitate. Vă mulțumesc.
Marc Botenga
Merci Madame la Présidente. Écoutez, 100 millions d'Européens quasi à risque de pauvreté, un enfant sur quatre, un enfant sur quatre à risque de pauvreté. Et ce n'est pas uniquement, on le voit à la capitale de l'Europe, des gens qui vivent dans la rue, mais des travailleurs pour qui le salaire ne suffit plus pour le chariot, l'essence, le logement. Et alors la Commission européenne vient avec une stratégie de lutte contre la pauvreté et je vais regarder le budget, zéro euro, euro zéro.
C'est quand même pas possible. Et comment est-ce que vous voulez expliquer ça aux gens ? Et ça à un moment où vous trouvez des centaines de milliards pour les multinationales de l'armement, et qu'ils envoient ensuite à des actionnaires qui se, qui se mettent plein les poches. C'est quand même pas possible. Et nous on a besoin d'inverser cette logique, de lutter effectivement contre les difficultés, contre les problèmes sociaux des gens plutôt que d'inonder les grosses multinationales de ce continent.
Parce que sinon franchement il y aura une révolte et on aura une résistance sociale qui va s'amplifier partout en Europe, ça je peux vous le promettre.
Idoia Mendia
Esta primera estrategia europea contra la pobreza era necesaria y urgente porque detrás de las cifras hay vida reales. Hoy más de 93 millones de personas en Europa están en el umbral de la pobreza, por no hablar de los 20 millones de niños también pobres y que cada vez tenemos más trabajadores pobres. Por eso valoramos medidas como el refuerzo de la garantía infantil europea, la lucha contra la exclusión residencial o el reconocimiento de la pobreza en la vejez, que afecta ya a una de cada cinco personas mayores en la Unión Europea. Pero sin medidas concretas y decisivas hoy y sin financiación suficiente no podremos erradicar la pobreza mañana. Luchar contra la pobreza significa garantizar un empleo digno, salarios justos, vivienda asequible y una protección social real.
Significa también reforzar la garantía infantil europea con financiación suficiente y avanzar hacia una directiva europea sobre rentas mínimas. Porque los derechos no pueden quedarse en el papel. Europa tiene ahora la oportunidad de demostrar que puede mejorar la vida de su ciudadanía, pero necesitamos ambición política, recursos suficientes y compromiso real de todos los países. Gracias.
Grazie onorevole, prego onorevole Boylan.
Lynn Boylan
Thank you chair. Tackling poverty is the key to healthy thriving communities, to safe communities, to social cohesion, but failure to combat poverty pits marginalized groups against each other. It prevents children from fulfilling their potential. That means lifelong consequences for them. Fighting poverty requires the same urgency that this commission applies to its militarization agenda.
320,000 households in Ireland are in energy arrears. Disconnections continue to rise. Eviction levels are higher than they have been during the famine. People need investment. They need investment in housing.
They need investment in energy infrastructure, in cheap renewables. But families should not be made to carry the burden of the transition. So we need public funding and grid investment and it must prioritize households and essential services and not the corporate lobbyists.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Grazie onorevole, prego onorevole Andriukaitis, prego, please.
Thank you so much. Dear commissioner, welcome, very nice strategy, please go forward, but please keep in mind slogan: one Europe, health and social justice for all and one market. You need to send such narrative around all 27 member states because it's about social component which is so important in your file. Poverty, children in poverty, you know that in social determinants in health clearly shows very dramatic picture, those people are suffering from different different types of chronic diseases and so on, especially children. And of course please include poverty strategy into country specific recommendations and please press member states that they need to implement anti-poverty strategy in all 27 member states using a lot of tools because we need now to ask very well, we need to have implementation of those strategy at member states level, at community level.
Please we are ready support you.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole, abbiamo concluso il dibattito, prego commissario Mincato, vice presidente, prego.
Roxana Mînzatu
Thank you so much. One important call that I heard very loud is the budget. So clearly this Parliament has sent a very, very strong message that when we act to fight poverty, we also need to invest and support our member states and I really take note of this important call. Because in the end, if we look today at what European Social Fund Plus does to help people, I was in Restos du Cœur in France, I know of course very well what it means in Romania, is the most concrete support that vulnerable people receive. A mother that buys the clothes and the one, the necessary things for her or for her newborn when she cannot afford to do so.
Or a young person that can, you know, prepare themselves, have a skills training session so that they can work for a certain job. Or support with hot meals for children that go to school and otherwise do not have the necessary means at home in their households. So it's very concrete. But let me tell you one thing. I mean, you know who I speak about, who are my interlocutors when I speak about this political priority.
As much as possible Prime Ministers, as much as possible Ministers of Finance. Because of course when I speak with you, especially those that are today here, especially when I speak with Minister of Education and Labour, we all send the same signal. But our struggle and our efforts are way beyond our roles in our social policy responsibilities. Fighting poverty is an economic imperative, it's a democratic imperative. That's why I think beyond the need for resources, it is important that this strategy is a signal that we give in times of uncertainty, in times of shocks, in times where we see, yes, 90 million Europeans are in risk of poverty, but that does not take into consideration the recent crisis in the Middle East, the shock on energy prices and other potential disruptions.
In those times, I think it is not enough to really just think that competitiveness will be by itself sufficient to support our social fiber. We need to really prioritize our fight against poverty. So this strategy does that. It is not enough to have a big amount of money, you need to be strategic about how you invest those money. This is in the end the role of such a tool at European level, to be strategic, to focus our efforts, to work together.
And again I mention the important elements of this strategy. The fact that it is a life cycle approach where you will see that we propose tools that support children, that support young people, adults that are looking for a job or that are working and their salary is not enough to cover their daily, weekly, monthly expenditure and people in old age. That it refers to poverty that you inherit because your family, your parents did not have the means or it is about energy costs, housing or medical causes or your background whether it's ethnical, whether it's geographical. Poverty is very geographical as well. Thinking about Romania, of course the numbers for example in such a country are quite high.
Romania is still third in the EU in the number of people at risk of poverty and social exclusion, 27%. Much needs to be done. But in the past 10 years, with the support of European Social Fund Plus and the entire cohesion policy, the number dropped from 37% to 27%.
This is progress. But we are responsible so that together we deliver much more together and much more ambition is necessary. And with this conclusion, I go back to work and I count on your partnership so that we work together.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie, Vicepresidente. La discussione è chiusa. L'ordine del giorno reca relazione dell'onorevole Eleonora Meleti e Rosa Estaràs Ferragut, progredire verso una società dell'assistenza e colmare il divario di genere nell'assistenza. Prego all'onorevole Meleti in qualità di relatore per quattro minuti. Prego, onorevole.
Eleonora Meleti
Ευχαριστώ, κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι. Θέλω να μιλήσω για αυτόν τον φάκελο με όσο το δυνατόν πιο απλά και πιο ανθρώπινα λόγια, γιατί ο φάκελος αυτός έχει δημιουργηθεί από τη Ρόζα και εμένα με πολλή φροντίδα για όλους εκείνους που καλούνται, επιλέγουν ή οδηγούνται να φροντίζουν επαγγελματικά ή άτυπα. Και πιστέψτε με, είναι πολλοί. 6,2 εκατομμύρια Ευρωπαίοι πολίτες δραστηριοποιούνται επαγγελματικά στον χώρο της φροντίδας. Είναι οι άνθρωποι που κρατούν όρθιο τον κόσμο στις πιο σκοτεινές στιγμές τους, όταν κάποιος δεν μπορεί να σηκωθεί μόνος του, όταν φοβάται, όταν πονά, όταν ξεχνά, όταν νιώθει ότι χάνεται η αξιοπρέπειά του.
Οι επαγγελματίες φροντιστές δεν παρέχουν μόνο υπηρεσίες, παρέχουν παρουσία, υπομονή, ανθρώπινο άγγιγμα. Την ίδια ώρα, 53 εκατομμύρια συμπολίτες μας στην Ευρώπη είναι αυτό που αποκαλούμε άτυποι φροντιστές. Είναι εκείνοι που φροντίζουν ηλικιωμένους γονείς, κάποιον συγγενή με χρόνια ασθένεια. Είναι η μητέρα που στέκεται αγέρωχη δίπλα στο παιδί της το οποίο έχει αναπηρία, το παιδί που φροντίζει τους σωματικά και ψυχικά ασθενείς γονείς του. Οι άτυποι φροντιστές μπορεί να είναι κάθε ηλικίας, από έφηβους που καλούνται να ωριμάσουν απότομα και να αναλάβουν ρόλους σκληρούς, μέχρι και ηλικιωμένους που στη δύση της ζωής τους τρέμουν μην πάθουν κάτι και αφήσουν πίσω τους τα άτομα που φροντίζουν.
Μπορεί να είναι είτε άντρες είτε γυναίκες, ωστόσο στατιστικά αποδεικνύεται πως η φροντίδα βαραίνει άνισα κυρίως τις γυναίκες. Μπορεί να ανήκουν σε πολυμελείς οικογένειες ή μονογονεϊκές, να μένουν σε μεγάλα αστικά κέντρα ή σε απομακρυσμένες, αγροτικές, δύσβατες περιοχές και σε νησιά. Άτυποι φροντιστές εν δυνάμει είμαστε όλοι. Ο φάκελος λοιπόν αυτός δεν περιγράφει απλά ένα πρόβλημα. Έρχεται να αναγνωρίσει επιτέλους τη φροντίδα ως πυλώνα της κοινωνίας και της οικονομίας μας, όχι ως μια αόρατη εργασία που θεωρούμε δεδομένη, αλλά ως κάτι που αγκαλιάζει την ανθρώπινη αξιοπρέπεια.
Για τους επαγγελματίες λοιπόν φροντιστές ζητάμε καλύτερες συνθήκες εργασίας, δίκαιες αμοιβές, αναγνώριση των δεξιοτήτων και της προσφοράς τους, συνεχή εκπαίδευση και ψυχολογική στήριξη, προστασία από την εξουθένωση. Δεν γίνεται όσοι στηρίζουν τον διπλανό τους να λυγίζουν οι ίδιοι σιωπηλά από την κούραση. Ζητάμε να γίνει ο τομέας της φροντίδας πιο ελκυστικός για τους νέους ανθρώπους μέσα από ουσιαστικές επενδύσεις. Ζητάμε να μπει τέλος στην αδήλωτη και επισφαλή εργασία για όσους έρχονται νόμιμα από τρίτες χώρες. Αυτοί οι άνθρωποι στηρίζουν τα συστήματα φροντίδας πολλών κρατών μελών που έχουν ανάγκη.
Εξίσου βέβαια σημαντικά είναι και όλα όσα διεκδικούμε για τους άτυπους φροντιστές, που είναι κυριολεκτικά καταδικασμένοι να μην κάνουν ποτέ ανάπαυλα. Συχνά αφήνουν πίσω τη δουλειά τους, τα όνειρά τους, τον ίδιο τους τον εαυτό για να σταθούν δίπλα σε εκείνον που τους χρειάζεται. Αλλά όταν κάποτε θελήσουν να επιστρέψουν, βρίσκουν πόρτες κλειστές.
Αναγνώριση των δεξιοτήτων τους. Οι άνθρωποι αυτοί αποκτούν γνώση και εξειδίκευση μέσα από την ίδια τη ζωή. Δεν γίνεται να μην αναγνωρίζονται αυτές οι δεξιότητες που μπορούν αν θέλουν να τους βοηθήσουν κάποια στιγμή να βιοποριστούν. Και το πιο σημαντικό, οι περίοδοι άτυπης φροντίδας να αναγνωρίζονται δικαίως στις συντάξεις και στην κοινωνική ασφάλιση. Όταν κάποιος αφιερώνει τόσα χρόνια από τη ζωή του φροντίζοντας αυτόν που έχει ανάγκη, τα τόσα χρόνια δεν μπορούν να σβήνονται σαν να μην υπήρξαν ποτέ.
Τέλος, ζητάμε κάτι βαθιά ανθρώπινο. Να πάψει η φροντίδα να θεωρείται ατομική υπόθεση και αόρατο βάρος που πέφτει κυρίως στις γυναίκες. Η φροντίδα είναι κοινωνική ευθύνη. Είναι ευθύνη όλων μας. Και είναι και δική μας ευθύνη επίσης να υπερψηφίσουμε το φάκελο όπως ακριβώς έγινε σε επίπεδο επιτροπής.
Σας ευχαριστώ.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole, prego onorevole Estaràs Ferragut. Prego, qualità di co-relatore, prego.
Rosa Estaràs Ferragut
Gracias presidenta, comisaria. Lo sabemos, la demanda de cuidados está creciendo rápidamente. Los cuidados son clave para garantizar el bienestar, la dignidad, la igualdad y los derechos humanos. Y son las mujeres las que continúan asumiendo una carga desproporcionada de cuidados tanto formales como informales. Este desequilibrio merma sus ingresos, su desarrollo profesional y sus pensiones, perpetúa desigualdades y además limita la participación de las mujeres en la sociedad y en la economía.
Tiene repercusiones en la brecha salarial, un 38% de brecha salarial, y en la brecha de las pensiones un 25%. Las mujeres dedican 17 horas semanales más que los hombres por cuidados no remunerados. Y 6 años de su vida a estos cuidados que son invisibles. Ellas son la columna vertebral invisible de todos estos cuidados. La prestación de cuidados sigue estando infravalorada con recursos insuficientes.
El cuidado profesional tiene unas condiciones de trabajo, lo sabemos todos, precarias y además mucha presión física y emocional con salarios muy bajos. Necesitamos por lo tanto poner en valor el sector de los cuidados, reconocerlo como un sector clave. Este sector atiende a la infancia, a las personas mayores, las personas con discapacidad, a la dependencia, cuidados de larga duración y un largo etcétera. Es necesario por lo tanto reconocer el papel fundamental de todos estos cuidados a lo largo de todas las etapas de la vida. El acceso a los cuidados es un derecho.
Y estos cuidados deben ser asequibles, accesibles y de calidad. Y deben llegar a todos los rincones, zonas rurales, islas, ultraperiféricas, zonas remotas. No puede ser llegar a mayor y que estos cuidados no existan. Los Estados miembros por lo tanto deberán aplicar correctamente la directiva de conciliación, porque ya estuvimos ayer con la comisaria, necesitamos que se aplique bien y van a hacer una evaluación de la aplicación de esta directiva. Es muy importante para que los permisos sean reales y la conciliación sea real.
Solo así podemos garantizar una aplicación efectiva de las mujeres en el mercado laboral. Tendremos que dedicar también especial atención a los cuidados no profesionales. Muchas mujeres abandonan el mercado laboral porque tienen que cuidar a un familiar o una persona que necesita cuidados y eso repercute sin ninguna duda en su futuro. También jóvenes que hacen de cuidadores, tener un pues tener ponerlos en el centro porque al final su educación y su bienestar y su desarrollo puede verse afectado por estas responsabilidades de cuidados. Tenemos que mejorar los salarios, las condiciones de trabajo del sector asistencial y también los puestos de trabajo deben ser más atractivos para poder incentivar que mucha gente vaya a este sector.
Solicitamos en este informe la creación de un estatuto europeo del cuidador para garantizar una norma única y que haya un reconocimiento del cuidador en todos los Estados miembros y esto reduciría las desigualdades entre un Estado y otro. Por supuesto, importantísimo el apoyo y un plan específico para familias monoparentales o vulnerables. Y también lo ha dicho mi compañera Meleti, a la que quiero agradecer el trabajo incansable durante un año con todos los otros grupos políticos, a Renew, al grupo socialista, al grupo de izquierda, todos los grupos para poder trabajar juntos en esto que es un hito importante. Muchas veces los cuidados están ligados a mujeres procedentes de países que no pertenecen a la Unión Europea. Y por lo tanto debemos primero concentrar los esfuerzos para hacer estos cuidados muy atractivos para que sean los nacionales los que puedan acceder a estos puestos de trabajo, pero siempre apostar por una emigración legal y a través de una inmigración legal y bien gestionada con condiciones justas podemos hacer que el trabajo de cuidador sea atractivo.
Los Estados miembros podrán utilizar fondos, fondo FEDER, fondo FSE, de resiliencia para poder tener todos estos servicios y por supuesto acogemos con una satisfacción infinita el pacto europeo de cuidados que ha anunciado la Comisión para el año 2027 y esa va a ser nuestra hoja de ruta. Así que es responsabilidad nuestra que esto cambie, en las manos de todos vosotros y vosotras está que mañana esto salga adelante. Muchas gracias.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole, prego con vicepresidente Minzato a nome della Commissione. Prego.
Roxana Mînzatu
Thank you, I cannot express enough my gratitude for for this important topic today and tomorrow. The care society, one that doesn't limit opportunities, but rather creates opportunities and the gender gap that exists needs to be addressed. So I will thank the Parliament for this debate, I will thank the two rapporteurs for the work on the report, and I want to underline the important challenges that require the right solutions to the measure of these important challenges. Of course, we see in the report how clear it is that the scale and persistency of the gender gap care gap in Europe is is present. Behind the gender care gap, however, we can also see an options gap.
Because too many times and too many Europeans do not feel that they have real choices when it comes to their need to balance work, family responsibilities and care responsibilities. For some women, for many women, they just have to do the math and realize that after they pay their child's daycare or a parent's care facilities, going to work just doesn't make financial sense for them. But choice can also work in other directions. Because I have never met a mother or father for that matter who did not wish that they had more time with their newborn before returning to work, or people who wanted to care personally for an elderly parent. And nobody should be penalized for that ambition and for that option and for this necessity.
Of course, family across Europe have different traditions, have different care realities, and we are not here to tell people how they should organize their lives. But we do have a responsibility to make sure that people truly have choices and real access to the rights and resources that really make these choices possible. That is what equality actually looks like. And in practice, when it comes to addressing the gender care gap, it means making work more attractive with higher salaries, with better working conditions.
So in that spirit, we will continue to support, as was also mentioned here, the full implementation of the rules already driving the change, like the minimum wage directive and the work-life balance directive. And the upcoming Quality Jobs Act will also be an opportunity to strengthen workers' rights, including in the care sector. This is why this is true for all workers, but even more for those 6.2 million people, and it is mostly women, who are employed as formal care workers. Their essential work too often goes unrecognized. And beyond work, it means having the social infrastructure that should be in place, high-quality childcare, long-term care that is both accessible and at the same time affordable.
We are helping Member States to invest in these areas, this is true, and this is thanks in big part to the cohesion policy, to the European Social Fund Plus, to the European Regional Development Fund, and the total amount is about 10 billion euros. And on top, around 15% of the estimated investment from the NextGenerationEU is dedicated to education and childcare and health and long-term care support. We are also building on the 2022 European Care Strategy, our recently presented social package on strengthening the European Child Guarantee, and one of the key elements covered by the Child Guarantee is access to care and medical care, the roadmap for women's rights and our gender equality strategy, thus bringing together political action with Member States together and learning from each other. Supported by dialogue with stakeholders, these will shape an ambitious European Care Deal that we want to present next year. The Care Deal will have a strong gender focus, because this is the reality of the care sector.
It will support a more equal sharing of responsibilities between women and men and promote fair employment in care jobs. Honorable members, a care society is one where care does not limit people's opportunities, as I've already mentioned. It is one where people have the support and have the freedom to choose how to live their lives. I thank you and look forward to the debates.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole, iniziamo il giro interventi dei gruppi politici, prego onorevole Niechel, prego.
Mirosława Nykiel
Dziękuję bardzo. Wiecie państwo co, pewnie Bill Clinton nie zawsze miał rację, ale ten jego słynny slogan, gospodarka głupcze, pasuje mi do dzisiejszej dyskusji jak ulał. Zamknięcie luki opiekuńczej jest sprawiedliwością wobec kobiet, ale też jest bardzo korzystne wobec gospodarki, dla gospodarki. Każdego dnia kobiety na całym świecie poświęcają 16 miliardów godzin na nieodpłatną pracę opiekuńczą, 16 miliardów. Wiadomo, dzieci, opieka nad starszymi, chorymi.
Gdyby wycenić tę pracę, w niektórych krajach przekraczałaby 40% PKB. To jest więcej niż cały przemysł, niż transport. Ten brak wyceny, wyceny, Unię kosztuje 390 miliardów euro każdego roku. A teraz powiem coś, co powinno zamknąć dyskusję. Gdybyśmy zamknęli lukę sektora opiekuńczego, stworzylibyśmy na całym świecie 300 milionów nowych miejsc pracy.
I po drugie, PKB Unii wzrosłoby o 3 biliony euro. Luka opiekuńcza to nie jest tylko sprawiedliwość wobec kobiet, to jest zamknięcie dziury budżetowej dla całej Europy. Zamknijmy ją. Dziękuję.
Emma Rafowicz
Madame la Présidente, chers collègues.
Tant que la société reposera sur le travail précaire ou invisible des femmes, il n'y aura pas d'égalité réelle. 78 % des soignants sont des soignantes et plus le poste est précaire, plus elles sont nombreuses. Ces métiers sont durs, parfois méprisés. Aujourd'hui encore, ce sont elles qui tiennent nos sociétés debout. Pour beaucoup de femmes, être aidante, c'est aussi le boulot d'après la fin de journée de travail, un travail gratuit.
Dans l'Union européenne, c'est la vie de plus de 32 millions de femmes que je décris. 32 millions de femmes qui travaillent sans aucun salaire ou reconnaissance. 17 heures par semaine en moyenne, rendez-vous compte. Elles réduisent leur temps de travail, renoncent à leur carrière, leurs loisirs ou quittent totalement l'emploi pour prendre soin des autres. Prendre soin n'est pas un devoir naturel.
Faire la cuisine, le ménage ou panser les plaies, certains croient ici que c'est la nature des femmes. Mais arrêtez de vouloir nous renvoyer à la maison. La soumission des femmes est une construction patriarcale et ultralibérale. Certains y trouvent leur compte à la droite de cet hémicycle. Au nom du groupe socialiste, je veux le dire clairement : l'égalité est pour nous une priorité politique.
Ce n'est pas une affaire de nature féminine, qui n'existe d'ailleurs pas, mais une question de justice. On ne naît pas soumise, on le devient, aurait pu dire la philosophe, mais nous, nous nous battons pour briser ces chaînes. Nous voulons une véritable stratégie européenne en matière de soin, des investissements publics massifs, l'égalité salariale et la reconnaissance du travail de toutes. Qu'a fait l'extrême droite ? Sous couvert de priorités nationales et de devoirs de la famille, elle veut renvoyer les femmes au sacrifice et à l'invisibilité.
Chers collègues, d'ici 2050, près de 30 % des Européens auront plus de 65 ans et d'ici là, un quart des actifs seront des aidants. Seront-ils des travailleuses et des travailleurs dignes ou des citoyens tapis dans l'ombre ? C'est ici que ça se décide. J'espère que nos futurs travaux sauront incarner les ambitions que les femmes européennes méritent. Je vous remercie.
Margarita de la Pisa Carrión
Presidente, comisaria, señorías. El acto más natural del ser humano es cuidar. No podemos estar tranquilos si alguien no está bien atendido. Quienes tienen responsabilidad política deben responder ante los suyos, primordialmente ante quienes tienen necesidades especiales. Esto es lo primero que debería preocuparnos y no enredar con la promoción de la ideología de género, que pretende hacer creer que cuidando solo se pierden oportunidades, tiempo, y así quien necesita cuidados se siente una carga para la sociedad.
Cuando la realidad es que cuidar, amar, es nuestra vida y lo que se necesita es perspectiva de familia, apoyo para que la entrega a los demás se realice de forma digna y que tenga el reconocimiento social que merece. Por ejemplo, ¿cómo valora este Parlamento que una madre quiera dedicar tiempo a sus hijos? Lo ven un retroceso inadmisible de los derechos de la mujer. Muestran la maternidad como un obstáculo, hasta el punto de que este informe trata el aborto como un método de planificación familiar. Espero que esto no se apoye, porque la vida es un regalo.
Gracias.
Chiara Gemma
Presidente, commissario. Ogni giorno camminiamo con tacchi a spillo su un sentiero di montagna.
È un sentiero stretto, impervio, pieno di ostacoli. Non possiamo correre, non possiamo distrarci, non possiamo permetterci di cadere. Possiamo solo andare avanti. Con fatica, con amore e con una forza che nessuno ci ha insegnato ad avere. Perché davanti a noi c'è il cammino di nostro figlio e siamo solo noi a doverlo guidare.
Queste sono le parole di Luisa, una donna, una mamma caregiver, che raccontano meglio di qualsiasi statistica la realtà di milioni di caregiver in Europa, troppo spesso lasciati soli e invisibili. Per questo come rapporteur ho affrontato il dossier con spirito costruttivo per riportare al centro la dignità della persona, il ruolo delle famiglie e l'assistenza di prossimità. Molte istanze sono state recepite, dal riconoscimento dei caregiver informali alla valorizzazione delle competenze maturate nell'assistenza fino al sostegno psicologico per i caregiver più fragili, alla promozione dell'assistenza domiciliare e territoriale. E poi è stato rafforzato il contrasto al lavoro sommerso e la richiesta di condizioni di lavoro più dignitose. Restano però riferimenti a nuovi strumenti centralizzati e a impostazioni ideologiche che non condividiamo.
Grazie.
Valérie Devaux
Merci Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues. Qui prend soin des enfants ? Qui accompagne un parent âgé ou souffrant ? Qui met sa journée entre parenthèses quand un proche a besoin d'aide ? Dans la majorité des cas, pardon, dans la majorité des cas, ce sont les femmes, encore, et cela a un prix sur leur carrière, sur leur salaire et plus tard sur leur retraite.
Avec le vieillissement de la population, la demande de soins va augmenter fortement. Nous ne pouvons pas y répondre...
Antonella Sberna
Sorry madam for interrupting but there's no translation in English. No? If you can start again, sorry for asking this. You can verify if there is the translation. Thank you.
Please, sorry.
Valérie Devaux
Alors, merci Madame. Qui prend soin des enfants ? Qui accompagne un parent âgé ou souffrant ? Qui met sa journée entre parenthèses quand un proche a besoin d'aide ? Dans la majorité des cas, ce sont encore les femmes, et cela a un prix sur leur carrière, sur leur salaire et plus tard sur leur retraite.
Avec le vieillissement de la population, la demande de soins va augmenter fortement. Nous ne pouvons pas y répondre sans services accessibles, de qualité et sans métiers de soins réellement attractifs. Cela passe par une revalorisation réelle des métiers, par des conditions de travail tenables, par des carrières qui donnent envie. Sinon, nous continuerons à faire reposer le système sur les mêmes épaules, et ce sont encore les femmes qui absorberont la charge. Madame la Commissaire, je salue l'annonce d'un pacte pour les soins l'année prochaine.
Les attentes sont très fortes. Tout ne se décidera pas ici à Bruxelles, mais nous avons une responsabilité : créer un cadre, partager les bonnes pratiques et regarder ce qui fonctionne déjà sur le terrain et qui mériterait d'être soutenu à grande échelle. Je vous remercie.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie onorevole anche per la pazienza. Prego onorevole Scuderi, prego.
Benedetta Scuderi
Daniela è un'impiegata. Lavorava otto ore al giorno. Adesso ha dovuto chiedere un part-time per prendersi cura dei suoi figli e di suo padre malato. Ora ne lavora diciotto di ore al giorno, di cui più di dieci non retribuite.
Maria invece è una donna migrante. Lavora 24 ore al giorno, guadagna 950 euro al mese, ha un giorno di ferie, vive sul posto di lavoro, è sempre reperibile, non può ammalarsi, non può allontanarsi e non può lamentarsi perché se no perde il permesso di soggiorno. Questa è una realtà quotidiana. Sapete dove? In Europa, nella nostra Europa dei diritti, dove permettiamo uno sfruttamento selvaggio.
Le famiglie vengono lasciate sole, i servizi pubblici sono insufficienti, le liste d'attesa si allungano e le donne rimangono troppo spesso le uniche responsabili per il lavoro di cura. E così sono sfruttate, perdono il lavoro, non possono portare avanti le loro passioni o partecipare alla vita pubblica. È una discriminazione silente e costante. Per questo chiediamo un Care Deal europeo. Vogliamo immediatamente più investimenti pubblici, più servizi accessibili, diritti e salari dignitosi per chi lavora nella cura.
Estrella Galán
Gracias presidente. Señora comisaria, ¿sobre los hombros de quién se sostiene el bienestar de la Unión Europea? Mientras la Comisión se harta de hablar de crecimiento y de competitividad, millones de mujeres sostienen la vida. El 76% de los cuidados lo hacen gratis mujeres. El resto cuidan de una forma muy mal pagada y demasiadas veces cuidan sin derechos.
La cadena de cuidados casi nunca se nombra, pero muchas mujeres podemos incorporarnos al mercado laboral porque otras dejan a sus hijos en sus países para cuidar a los nuestros, y eso es también muy doloroso. Mujeres imprescindibles para nuestras sociedades, pero invisibles para nuestras leyes. Eso tiene un nombre: desigualdad. Y también tiene género, clase y origen. La ultraderecha presume de proteger a la familia, pero no quiere hablar de quién limpia, de quién cuida, porque reconocerlo les destroza su falso relato.
Es hora de que Europa reconozca el valor social y económico de los cuidados. Necesitamos salarios dignos, derechos laborales y vías de regularización para las trabajadoras migrantes, como lo ha hecho España. Cuidar no es una obligación femenina, cuidar es una responsabilidad colectiva.
Merci beaucoup Madame Galán. Orateur suivant, Irmhild Boßdorf.
Irmhild Boßdorf
Es ist schon irre, welche Maßnahmen vorgeschlagen werden, um das Gender Care Gap zu schließen. Illegale Migrantinnen sollen legalisiert werden, um unsere Alten und Kranken zu pflegen. Die wenigen Kinder, die es in der EU überhaupt noch gibt, sollen noch länger und ausgiebiger fremdbetreut werden, damit deren Eltern Alte und Kranke, denen sie nichts schulden, pflegen können. Ja sogar Abtreibung soll gefördert werden, damit Eltern den Stress unerwarteter Schwangerschaften nicht länger erleiden müssen. Ich sage Ihnen, was dieser Bericht bedeutet: Familien werden noch weiter geschwächt und ausgebeutet.
Diejenigen, die schon jetzt Verantwortung für eigene Kinder übernehmen, sollen diese Kinder abgeben oder erst gar nicht bekommen, damit sie sich um all jene kümmern können, die nie Familie gegründet haben. Es ist eine Unverschämtheit, dass erneut die verfehlte Bevölkerungspolitik dieser EU auf dem Rücken der Familien ausgetragen werden soll. Wir lehnen diesen Bericht rundweg ab. Vielen Dank.
Liesbet Sommen
Dank u voorzitter, commissaris, collega's. Elke dag staan vrouwen vroeger op en gaan ze later slapen voor werk dat niet geteld wordt. Geen loon, geen pensioenrechten en geen erkenning. Zorgtaken zijn vandaag nog altijd ongelijk verdeeld hè. Belgische vrouwen bijvoorbeeld besteden er wekelijks negenenhalf uur meer aan dan mannen en daardoor hebben ze ook zes uur minder vrije tijd per week dan mannen.
En die ongelijkheid blijft niet beperkt tot de privésfeer hè.
Ze werkt rechtstreeks door op de arbeidsmarkt. Veel meer vrouwen werken in België deeltijds dan mannen. En dat betekent dus lagere lonen, economische afhankelijkheid en uiteindelijk dus ook een lager pensioen. Dus die zorgkloof is niet alleen een sociale ongelijkheid, maar ook echt een economische uitdaging voor de Europese Unie. Collega's, onze samenleving kan niet functioneren zonder zorg.
Maar zolang die zorg hoofdzakelijk onbetaald en onzichtbaar op de schouders van vrouwen blijft terechtkomen, kunnen wij niet spreken van echte gelijkheid. En we moeten investeren in betaalbare kinderopvang, kwaliteitsvolle zorg voor ouderen en ondersteuning voor mantelzorg. We moeten verlofstelsels grondig hervormen. Collega's, commissaris, laat ons anders kijken naar die verloven. Laat ons ze niet meer zien als maanden voor de ouders, maar per kind een krediet.
Laat ons ook zorgen dat die vrouwen aan alle zorgfiguren terecht kunnen: pleegouders, plusouders, grootouders, mee-ouders, ongelooflijk belangrijk. Een sterker en socialer Europa begint met een eerlijkere verdeling van zorg. Dank u wel.
Merci beaucoup, Vilija Blinkevičiūtė.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė
Ačiū pirmininke, gerbiama komisijos vicepirmininke. Kalbėdami apie pažangą priežiūros visuomenės link, turime pripažinti vieną iš tikrųjų paprastą, bet labai esminę tiesą. Šiandien Europoje priežiūros našta vis dar neproporcingai gula ant moters pečių. Moterys dažniau dirba ne visą darbo dieną, dažniau stabdo karjerą, dažniau patiria mažesnes pajamas ir skurdo riziką senatvėje būtent todėl, kad jos kompensuoja nepakankamas viešąsias priežiūros paslaugas. Todėl vyrų ir moterų priežiūros pareigų skirtumo mažinimas nėra tik lygybės klausimas.
Tai yra socialinio teisingumo klausimas, ekonominio saugumo ir Europos konkurencingumo klausimas. Jeigu norime realių pokyčių, neužtenka deklaracijų. Reikia investicijų ir privalomų įsipareigojimų. Pirmiausia privalome užtikrinti ambicingą ir stabilų finansavimą Europos vaiko garantijai. Socialdemokratų frakcija aiškiai ragina skirti bent 20 milijardų eurų biudžetą, kad nei vienas vaikas Europoje neliktų be prieigos prie kokybiškos vaikų priežiūros, švietimo, sveikatos ir tinkamo gyvenimo sąlygų.
Antra, Europai būtinas tikras Care Deal, Europos priežiūros susitarimas. Ir jis turi būti grindžiamas ne gerais norais, o aiškiais įsipareigojimais valstybėms narėms. Mums reikia prieinamų ir kokybiškų vaikų priežiūros paslaugų, ilgalaikės priežiūros sistemų stiprinimo, deramų darbo sąlygų ir atlyginimų priežiūros sektoriaus darbuotojams, saugių darbo vietų, socialinių garantijų ir galimybės kvalifikaciją kelti priežiūros sektoriuje. Didesnės paramos jaunimo priežiūros tiekėjams, jauniems priežiūros tiekėjams, kurie dažnai anksti prisiima atsakomybę rūpintis šeimos nariais ir dėl to susiduria su sunkumais švietime, darbe ir tiesiog socialiniame gyvenime. Negalime kalbėti apie kokybišką priežiūrą, jei patys priežiūros darbuotojai susiduria su perdegimu, mažu atlyginimu, darbuotojų trūkumu ir nesaugiomis darbo sąlygomis.
Ačiū.
Marc Angel
Merci beaucoup, Madame Blinkevičiūtė. You have a request for a blue card from Mr. Terheş. It's okay. Vous êtes calé sur la traduction? We'll wait.
Parfait.
Cristian Terheş
Yeah, thank you so much.
You were mentioning in your speech that you and your group S&D is pushing for gender equality between men and women. So you are using two terms that should describe objective realities: men and women. The problem is that your group often in these debates are claiming that a man who pretends to be a woman is a woman because according to the gender theory, gender is not an objective reality but a social construct. So please define to us: do you want gender equality between a physical male and woman or between a man who pretends to be a woman and a woman who's a biological woman? Thank you.
Vous pouvez répondre.
Cristian Terheş
Well, that's exactly what I'm saying. You just confirmed my thesis. S'il vous plaît. You just confirmed my thesis. Laissez Mme. Blinkevičiūtė vous répondre.
Vous avez la parole.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė
Pirmiausia aš noriu pasakyti, kad mes, socialdemokratai, už lygias galimybes, už lygias teises visiems žmonėms, tiek vyrams, tiek moterims ir visose srityse. Ir lygiai taip pat, kai mes šiandien kalbame apie priežiūrą, tai kodėl tik moterys turi 99 procentais prisiimti atsakomybę, o jūs asmeniškai negalit prižiūrėt savo senų tėvų, neįgalių žmonių arba savo vaikų? Kodėl? Todėl mes dar kartą, socialdemokratai, sakom, kad tai turi būti investicijos į tuos žmones, kurie dirba priežiūros srityje, kad turi būti sudarytos sąlygos moterim lygiai taip pat dirbti, o ne visą laiką paaukoti savo gyvenimą priežiūrai. Tai normalu.
Cristian Terheş
Because you are just proving my point. Because if a man who pretends to be a woman in your eyes is a woman, similarly a woman who pretends to be a man is a man. So if a woman works 24/7 exactly as you rightly said to care for other people, if that woman pretends to be a man, do we have gender equality, yes or no? You cannot have it both ways, guys. It's either or.
On a compris votre question. Vous pouvez répondre.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė
Aš pasakyčiau, jūs visą laiką turite savo tiesą. Ką padarysi, kartais taip būna.
Merci beaucoup. Je vais donner la parole à présent à notre collègue Pál Szekeres et vous pouvez prendre la parole assis de votre place.
Pál Szekeres
Köszönöm a szót, elnök úr! Tisztelt biztos asszony! Hisszük, hogy a család a gondoskodás természetes és elsődleges alapegysége. Támogatjuk a családokat ebben a tevékenységben. Üdvözöljük, hogy a jelentés elismeri az 53 millió informális gondozó, köztük a nagyszülők pótolhatatlan értékét, és támogatja a nyugdíjjogosultságok bevezetését.
Szeretném hangsúlyozni, hogy a család- és szociálpolitika egyértelműen nemzeti hatáskör, nem pedig a brüsszeli statútumok tárgya. Nem támogatjuk az időskorúak intézményi ellátásának elvi alapú felszámolását és a gondozók elszívását a gazdagabb tagállamokba, mert mindkettő komoly ellátási gondokhoz vezethet. Nem fogadjuk el az ideológiai alapú gender szemléletet és azt, hogy a migrációt tekintsék kizárólagos megoldásnak a munkaerőhiányra a hazai munkavállalók helyett. Mivel a többség elutasította a tagállami kompetenciákat védő javaslatainkat, valamint ideológiai alapú nyomásgyakorlás miatt ebben a formában sajnos nem tudjuk támogatni a jelentést.
Köszönöm a szót.
Jadwiga Wiśniewska
Dziękuję bardzo, panie przewodniczący. Szanowni państwo, Europa staje się kontynentem seniorów. Już dziś co piąty Europejczyk ma ponad 65 lat i jeśli ta tendencja się utrzyma, w 2050 roku będą stanowili 30% populacji. Kto wówczas utrzyma system opieki społecznej? Obecnie ciężar ten w ogromnej większości dźwigają kobiety.
Ponad 53 miliony kobiet wykonuje nieformalną pracę opiekuńczą. Jednocześnie płatna praca w sektorze opieki pozostaje jedną z najgorzej, najniżej wynagradzanych. Dlatego konieczne jest całościowe przeformatowanie polityki europejskiej. Zamiast kolejnego gender mainstreamingu Europa dziś potrzebuje family mainstreamingu, polityki, która w centrum wszystkich działań Unii stawia rodzinę, dzietność i solidarność międzypokoleniową. I każdy akt prawny powinien być oceniany pod tym kątem, bo silna Europa zaczyna się od silnych rodzin.
Dziękuję.
Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle
Merci, monsieur le Président, madame Commissioner. Iedereen weet wat het is om stress te ervaren. Iedereen heeft wel eens een drukke dag op het werk of op school. Maar wat gebeurt er als die drukte niet stopt als je thuis je hakken, je gympen of je klompen uitdoet? Als werk naadloos overgaat in een privéleven waar ook verwacht wordt dat wij alles tot in de puntjes regelen.
Het resultaat is dus dat vrouwen twee keer vaker uitvallen met stressklachten dan mannen. Dus ja, ik wil ook beter en meer kinderopvang. En betaalbare zorg voor ouderen blijft nodig. Maar ik wil ook dat wij als politiek iets doen aan normeren. En het is niet normaal dat de zorgkloof nog altijd groot is.
Het is niet normaal dat vrouwen bij bosjes omvallen. Het is niet normaal dat narratieven van alpha males en tradwives die aan de lopende band worden voorgeschoteld aan onze jongeren, zulk ongelijkheid verheerlijken. Het is gif, en gif moeten wij bestrijden. Dank u wel.
Katrin Langensiepen
Ob bei Kinderbetreuung, Pflege von älteren Menschen, Kindern mit Behinderung, es sind immer noch wir die Frauen, die die Pflege- und Sorgearbeit leisten. Und nein, da kann das schöne Video auf TikTok von Tradwives mit mehreren Millionen Followern nicht täuschen, die dafür sehr gut bezahlt werden, dass das eben nicht die Realität ist. Millionen von Stunden oft un- und unterbezahlt. Im Schnitt leisten wir Frauen wöchentlich 17 Stunden unbezahlte Sorgearbeit. Statt für diese unverzichtbare Arbeit vernünftig entlohnt zu werden, werden Frauen vom System faktisch bestraft.
25 % Rentenlücke, 10 % Beschäftigungslücke, das ist die Konsequenz. Der Anreiz für Männer ja einzuspringen: null.
Wir fordern in diesem Bericht einen Paradigmenwechsel, eine Zeit Care-Arbeit als öffentliches Gut anzuerkennen und vernünftig zu entlohnen. Dafür brauchen wir einen EU Care Deal. Wir brauchen nicht einen Missbrauch von des der Arbeit, die Frauen leisten. Wir müssen dafür bezahlt werden, anerkannt. Migrantinnen und Migranten sind hier in der Leistung.
Patrioten missbrauchen es für die Debatte. Wir brauchen Zugang, legalen Zugang, Pfleger als Grundrecht und endlich bezahlte Arbeit. Herzlichen Dank.
Merci beaucoup, Kathleen Funchion.
Kathleen Funchion
Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh. Carers are the backbone of our community, the unsung heroes looking after some of the most vulnerable in our society, and yet are consistently left behind. As we know, women disproportionately take on those caring responsibilities. We need to see the care system as a public service rather than a private-for-profit model or the unsaid expectation of women. The Irish government, like many others across Europe, need to listen to carers and get rid of what we have in Ireland, which is a very unfair means test of the carer's allowance.
This means test excludes thousands of carers and results in many receiving reduced payments. Carers are putting in the hours and providing this vital care, but because they might be working part-time or their partner is working, they see a much reduced payment or indeed, in many instances, no payment at all. And unsurprisingly, but still disappointingly, Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil MEPs voted against my amendment on ending this means test at committee level here. Carers deserve a lot better. We need to recognise our carers for the contribution they make to society.
They need to be paid properly and they deserve the same rights and protections as any other workers. Go raibh maith agat, a Chathaoirligh.
Kostas Papadakis
Μιλάτε για κοινωνική φροντίδα της οικογένειας, ενώ στην Ελλάδα οι κοινωνικές υπηρεσίες, αυτές των δήμων, τα ΚΔΑΠ και άλλα, φυτοζωούν με ελάχιστο κακοπληρωμένο προσωπικό, όμηροι συμβάσεων μέσω ΕΣΠΑ που το επόμενο διάστημα λήγουν, αφήνοντας ξεκρέμαστους και τους εργαζόμενους και τις λαϊκές οικογένειες που έχουν ανάγκη αυτές τις δομές. Έχετε σχέδιο. Χρηματοδοτείτε την πολεμική οικονομία και επιρρίπτετε στην ατομική οικογενειακή ευθύνη τη φροντίδα παιδιών, ηλικιωμένων, αναπήρων, χρονίως πασχόντων, στο όνομα της ισότητας των φύλων, του δήθεν πιο ισότιμου καταμερισμού βαρών ανάμεσα στο ζευγάρι. Με το κριτήριο του κόστους-οφέλους δεν εξασφαλίζονται δημόσιες και δωρεάν υπηρεσίες που είναι αναγκαίες για αυτή τη φροντίδα, προκειμένου να θησαυρίζουν ιδιώτες από την εμπορευματοποίηση και ιδιωτικοποίηση αυτών των υπηρεσιών. Η ιδέα συμφιλίωσης οικογενειακής και επαγγελματικής ζωής σημαίνει για τις γυναίκες ωράρια και ζωή λάστιχο με τσακισμένα δικαιώματα.
Πραγματικά σύγχρονο και αναγκαίο είναι η κοινωνική προστασία μητρότητας και οικογένειας με πλήρως στελεχωμένες δημόσιες δωρεάν υπηρεσίες και δομές φροντίδας, με αποκλειστική κρατική ευθύνη, χωρίς καμία επιχειρηματική δράση, εμπλοκή ιδιωτών και μη κυβερνητικών οργανώσεων.
Paulo do Nascimento Cabral
Muito obrigado, senhor presidente, senhora comissária. A Europa só será mais justa quando cuidar e dedicar-se ao outro deixar de significar perder. Saúdo, portanto, todos os cuidadores, formais ou informais, que dão de si a quem mais precisa e está vulnerável. E os cuidados são um bem coletivo, não uma responsabilidade privada, por isso o meu reconhecimento e agradecimento. Cuidar devia ser sinónimo de dignidade, mas na Europa de hoje significa para demasiadas mulheres abdicar de uma carreira, de um salário, de uma pensão.
Oitenta por cento dos cuidados informais na União Europeia são prestados por mulheres, muitas vezes não por escolha, mas por falta de alternativas para os seus familiares e pessoas próximas.
E isso tem um custo para quem cuida: salários mais baixos, pensões inferiores, dependência económica. Esta é também uma questão de igualdade, coesão e competitividade. Precisamos de respostas concretas. Os cuidadores informais precisam de reconhecimento, formação e proteção social. Os profissionais do setor, muitas vezes com salários abaixo da média, merecem condições de trabalho dignas.
A diretiva Work-Life Balance tem de ser aplicada de forma efetiva, incluindo licenças de paternidade que promovam uma partilha real das responsabilidades. E com o isolamento e dispersão geográfica, torna-se fundamental criarmos respostas locais. Nas regiões mais afastadas, do interior e nas regiões ultraperiféricas, esta necessidade é ainda mais óbvia. Programas como o Novos Idosos, promovido pelo Governo dos Açores, mostram que é possível que estes envelheçam ativamente nas suas casas, junto das suas famílias, com dignidade e apoio direto. Os cuidados institucionais são também essenciais, mas são muitas vezes escassos e deslocados das respetivas comunidades.
Quem cuida tem de ter direitos, e quem é cuidado tem de ter qualidade de vida e dignidade, podendo optar por ser também na sua casa e na sua comunidade, através de pessoas qualificadas e bem remuneradas. É isto que exigimos, é isto que a Europa deve garantir. Muito obrigado, senhor presidente.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Paulo. Vous avez deux demandes de blue card, une de João Oliveira, l'autre de Monsieur Jungbluth. Je donne la parole d'abord à João Oliveira, si vous en êtes d'accord, évidemment. Très bien.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, senhor presidente. Senhor deputado Paulo Nascimento Cabral, há uma evidente desigualdade entre mulheres e homens na prestação de cuidados, seja de forma remunerada ou não remunerada. Mas há também uma grande carência da garantia de prestação de cuidados a quem deles necessita por estar numa situação de dependência. Sejam pessoas com deficiência, sejam pessoas por razões de saúde precisam de cuidados, sejam crianças e idosos por circunstâncias próprias da fase da vida em que estão, há uma necessidade de garantir a prestação de cuidados a quem precisa. E o papel dos serviços públicos é absolutamente essencial, com uma rede que dê cobertura territorial adequada, com a prestação de cuidados de qualidade, mas também com trabalhadores com carreiras profissionais e salários valorizados.
E era sobre isso que gostava de ouvir também a sua opinião.
Paulo do Nascimento Cabral
Muito bem, muito obrigado pela sua questão, senhor deputado. Permita-me só também que elogie aqui o excelente relatório pelas minhas boas amigas, que é a Eleonora Evi e também Rosa Estaràs Ferragut. Caro deputado João Oliveira, tem toda a razão. Por isso é que nós apostamos tanto numa política de coesão e não queremos deixar morrer esta política de coesão, porque nós acreditamos numa verdadeira, um verdadeiro desenvolvimento territorial das regiões, de serviços públicos de qualidade e de proximidade para que permita manter as pessoas nestas regiões. Temos de garantir condições de fixação das pessoas nestas regiões para promover este desenvolvimento integral do nosso território.
E estes serviços são essenciais para quem mais é vulnerável, para quem mais precisa, e aí estamos alinhados nesta defesa do setor público, na defesa de quem mais efetivamente precisa. Muito obrigado.
Merci beaucoup pour votre réponse, Monsieur Jungbluth.
Vielen Dank, Herr Kollege, ich werde auf Deutsch sprechen.
Alexander Jungbluth
Vielen Dank, ich denke, wir sind uns alle einig, dass jeder, der Pflege betreibt, dafür unsere Wertschätzung verdient, dass es vor allem Frauen sind, die dies tun. Ich möchte allerdings mal einen Aspekt benennen, nämlich ist es so, ich werde mich auf deutsche Werte beziehen, entschuldigen Sie das bitte, aber wenn wir auf Reparaturleistungen in Häusern eingehen, dann hat ein deutsches Institut festgestellt, dass zu 80 % diese Reparaturleistung, also ehrenamtliche Tätigkeiten, durch Männer durchgeführt werden. Glauben Sie deshalb, dass es nicht besser ist, dass wir eine ganzheitliche Familienförderung vornehmen, statt uns Teilbereiche innerhalb einer Familie rauszunehmen und dafür eine Förderung vorzuschlagen?
Speaker 298
Cher collègue, si vous avez compris la question, je vous laisse répondre.
Paulo do Nascimento Cabral
Muito obrigado, senhor deputado. De facto, não penso que não consegui compreender efetivamente a questão, mas dar-lhe nota de que os dados são óbvios. Estamos a falar aqui de um relatório sobre a questão dos cuidadores e estes são maioritariamente femininos, 80 % dos cuidadores são de facto mulheres. E é por isso que nós temos de garantir que estas mulheres não abdicam daqueles que são os seus direitos enquanto cidadãos, não abdicam daquela que é uma remuneração justa pelo seu trabalho e não podem ser penalizadas por se dedicarem a quem mais precisa, a quem é mais vulnerável. É por isso que eu defendo tanto este relatório e o excelente trabalho pelas minhas amigas e colegas.
Merci beaucoup, chers collègues. Nous poursuivons la liste des orateurs, Heléne Fritzon.
Heléne Fritzon
Tack talman. Ibland hör vi att jämställdhet i Europa är något som vi redan har uppnått, men sanningen är ju att vi fortfarande är långt ifrån ett samhälle där omsorg och ansvar delas lika. Kvinnor tar fortfarande mycket större ansvar för barn, hem och omsorg, vilket påverkar deras liv, deras inkomster, deras pensioner och deras karriärmöjligheter. Och det här, det är inte en privat fråga, utan det är en strukturell orättvisa. Vi ser högerpartier som vill skruva klockan tillbaka.
Jag ser i mitt Sverige hur Kristdemokraterna nu vill ta bort pappamånaderna, och det som dessutom strider mot EU:s krav om minst två månader som inte ska kunna överföras. Vi kan inte bygga framtidens jämställdhet genom att återinföra gårdagens orättvisor, utan jämställdhet, det kräver mer än ord, det kräver handling här och nu. Tack.
Younous Omarjee
Please, dear colleague, Madame Fritzon, yes, you have a request for blue card from Mr. Cristian Terheş. You accept?
I will say no thank you because I already know all your arguments against women, thank you.
Younous Omarjee
So you don't have, no, no, please, we have our rules, nous avons nos règlements, la demande n'est pas acceptée, je donne la parole à Mathilde Androuët.
Mathilde Androuët
On constate que l'individualisme détruit nos liens sociaux en Europe. Pourtant, il existe toute une catégorie de la population qui œuvre dans l'ombre pour que leur entourage se porte mieux, ce sont ces près de 100 millions d'aidants qui sont évidemment le plus souvent des aidantes. Alors que cette population d'aidants est un véritable levier de lutte contre les excès de l'individualisme qui souffre d'un manque de considération, le texte proposé ici n'a pour seule réponse que demander une budgétisation sensible au genre et appeler à plus d'immigration légale féminine au prétexte que les femmes occupent l'immense majorité des tâches de soins à domicile et que parmi elles beaucoup sont étrangères. Il y avait bien d'autres priorités à mettre en avant alors même que le texte reconnaît, je cite, l'importance et la valeur sociale des contributions aux soins intergénérationnels, nulle mesure n'est envisagée pour favoriser la démographie et pour répondre à la forte demande. Assurer une société du soin est une nécessité, une évidence.
Qu'il soit pour cela nécessaire d'accueillir plus d'étrangers et de prévoir des budgets genrés est clairement passé complètement à côté de ce sujet urgent.
Elisabetta Gualmini
Thank you. So first of all, dear Commissioner, I think that you have noticed that basically all women have spoken in this kind of, you know, debate except for three courageous colleagues and except for a little bit of showtime of a colleague of ours whose question was really not so clear to me. But in any case, so the thing is that until, you know, the issue of caregiving and the gender gap relating to that is only, you know, a topic discussed by women and not an utmost priority in the policy agenda of political institutions, we will have a problem, we will have a problem. Because the second issue is that we know of course the statistics, so the diagnosis is very clear, we have more than 50 millions of people providing informal, unrecognized care, but now it is the time to act.
So first of all, we have to implement the directive on work and life balance and we have to target, you know, the next European budget for the gender gap in the caregiving. Thank you so much.
Elisabetta Gualmini. Yes, Mr. Terheş, of course, have a request for blue card. You're okay? So is it yes? You don't accept.
Okay. La demande n'est pas acceptée.
Younous Omarjee
Très bien. Vous pouvez retourner à votre siège. Vous pouvez vous rasseoir, Monsieur Terheş. Anna Strolenberg.
Anna Strolenberg
When a man gets up at five and he hustles and grinds until eleven at night, we call him an entrepreneur and he starts a podcast about it. When a woman does it, we say: Happy Mother's Day. In the Netherlands, compared to 20 years ago, women are doing 15 hours of more of paid work. Compared to how much housework more men do per week? Well, 24 minutes.
A man working full-time is called a provider. A woman who works, who cooks, who cleans, who takes care of the children, of the sick parents, who organizes the birthday parties and brings the children on time to swimming lessons, we call her a part-time worker. Culture has to change, but let's change the system first. Equal parental leave for fathers and mothers so that the division of care work is equal from the start. Affordable daycare so that raising a child is not seen as a mother's job by default.
Paid or unpaid, rewarded or invisible, work is work. Let's make it fair.
Merci beaucoup, chère collègue, Carolina Morace.
Carolina Morace
Grazie, Presidente. Quando parliamo di cura, parliamo di un lavoro invisibile che in Europa pesa ancora soprattutto sulle spalle delle donne. Sono loro a ridurre l'orario di lavoro, interrompere la carriera o rinunciare a una promozione per accudire figli e anziani. E pagano due volte: oggi con salari più bassi, domani con pensioni più povere. Ma diciamolo chiaramente: non è normale che le donne debbano sostituire con il proprio tempo un servizio che dovrebbe essere pubblico e garantito.
La cura è un pilastro della società, non è un affare privato da scaricare sulle famiglie. Se vogliamo una società della cura servono investimenti, servizi di assistenza universali e congedi equi, perché la libertà delle donne passa anche da qui, dal diritto di non essere più considerate il welfare gratuito delle nostre società. Possiamo e dobbiamo cambiare questo modello, perché una società che scarica la cura sulle donne è una società più ingiusta e più povera. Grazie.
Giusi Princi
Merci beaucoup, chère collègue, Giusi Princi.
Grazie, Presidente, Commissaria, colleghi. Quando parliamo del ruolo delle donne nella cura informale, pensiamo giustamente al divario occupazionale, salariale e pensionistico. Ma esiste una realtà meno discussa, quella dei giovani caregiver. Nell'Unione europea quasi un quarto dei ragazzi tra i 15 e i 17 anni svolge attività di cura non retribuita, in media 18 ore di lavoro informale a settimana. E tra loro le ragazze sono già largamente sovrarappresentate.
Questo dimostra che lo squilibrio di genere nella distribuzione della cura non nasce in età adulta ma durante l'adolescenza. Sono migliaia le ragazze che riducono il tempo dedicato a studio, socialità e alla propria crescita personale per compensare sistemi di assistenza insufficienti, soprattutto nei territori più colpiti dall'invecchiamento della popolazione e dalla carenza di servizi. Il divario di genere nella cura, prima che una questione salariale, riguarda opportunità formative ridotte e salute mentale dei ragazzi sotto pressione. Per questo l'Unione Europea deve riconoscere i giovani caregiver nelle proprie politiche, migliorando la raccolta dati, garantendo flessibilità nei percorsi educativi e fornendo sostegno psicologico. Perché una vera società della cura richiede di intervenire già prima che le disuguaglianze si riflettano nel mercato del lavoro.
Grazie.
Lina Gálvez
Merci. Seguramente nadie discute aquí la importancia de los cuidados que son esenciales para el sostenimiento y la reproducción de nuestras vidas, sobre todo la de aquellas personas cuya vida es incompatible con la ausencia de cuidado o que no podrían vivir dignamente sin esos cuidados. Sin embargo, cuando nos preguntamos quién asume ese trabajo, con qué coste y de qué manera, la cosa cambia un poquito porque no sirve de nada hablar de cuidado si no se ponen las condiciones fiscales, laborales, de política económica, de igualdad para que esos cuidados no recaigan de manera naturalizada, no reconocida, no valorada en las mujeres como ocurre ahora, porque si no al final no nos incorporamos con igualdad al mercado de trabajo y todo esto que hablamos de competitividad y de más cosas pues no sirven para nada. Por ello las y los socialistas pedimos un auténtico pacto europeo de los cuidados con permisos iguales, intransferibles y remunerados al 100%, con servicios sociales dignos, pero también apoyando tanto a los cuidadores formales como informales con un trabajo digno. Pedimos también 20.000 millones de euros para la garantía infantil y que en 2030 al menos el 2% del PIB de la Unión y los Estados miembros se destine a servicios de cuidado infantil, educación y de larga duración.
Si lo comparamos con el debate de seguridad y defensa lo mismo no es tanto y esto sí que sostiene nuestras vidas. Muchas gracias.
Mélanie Disdier
Monsieur le Président, Madame le Commissaire. Le rapport d'initiative sur lequel nous nous exprimons aujourd'hui pose un constat lucide. Les professions du soin, tout comme les millions de proches aidants qui soutiennent nos familles, doivent enfin être reconnus à leur juste valeur. Je salue les avancées indispensables que ce texte suggère pour la reconnaissance sociale, le soutien matériel et une véritable aide pour les proches aidants. La cohésion familiale est le premier filet de sécurité de nos sociétés.
Elle doit être sanctuarisée. Cependant, certaines lignes rouges ne devraient pas être franchies car l'ingérence technocratique n'a pas sa place au cœur des familles. La liberté d'organisation des parents et la souveraineté des États doivent demeurer pleinement respectées. De même, la crise du secteur du soin doit se régler par la revalorisation salariale de nos concitoyens et non par de nouvelles filières d'immigration. Mais face au défi de la dépendance, notre responsabilité est d'apporter des réponses concrètes, non de bloquer le débat.
C'est pourquoi notre délégation fera le choix d'un vote positif et pragmatique sur ce texte. Je vous remercie.
Elżbieta Katarzyna Łukacijewska
Panie przewodniczący, pani komisarz. Nieodpłatna praca opiekuńcza kobiet w Unii Europejskiej to jeden z najważniejszych, ale często niewidocznych filarów funkcjonowania społeczeństwa i gospodarki. Praca ta, jak wszyscy tutaj mówimy, zazwyczaj nie jest wynagradzana, mimo że wymaga czasu, wysiłku i odpowiedzialności. Nie jest też uwzględniana w systemach zabezpieczenia społecznego. Często mówimy o konkurencyjności, o gospodarce, o problemach na rynku pracy, a jednocześnie miliony kobiet wypychane są z aktywności zawodowej przez brak odpowiedniego systemu opieki.
I jeżeli, szanowni państwo, kobiety wykonują 75% nieodpłatnej pracy opiekuńczej w Unii Europejskiej, jeżeli prawie 30% kobiet pracuje w niepełnym wymiarze pracy, to nie dziwmy się, że potem mamy lukę wynagrodzenia sięgającą blisko 10% czy lukę emerytalną między kobietami i mężczyznami, która wynosi ponad 25%. To też pokazuje, że opieka w Europie jest nierówno rozłożonym obowiązkiem, co szczególnie widoczne jest w regionach wiejskich i mniejszych miejscowościach, gdzie brak żłobków, opieki długoterminowej, transportu publicznego często oznacza całkowite wykluczenie kobiet z rynku pracy. Musimy zmienić myślenie. Inwestycje w opiekę nie są kosztem socjalnym. To inwestycja w gospodarkę, aktywność zawodową kobiet i przyszłość lokalnych społeczności.
Europejski status opiekuna jest niezbędny. Dziękuję moim koleżankom za ciężką pracę i propozycje, które są tak oczekiwane. Dziękuję bardzo.
Merci beaucoup, chers collègues, Evelyn Regner.
Evelyn Regner
Dankeschön, Frau Vizepräsidentin. Geringere Einkommen, niedrigere Pensionen und ein anhaltendes geschlechtsbezogenes Lohngefälle. Mit diesen strukturellen Ungleichheiten sind Beschäftigte im Pflegebereich konfrontiert, rund 80 bis 90 % davon sind Frauen. Und wie schaut's zu Hause aus? Zu Hause bleibt dann auch die unbezahlte Pflegearbeit wieder mal überwiegend an den Frauen hängen.
Nach der Arbeit ist vor der Arbeit. Für viele Frauen ist die Freizeit dann nichts anderes als Schichtwechsel. Viele reduzieren deshalb ihre Arbeitszeit und steigen ganz aus dem Beruf aus, um sich eben um kranke Angehörige, um die Kinder zu kümmern. Und die typischen Frauenberufe, die sind weiterhin chronisch unterbezahlt. Und deshalb ist gerade jetzt die gute Umsetzung der Lohntransparenzrichtlinie bis zum 7.6. entscheidend.
Gleicher Lohn für gleiche und gleichwertige Arbeit wie jene der Pflegeberufe darf kein Lippenbekenntnis bleiben. Pflege ist keine Privatsache von Frauen. Pflege ist eine gesellschaftliche Verantwortung.
Merci beaucoup, chers collègues, Evelyn Regner. Non, qui vient de parler, Alessandra Moretti. C'était parfait, Alessandra, à présent.
Alessandra Moretti
Grazie presidente, cara commissaria. Pensate alle famiglie che vi stanno intorno. Chi si fa carico dei bambini? Chi si occupa degli anziani? Di fronte ad una disabilità chi si assume i principali compiti di cura?
Sono sicuro che tutti abbiate in mente una donna. Sì perché sono le donne a farsi carico in modo sproporzionato di questi compiti.
Il 56% delle donne con figli sotto i 12 anni dedica almeno 5 ore al giorno alla loro cura contro il 26% degli uomini. Questo porta spesso le donne a rinunciare al proprio lavoro, al proprio stipendio, stipendio che è sinonimo di indipendenza. Porta inoltre ad aumentare i divari di genere in termini di occupazione, retribuzione, pensioni, progressione di carriera. Sono più di 7 milioni le donne escluse dal mercato del lavoro europeo per assistere a familiari, parenti e figli. E poi ci sono le donne per cui la cura è un lavoro remunerato, ma remunerato troppo poco e per le quali serve migliorare le condizioni di lavoro anche attraverso salari giusti.
Vogliamo riforme e investimenti per ridurre il divario di genere nell'assistenza, che si concentrino sull'equilibrio tra vita professionale e vita privata, sulle condizioni di lavoro e sulla disponibilità e accessibilità dei servizi di assistenza formale. Grazie.
Idoia Mendia
Presidente, vicepresidenta, son necesarias 16.000 millones de horas. Esas son las horas que las mujeres dedican al trabajo de cuidados no remunerado en todo el mundo. En Europa, el 45% de la población proporciona cuidados no remunerados y la gran mayoría son mujeres. Entonces la pregunta es inevitable: si las mujeres pasamos gran parte de nuestra vida cuidando, ¿por qué seguimos tratando los cuidados como algo secundario e invisible? Porque sin cuidados nuestras sociedades, nuestra economía y nuestras vidas simplemente no funcionarían.
Por eso debemos empezar a tratar los cuidados como lo que realmente son: una cuestión económica, social y de derechos humanos. Mientras no existan servicios accesibles y asequibles, seguiremos empujando a miles de mujeres a reducir su jornada, abandonar el empleo o renunciar a formar una familia. En una Europa cada vez más envejecida y longeva, necesitamos una garantía europea de cuidados con financiación suficiente, servicios públicos de calidad y protección real para las personas cuidadoras. Porque apostar por unos cuidados dignos es proteger nuestra economía, nuestra sociedad y también nuestra propia vejez. Muchas gracias.
Merci beaucoup, chère collègue, Marit Maij.
Marit Maij
Ja, dank u wel voorzitter, mevrouw de commissaris. De was, de vergadering, het avondeten, de rapporten, de doktersafspraak, bellen met je moeder, de deadline, boodschappen voor de buren, de oppas, een mail die nog beantwoord moet worden en vooral de vraag: doe je alles wel goed genoeg? Europa draait op onbetaalde arbeid van vrouwen. Elk jaar half november markeert de dag waarop vrouwen de rest van het jaar gratis werken, want we hebben nog steeds een loonkloof van 10%. Vrouwen verdienen veel minder dan mannen.
En bovenop, daarbovenop doen vrouwen 80% van alle onbetaalde zorg. Zorg die niet wordt vergoed, niet wordt beschermd, niet wordt meegerekend met je pensioen, maar waar onze samenleving volledig op draait. Wat als alle vrouwen nou een dag zouden staken? Dan zou eindelijk zichtbaar worden hoe groot de omvang is. Het hele systeem wordt in stilte, het hele systeem wordt in stilte draaiend gehouden door vrouwen.
Maar het zou de kwetsbaren raken als ze zouden staken: kinderen, ouderen, zieken, mensen met een beperking. Dus er wordt niet gestaakt. Als onbetaalde zorg morgen zou verdwijnen, dan stort onze economie in. Dus waarom behandelen wij het alsof het niets waard is? Dank u wel.
Marc Angel
Die Maloit, yes, you have a request for blue card come from Lukas Sieper. You're okay? Lukas Sieper.
Lukas Sieper
Vielen Dank, Herr Präsident. Vielen Dank, Frau Kollegin.
Vielen Dank, Frau Kollegin, dass Sie die blaue Karte akzeptiert haben. Sie haben ja richtigerweise angesprochen, dass insbesondere Care-Arbeit in der Regel oder oft von Frauen durchgeführt wird. Das Ganze ist ja auch dann problematisch, wenn es in Richtung eines Vermögensausgleichs bei Scheidungen geht, wenn also der eine Ehepartner, in dem Fall meistens der Ehemann, über Jahre viel mehr verdient hat als eben die Ehefrau oder ein anderer Ehepartner, die diese Care-Arbeit gemacht hat. Sind Sie der Ansicht, dass das europaweit harmonisiert werden sollte im Familienrecht? Dankeschön.
Marit Maij
Ja, dank u wel voor deze vraag. Ik denk dat het ontzettend belangrijk is om te erkennen welk werk er wordt gedaan in een gezin en wie welk aandeel in het gezin heeft. En je ziet nu dat in sommige landen die aandelen, zoals u zegt, op een moment dat er gescheiden wordt, niet eerlijk worden verdeeld. In andere Europese landen is dat echter wel degelijk mogelijk. Dus ik denk dat er heel goed moet worden gekeken, want heel soms is het ook andersom, is het de man die meer zorgt en de vrouw die meer verdient, dat er moet worden gekeken dat na zo'n pijnlijke situatie het gezin en alle leden vanuit het gezin op een zelfde manier door kunnen leven.
Dank u wel.
Merci beaucoup pour votre réponse. Ah, Monsieur Sippel, c'est bon? L'échange est terminé, parfait. Très bien. Je vais ouvrir à présent la procédure Catch-the-eye et pour commencer, je donne la parole à Jagna Marczułajtis-Walczak.
Jagna Marczułajtis-Walczak
Szanowny Panie Przewodniczący, Szanowna Pani Komisarz. Powiedzmy jasno: luka opiekuńcza nie jest prywatnym problemem kobiet. To problem gospodarczy i społeczny. Miliony kobiet w Europie wykonują ogromną pracę opiekuńczą bez wynagrodzenia, bez zabezpieczenia i bez uznania, a rachunek przychodzi po latach: niższe pensje, niższe emerytury, większe ryzyko ubóstwa i zależność ekonomiczna. Dlatego luka płacowa, opiekuńcza i luka emerytalna są ze sobą bezpośrednio powiązane.
Nie zbudujemy równej Europy, jeśli system nadal będzie karał kobiety za opiekę nad bliskimi. Potrzebujemy realnego wsparcia systemowego: dostępnych żłobków, opieki wytchnieniowej, asystencji osobistej i lokalnych usług społecznych dostępnych dla każdej rodziny. To musi być standard, by kobiety pracowały i wiodły niezależne życie na własny rachunek, a nie były niewolnikami własnych najbliższych. W naszym raporcie wzywamy państwa członkowskie do uwzględniania okresów opieki w systemach emerytalnych oraz do wspierania powrotu opiekunów na rynek pracy, bo nowoczesna Europa to Europa, w której kobieta nie płaci własnym bezpieczeństwem ekonomicznym za troskę o innych. Dziękuję bardzo.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Gracias, presidente, comisaria Mintsatu. Este debate hace lo correcto enfocando la economía de los cuidados desde la perspectiva del gender gap, el desequilibrio de género que afecta a sus aspectos sociales y salariales y que requiere una armonización europea desde el punto de vista fiscal, desde el punto de vista laboral y también desde el punto de vista social. Pero todo se acentúa y empeora cuando la economía de los cuidados se encomienda a población migrante, mujeres migrantes, porque hay dos opciones: una, la marginalización y la exclusión que conduce a la explotación laboral hiperlativa, y otra, la regularización y el reconocimiento de los derechos de la población migrante en la economía de los cuidados, como ha hecho, por ejemplo, el Gobierno de España, porque eso es lo que contribuye a la dignificación del trabajo, a la reparación no solamente del gender gap, es decir, desequilibrio de género que sin duda requiere un pacto europeo de economía de los cuidados desde esa perspectiva, pero también una mirada distinta a la población migrante que no pasa por la negación ni por el rechazo, sino por la integración y por la inclusión. Gracias, presidente.
Merci beaucoup, chers collègues. Cristian Terheș.
Cristian Terheş
Mulțumesc. Stimată doamnă comisar, dezbaterea pe care ați ascultat-o aici, la care ați asistat, cred că demonstrează pericolul pe care genul acesta de narativ promovat de către Comisia Europeană îl are în primul rând față de femei. Și când spun femei, mă refer la femeile biologice femei, nu la bărbații care se pretind femei. În momentul când am ridicat și am pus câteva întrebări reprezentanților de stânga ai eșichierului politic, au spus că vorbim despre egalitate, nu mai contează dacă între bărbați și femei. Ba da, contează, pentru că titlul acestei dezbateri este despre addressing gender care gap.
Deci există un gap, o diferență între două entități, între două grupuri, în cazul de față între bărbați și femei. Dar dacă nu mai puteți defini juridic ce este o femeie și orice bărbat care se pretinde femeie spuneți că este femeie și trebuie să aibă să i se recunoască drepturile unei femei, cum veți lupta pentru eliminarea acestei discrepanțe între bărbați și femei? Nu vă lăsați conduși de genul acesta de ideologie de gen și apărați femeile biologice.
Sigrid Friis
Tænk at noget så vigtigt og værdifuldt som omsorgsarbejde alt for ofte er både ulønnet og usynligt. For lad os lige tale om, hvad omsorg egentlig betyder. Det betyder at være der for hinanden, at vi rækker ud, når nogen har brug for os. Måske er det dine gamle bedsteforældre, måske er det din udbrændte og stressede veninde, en ensom bekendt, der har brug for dig, en skoleelev, der struggler med trivslen, eller en lille ny, du bærer på armen og giver omsorg i en verden, der er alt andet end omsorgsfuld for tiden. Er det her værdiløst?
Nej. Det er fuldstændig uvurderligt og uundværligt for os som samfund. Det kan godt være, at værdien af omsorgsarbejde ikke kan læses i vores bruttonationalprodukter, men jeg er helt sikker på, at vores samfund ville være utrolig meget fattigere uden det omsorgsarbejde, som rigtig mange af os udfører hver eneste dag. Det fortjener mere anerkendelse, end det får i dag.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup d'avoir parfaitement respecté votre temps de parole. Maria Grapini.
Maria Grapini
Mulțumesc, doamnă comisar, stimați colegi. Haideți să privim realitatea. Serviciile de îngrijire nu sunt munci ușoare. Trebuie să îngrijești un copil, un bătrân, o persoană cu dizabilități. Este nevoie de un efort, dar și de o dedicare, de o vocație.
De aceea cred că primul lucru care trebuie să-l reglementăm este ca aceste servicii de îngrijire să fie plătite cu adevărat, să nu fie o muncă umilitoare. Și da, cifrele arată că 80% din personalul care lucrătorii care se ocupă de îngrijire sunt femei. Sigur, poate că e bine să fie femei, poate că sunt mai sensibile, dar trebuie să le plătim, trebuie să le asigurăm o pensie, trebuie să nu existe după aceea problema ce fac aceste femei, acești lucrători care se ocupă de îngrijire când vor ieși la pensie, nu vor putea să trăiască. Și cred că mai este o problemă. Disparitatea de gen trebuie s-o tratăm rațional și trebuie să mergem pe a pune pe vocație și pe omul potrivit la locul potrivit.
Să știți că eu am văzut și bărbați care fac servicii de îngrijire excelente, dar trebuie să fie servicii bine plătite. Mulțumesc.
Romana Jerković
Hvala. Milijuni žena diljem Europe svakodnevno nose teret neplaćenog rada. Brinu o djeci i starijim dok sustav tu pomoć uzima zdravo za gotovo. Situacija je za samohrane majke i neformalne njegovateljice još i gora. I upravo taj nevidljivi rad glavni je uzrok nižih plaća žena, češćeg rada na pola radnog vremena, sporijeg napredovanja, nižih mirovina i većeg rizika od siromaštva u starosti.
Ovo osim što je nepravedno, također je i nepromišljeno jer zamislite koliki potencijal društvo ovako gubi. Zato danas ovdje tražimo dostupnije vrtiće, kvalitetniju dugotrajnu skrb za starije, da muškarci preuzmu veći dio skrbi te ono najvažnije, da se skrb počne vrednovati kao i tržišni rad i da se prestane tretirati kao privatni problem ili kao privatni teret žena. Hvala lijepa.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. La procédure catch-the-eye est close. Avant de donner la parole à Madame la Commissaire, je voudrais en fin de débat faire une remarque. J'avais une liste de trente-deux orateurs. Sur trente-deux orateurs, trois hommes se sont exprimés.
Seulement trois hommes. Je laisse aux membres tirer les conclusions, mais je pense que cela est problématique puisque ce débat concerne d'abord et avant tout, je crois, les hommes car les hommes doivent être mis en avant de leur responsabilité sur cet enjeu de réduction des écarts entre les hommes et les femmes. La question de l'égalité concerne les hommes et les femmes. Madame la Commissaire, je vous donne la parole.
Roxana Mînzatu
Many thanks, Mr. President. Indeed, there is a problem. Thank you for the debate on such an important topic. And we refer to two categories of people that are involved in the care work. Yes, the formal care workers, whether they be men or women, and their working conditions, their salaries.
In our member states, we have a diverse landscape, but in most situations, this is not the best paid job. This is not the ideal job. If you would go to a primary school, you will not hear nine out of ten children saying that they want to be carers in a way or another. Although it is a human-centric job, although it is difficult, it is complex, it requires a lot and needs to be rewarded in the same way. And yes, in this landscape of formal care workers, most are women.
But it is much more, I would say, or please allow me to give this personal interpretation as well, about the informal care work. And I cannot not tell you that one of the main drivers of my work on this is the many generation of women in my own country that left so that they would take care of other people in other countries. And this was the promise, you know, of the freedom of movement, of the freedom to work inside European Union. And they went and they took care of of of people, of women that are, you know, or people with disabilities that were not capacitated. And many times they didn't have their wages paid, their social insurances covered, their contributions for their pensions.
And many times it is about the woman who, although she had the best results in high school or university and started her career, because she needed to be at home to take care of the first child, the second child, the third child, she could not, of course, have a career at the level of her talent. She had to interrupt once, two times, three times, and of course her career evolution was hampered and in the end the pension that she will get is also affected. So what is a woman? The woman is for sure that person that works twelve months and gets the salary for ten months. That woman is for sure that person that might work for an entire year, day and night, physical, emotional, mental labor, taking care of another person, and in the end will not be able to get a pension for it.
And now they will retire, pension time will come and they have no safety net.
It is a reality that we have a gender care gap in the care sector. It sounds so technical. It can be debated ideologically. It can be debated in the end also economically. But the important thing is that in a Europe where we uphold rights, this needs to be addressed.
And with this motivation, next year we will present a European care deal. It will address the most important elements: working conditions, attractiveness of careers, accessibility of services. It is connected with what I mentioned in previous debate here in the plenary, the anti-poverty strategy and our work on a potential directive on activation. I will deploy all the resources that this Commission has so that we make an improvement that matters in the lives of people that care for others. This is a legacy that we need to leave behind.
Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Madame la Vice-Présidente Šuica. Je donne la parole à présent au rapporteur du Parlement, Elonora Meleti.
Eleonora Meleti
Ευχαριστώ, κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, αργά ή γρήγορα, κακά τα ψέματα, όλοι μας θα βρεθούμε σε θέση να φροντίζουμε έναν άνθρωπο που αγαπάμε. Και κάποια στιγμή όλοι μας μπορεί να έχουμε ανάγκη από φροντίδα. Γι' αυτό ο φάκελος αυτός δεν αφορά μόνο σε επαγγελματίες φροντιστές, ούτε μόνο σε εκείνους που φροντίζουν σιωπηλά μέσα στο σπίτι τους. Αφορά στον καθέναν από εμάς. Κι όμως, όπως είδατε και ακούσατε, πολύ συχνά η φροντίδα παραμένει αόρατη, θεωρείται δεδομένη, υποτιμάται, δεν αμείβεται δίκαια, δεν αναγνωρίζεται όσο αξίζει και δυστυχώς εξακολουθεί να βαραίνει άνισα κυρίως τις γυναίκες.
Με αυτόν το φάκελο λοιπόν ερχόμαστε και λέμε ξεκάθαρα πως αυτό πρέπει να αλλάξει. Λέμε ότι η φροντίδα δεν είναι υποχρέωση κάποιων ανθρώπων, ούτε αποκλειστικά των γυναικών. Λέμε ότι η φροντίδα είναι κοινωνική συνοχή, είναι αξιοπρέπεια, είναι δικαιοσύνη, είναι η ίδια η ποιότητα της δημοκρατίας μας. Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, υπάρχουν στιγμές που η πολιτική οφείλει να θυμάται το βασικό λόγο της ύπαρξής της, το να προστατεύει τον άνθρωπο. Και η φροντίδα ίσως είναι η πιο βαθιά μορφή ανθρωπιάς που μπορεί να δείξει μία κοινωνία στα μέλη της.
Γι' αυτό και η φροντίδα δεν πρέπει να ανήκει στα κόμματα. Πρέπει να ανήκει στους ανθρώπους. Δεν πρέπει να γίνεται ιδεολογική σημαία, πρέπει να αντιμετωπίζεται ως πραγματική κοινωνική ανάγκη. Δεν μπορεί να προσφέρεται για επικοινωνιακούς εντυπωσιασμούς, δήθεν κοινωνική ευαισθησία, κομματικές τακτικές και μικροπολιτικά παιχνιδάκια. Γιατί οι άνθρωποι που φροντίζουν και οι άνθρωποι που έχουν ανάγκη τη φροντίδα ζητούν στήριξη, αξιοπρέπεια, ουσιαστικές πολιτικές και συνέπεια.
Και αυτό με τη Rosa Estaràs και όλους τους σκιώδεις εισηγητές σε απόλυτη συνεργασία έχουμε καταφέρει και το έχουμε φέρει στο κείμενο, το έχουμε πετύχει. Γι' αυτό και σας καλώ να υπερψηφίσετε αυτόν το φάκελο, όπως ακριβώς έγινε με ευρεία πλειοψηφία σε επίπεδο επιτροπής πριν από λίγες εβδομάδες. Όχι γιατί συμφωνούμε απόλυτα στα πάντα, αλλά γιατί υπάρχουν στιγμές που οφείλουμε να συμφωνήσουμε στα ουσιώδη. Και το ουσιώδες είναι ότι η πολιτική κρίνεται στις πράξεις. Ας φροντίσουμε λοιπόν με τη δική μας ψήφο εκείνους που κάθε μέρα φροντίζουν τους άλλους αλλά και εμάς.
Merci beaucoup, Rosa Estaràs Ferragut, rapporteur pour le Parlement.
Rosa Estaràs Ferragut
Gracias, presidente, comisaria. Mañana es un gran día. Mañana tenemos la ocasión de demostrar al mundo que Europa da un paso adelante y apoya este informe de cuidados que es la antesala del pacto europeo de cuidados que la Comisión va a presentar el 2027. Mañana tenemos que estar a la altura de las circunstancias. No puede ser batallas políticas porque aquel artículo yo lo quería así o aquella enmienda la quería de otra manera.
El diálogo significa que todos hacemos renuncias. Había más de 600 enmiendas. Hemos hecho muchísimos compromisos. En comisión tuvimos un apoyo casi unánime. Este mismo apoyo os pido a todos los grupos políticos que lo tengamos mañana.
Si mañana salimos de aquí con muchos votos apoyando este informe, que no es un informe de la señora Meleti ni de la señora Estaràs, es un informe de Europa, es un informe para los cuidadores y cuidadoras, es un informe para la justicia social, para la igualdad y para los derechos humanos, seremos mucho más fuertes para poder reivindicar un pacto europeo de cuidados el año que viene. Está en juego cambiar la mentalidad, hacer pedagogía. Cuidar sostiene el mundo y no aparece en ninguna nómina. Cuidar tiene cara de mujer. La mujer cuida, planifica, organiza, acompaña y, por lo tanto, necesitamos cambiar esta realidad.
Solo se puede cambiar apoyando todos juntos, con un pacto, con iniciativas, dejar la ideología a un lado para todas juntas apoyar derechos humanos. Está en juego la credibilidad de esta cámara. Por favor, solicito a todos los grupos políticos que nos apoyen, porque apoyando esto apoyamos el futuro de miles y miles de hombres y mujeres que están esperando que estemos a la altura de las circunstancias. Muchas gracias.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, chère rapporteure. Le débat est clos et le vote aura lieu demain. L'ordre du jour appelle à présent la déclaration de la Commission sur la nécessité de réduire le nombre de décès liés au travail. J'attire votre attention sur le fait qu'il n'y aura qu'un tour de parole des orateurs des groupes politiques pour ce débat. Il n'y aura donc pas d'intervention à la demande ni de carton bleu.
Et pour ouvrir ce débat, je donne la parole à Madame la vice-présidente Roxana Mînzatu.
Roxana Mînzatu
Thank you, dear President, honorable members. Today's debate is about an objective that we all share: reducing and, ultimately, very importantly, eliminating work-related fatalities and diseases. And let me be very clear: protecting workers' health and workers' safety remains a core priority for the European Commission. Over the past decades, the European Union and the Member States have built one of the world's most advanced occupational health and safety frameworks. Thanks to legislation, enforcement, but also prevention measures, fatal workplace accidents in the European Union have fallen with 70% in the last three decades.
But we do know that there is still much more we need to do, because every day, nine workers across the European Union still fall victim to accidents at work.
Thousands more lose their lives to diseases that are linked to their job. And that is why the Commission remains fully engaged and fully committed to the Vision Zero approach, which is at the heart of the current EU strategic framework on safety and health at the workplace. We are continuously updating our legislation, especially on hazardous substances such as asbestos and carcinogens, which remain among the leading causes of work-related deaths. At the same time, we support practical prevention efforts through guidance and practical tools and the work of the European Agency for Safety and Health at Work. Every worker has the right to return home safely at the end of the day.
And every preventable death is a death too many. I look forward to today's debate and to continuing our common work to strengthen the protection of our workers across Europe.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Madame la Vice-Présidente, pour ouvrir cette discussion, Giuseppina Princi, pour le groupe PPE.
Giusi Princi
Grazie Presidente, Commissaria, colleghi. A futura memoria, se la memoria ha un futuro. In queste parole di Leonardo Sciascia c'è un'inquietudine che non appartiene a un solo tempo. È il dubbio che ogni generazione dovrebbe avere davanti alle proprie ferite, se il ricordo resti solo parola o se diventi coscienza, responsabilità, scelta. Marcinelle non è soltanto il luogo del dolore, è una soglia morale della nostra storia europea.
L'8 agosto 1956, il fuoco inghiottì 262 lavoratori europei: belgi, polacchi, greci, tedeschi, francesi, ungheresi e ben 136 italiani. Uomini che portavano valigie povere e speranze immense, che scendevano nel buio perché altri vedessero la luce, uomini che furono parte viva della costruzione europea. È qui che nasce il senso dell'8 agosto, non da una cerimonia, non da un atto formale, ma dal bisogno di restituire nome, dignità e voce a chi l'Europa l'ha costruita con un sacrificio per troppo tempo lontano dai riflettori della storia. Il PPE sostiene convintamente la risoluzione e si complimenta con la relatrice, riconoscendo che la memoria del lavoro non appartiene al passato, ma al fondamento stesso della nostra idea di Europa di oggi e di domani. Perché le vittime della tragedia di Marcinelle furono testimoni di una civiltà del lavoro che ancora oggi vive nelle nostre comunità, negli operai, nei tecnici, nei professionisti, nei ricercatori, nei docenti, nelle nuove generazioni che continuiamo ad arricchire, che continuano ad arricchire l'Europa con competenza e dedizione.
Ma la riconoscenza, se è vera, diventa responsabilità. E allora la tragedia di Marcinelle ci dice che ogni lavoratore porta con sé una storia, una famiglia, una promessa e che nessuno sviluppo può dirsi giusto se dimentica il volto di chi lo rende possibile. Per questo l'8 agosto deve parlare all'Europa intera, per onorare chi ogni giorno costruisce, serve, cura, innova, lavora, perché Marcinelle diventi memoria viva, dignità, futuro.
Grazie.
Marianne Vind
Tak, hr. formand, kommissær Dalli. Ingen skal dø af at gå på arbejde. Det lyder banalt at sige, men det er desværre nødvendigt at sige. Man tager på arbejde om morgenen, gør det man skal og kommer hjem igen. Men sådan går det desværre ikke for alle.
Hver eneste dag er der ni mennesker i EU, der ikke kommer hjem til familien efter arbejde. Også i Danmark har vi allerede i år set, hvor galt det kan gå. En landmand blev klemt mellem en gødningsspreder og en traktor. En lastbilchauffør, der blev klemt mellem sin lastbil og et betonværk under aflæsning. En værkstedsmekaniker, der blev udsat for farlige gylledampe i en trailer.
En entreprenørmedarbejder, der blev påkørt af en bakkende lastbil. Og en politibetjent, der blev dræbt, da han passede sit arbejde på en motorvej. Det er barske eksempler. Men det sker desværre også i helt almindelige arbejdssituationer, og mange af dem kunne være forebygget. Det er tudetosset, hvis sikkerheden først bliver vigtig, når ulykken er sket.
Vi skal have en benhård sikkerhedskultur på arbejdspladserne, og ansvaret er arbejdsgivernes. Vi har alle en særlig forpligtelse til at passe godt på dem, der står allermest udsat. Vi ved, det er de udenlandske arbejdstagere, vi ved, det er platformsarbejdere, og det er folk i de helt farlige brancher. Og så skal vi have øjnene åbne for de nye problemer: kunstig intelligens, klimaforandringer, ekstrem varme, nye måder at arbejde på. Det kalder på nogle svar i EU's arbejdsmiljøstrategi.
Dårligt arbejdsmiljø koster først og fremmest liv. Og ja, det koster også samfundet dyrt. Bare i Danmark alene omkring 50 milliarder kroner om året. Så helt ærligt, hvad venter vi på? Folk skal kunne gå på arbejde uden at sætte livet på spil.
Det håber jeg, at Kommissionen vil arbejde videre på. Tak for ordet.
Séverine Werbrouck
Merci, monsieur le Président, madame la Commissaire. Chers collègues, le travail n'est pas seulement un lieu où on gagne sa vie, c'est parfois un lieu où on la perd. Il ne faut jamais s'habituer à ce que certaines personnes partent au travail le matin et ne rentrent plus jamais chez elles. La résolution mentionne, et je tiens à le saluer, nos pompiers, nos forces de l'ordre qui subissent la haine et la violence en rendant le plus noble des services, celui de sauver et de protéger les vies. Cela ne doit pas être considéré comme un risque du métier, mais bien comme des actes à chaque fois intolérables et qui doivent être punis en conséquence.
La proposition de journée de commémoration et de sensibilisation est louable. Toutefois, la date du 8 août ne permettra pas d'en tirer le succès attendu. Il y avait bien déjà la date de l'OIT, celle du 28 avril. Pourquoi vouloir que cet événement soit absolument lié aux institutions de l'Union européenne et privilégier l'aspect symbolique plutôt qu'un soutien efficace et réel? Le sujet est trop grave pour qu'il soit détourné vers un jeu de pouvoir de l'Union contre les législations nationales et les droits des travailleurs.
La prévention et la sécurité participent de la qualification des travailleurs. Il existe des fonds, notamment le FSE, pour soutenir nos compétences. Alors soutenons ces initiatives avec nos moyens qui sont à notre disposition. Merci.
Chiara Gemma
Presidente, Commissaria, grazie. Quando parliamo di morti sul lavoro rischiamo spesso di fermarci ai numeri, ma dietro quei numeri ci sono persone. Ci sono famiglie che aspettavano qualcuno a casa e non lo hanno più visto tornare. Gli ultimi dati parlano di oltre 3.000 vittime sul lavoro e di quasi 3 milioni di incidenti ogni anno. E poi ci sono le malattie professionali, troppo spesso invisibili e sottodiagnosticate.
Questa risoluzione parte da un principio molto chiaro e molto semplice: la sicurezza sul lavoro non è un costo. È una responsabilità morale, civile, economica. E oggi questa responsabilità riguarda un mondo del lavoro profondamente cambiato. Non esistono più soltanto i rischi tradizionali. Esistono nuove forme di pressione legate alla digitalizzazione, alla gestione algoritmica, ai ritmi imposti dalle piattaforme, alla frammentazione delle responsabilità lungo filiere produttive sempre più complesse.
Esistono poi giovani lavoratori che entrano nel mercato del lavoro con meno esperienza e maggiore esposizione ai rischi. Esistono lavoratori vulnerabili, mobili, impiegati in catene di subappalto, dove la sicurezza si perde tra competenze frammentate e controlli insufficienti. Per questo il testo insiste su prevenzione, formazione, cultura della sicurezza, più controlli. Ma c'è anche un principio di equilibrio che è necessario ribadire: la sicurezza sul lavoro non si tutela criminalizzando le imprese o contrapponendo lavoratori a sistemi produttivi. Si tutela costruendo regole serie, proporzionali, sostenibili.
Ed entro questa visione si inserisce la proposta di istituire una giornata europea in ricordo delle vittime del lavoro, da celebrare ogni anno l'8 agosto, in memoria della tragedia di Marcinelle, dove morirono 262 lavoratori provenienti da diversi paesi europei. Marcinelle non appartiene solo alla memoria di un paese. È parte della nostra storia sociale. È il simbolo di un'Europa che ha compreso nel modo più doloroso possibile che la libertà della circolazione del lavoro non può esistere senza dignità, sicurezza e responsabilità condivise. Per questo vogliamo trasformare la memoria in impegno concreto.
Grazie.
Grégory Allione
Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues, aujourd'hui nous rappelons une exigence fondamentale: la protection de nos travailleurs n'est pas une variable d'ajustement, elle est de notre responsabilité collective. Cette protection, Madame la Commissaire, elle commence par la prévention. Et vous connaissez mon attachement à une certaine profession: la présence des sapeurs-pompiers volontaires, notamment dans nos entreprises et sur nos lieux de travail, renforce concrètement la sécurité de tous. Ils sont formés aux gestes de premiers secours, à la gestion des risques, ils sauvent des vies, préviennent les accidents et participent à une véritable culture de la sécurité au travail. Nous devons donc leur donner les moyens de s'engager et de reconnaître leur engagement, et cela au niveau européen.
Car protéger les travailleurs, c'est renforcer nos entreprises en les rendant plus résilientes, plus productives et plus compétitives. Protéger efficacement, c'est aussi faire face aux nouveaux risques, comme les chaleurs extrêmes. Et je pense à nos agriculteurs, à la merci des saisons déréglées, à nos agents routiers sur un bitume qui brûle, aux travailleurs du bâtiment sous un soleil écrasant et à nos sapeurs-pompiers forcément confrontés à des feux de forêt toujours plus violents. Ignorer le changement climatique, comme certains le font dans cet hémicycle, c'est nier les conditions de travail difficiles de milliers de nos concitoyens. La sécurité au travail n'est pas un luxe, c'est une exigence humaine et économique, et protéger nos travailleurs, c'est assurer notre résilience et notre souveraineté.
Je vous remercie.
Marie Toussaint
Chers collègues, il y a une semaine, un jeune alternant est mort, écrasé par un chariot élévateur.
Il s'appelait Ethan et il venait de fêter ses 18 ans. Le 17 avril, il y a seulement un mois, un autre jeune a aussi perdu la vie à cause d'un chariot élévateur à Bagnolet-sur-Seine. Il était lycéen. En France, plus de 100 000 travailleurs de moins de 25 ans ont été accidentés au travail et 423, 423 ont trouvé la mort depuis seulement 2020. Oui, si ces enfants meurent encore au travail ici, en Europe.
Et alors que plus de 100 000 personnes décèdent encore chaque année du fait des risques chimiques auxquels ils ont été exposés sur notre continent dans le cadre du travail, principalement par cancer, les jeunes, à nouveau, sont les moins informés, les moins formés sur les dangers que représentent ces produits toxiques. Chaque décès est un drame, une souffrance infligée à des familles entières. Que peut-il y avoir de pire que de perdre ses enfants ? Alors oui, nous avons une responsabilité : accroître et améliorer les inspections du travail, légiférer sur la sous-traitance ou l'effet des grandes chaleurs et se doter d'un corpus juridique solide pour garantir une chose : plus aucun mort au travail.
Merci beaucoup. Konstantinos Arvanitis.
Konstantinos Arvanitis
Κύριε Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, σας ευχαριστούμε που είστε εδώ. Δεν είναι ατυχία η απώλεια της ζωής στην εργασία. Είναι δολοφονία. Και είναι δολοφονία διότι τα κράτη μέλη συναινούν στην ανομία. Δεν ήταν ατυχείς οι πέντε εργάτριες στα Τρίκαλα στην εταιρεία Βιολάντα.
Το κράτος δεν είχε κάνει τους απαραίτητους ελέγχους. Στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση το 2023 είχαμε 3.298 θανάτους εργατριών και εργατών. Στην Ελλάδα το '23 είχαμε 201 νεκρούς εργάτες και εργάτριες, ενώ από την αρχή του έτους στην πατρίδα μου μετράμε ήδη 65 νεκρούς. Δεν πρόκειται λοιπόν για μεμονωμένα περιστατικά. Αυτά τα ατυχήματα είναι αποτέλεσμα της εντατικοποίησης εργασίας και ενημερώνω και εσάς ότι στη χώρα μου έχει νομοθετηθεί 13 ώρες εργασία, όταν το 1886 είχαμε λύσει το θέμα του οκταώρου.
Είναι αποτέλεσμα εντατικοποίησης λοιπόν, υποστελέχωσης, είναι η διάλυση των ελεγκτικών μηχανισμών. Γι' αυτό χρειαζόμαστε ισχυρούς ελέγχους, ενίσχυση των επιθεωρήσεων εργασίας, ουσιαστική προστασία των εργαζομένων, λογοδοσία των υπευθύνων και βεβαίως εφαρμογή της στρατηγικής Vision Zero για μηδενικές απώλειες. Σας ευχαριστώ πολύ.
Merci beaucoup, cher collègue. Pour conclure cette discussion, je rends la parole à Madame la Vice-présidente Roxana Mînzatu.
Roxana Mînzatu
Merci, honorable members, thank you for the interesting and fruitful debate, for your strong commitment to support workers' health and safety in the workplace. You illustrated also with numbers and concrete examples that although we have achieved a lot, a lot more still needs to be done and our work is far from being finished. So the Commission will continue to pursue this Vision Zero approach with full determination because no death is acceptable in this context. Legislation remains essential in this aspect, but prevention, a culture of safety, also depend on effective implementation, on enforcement. And this happens through training, it happens through raising awareness, through social dialogue, very importantly, through capable labor inspections and yes, also by exchanging good practices.
Many of the topics in the resolution are already at the core of our work, and we will continue to build on each one of them. When it comes to the very specific proposal that was made for the date of August 8th, so it would mark remembering the victims of work accidents, on that we will further analyze the proposal because we have this context where we already have an International Workers' Day and the UN World Day of Health and Safety at Work, which is on the 28th of April. That is why we will analyze in this context the specific proposal. We should reflect on how to make full use of this existing important day in order not to also dilute efforts, including the worldwide cooperation on this important topic and the awareness raising on this matter. But the Commission remains fully committed to working with European Parliament on this important shared objective.
Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Madame la Vice-Présidente. J'ai reçu une proposition de résolution pour clore ce débat. Le débat est clos et le vote aura lieu demain. Merci beaucoup. L'ordre du jour appelle à présent le rapport de Monsieur Zarzalejos et de Madame Yar sur les droits, soutien et protection des victimes de la criminalité.
Nous ouvrons cette discussion en donnant la parole au rapporteur du Parlement. Je donne la parole à Javier Zarzalejos.
Javier Zarzalejos
Thank you, President, Commissioner McGrath. Too many people become victims of crime every year in the European Union. A huge numbers of these crimes go unreported and thus victims remain unprotected themselves and justice systems and law enforcement are badly affected. Also we see a fragmented legislation at national level with uneven treatment for victims and very different standards in protection. While at the same time we know that reporting and judicial procedures may represent an extremely cumbersome task for many victims, if not a painful and stressing experience.
It is against this background that the Parliament started in the previous mandate a long discussion and a complex negotiation which has resulted in a revised directive that is highly satisfactory and makes a substantial improvement in the status of victims and the protection of their rights. For the first time the directive introduces specific obligations for Member States to ensure that victims who suffered additional harm due to the glorification of serious criminal offenses can access support and protection measures. Also the agreement establishes a privacy by default system, ensuring that victims' personal data will not be accessible to offenders unless strictly necessary, and that represents a substantial improvement of victims' safety and trust in judicial procedures. Member States must provide accessible, secure and user-friendly reporting channels, including digital tools, and we do expect that this will reduce underreporting and enable early intervention by competent authorities. The directive provides for the establishment of EU-wide helplines, strengthen access to effective legal assistance and development of specialized support services, including shelters, while improving the conditions for victims participating in cross-border criminal proceedings.
Victims will have the right to receive all relevant information about their case, including an offender's release, transfer, change of regime or early termination of the criminal responsibility. And judicial review will be also a right, a right to the review of decisions taken in the course of the proceeding on the right to translation, the right to be heard and the right to legal assistance when these decisions are taken in the course of the procedure. Recital seven was key for a final compromise and we had to reconcile the concern and support to victims of sexual violence with a legally sound provision. And I think we got this balance in recital seven. Sexual and reproductive health services are mentioned in the recital, not in the operative part of the text.
They are mentioned by way of example, so the directive doesn't intend to set up a list, a European list of sexual and reproductive health services. They are referred to as services and the very recital clearly reassures the national competence in the choice, the definition and the delivery of these services according to national laws, constitutional frameworks and according to Article 168, paragraph seven of the Treaty of the Functioning of the European Union. So let me tell you that the outcome is entirely positive and satisfactory for those who have been so closely involved as my case as rapporteur and co-rapporteur along with my colleague Lucia Jar. And it's entirely positive, not only because I do think that it will gather a huge support from the Parliament, but also it really makes a difference, a substantial improvement in the status of victims, the support they are entitled to receive. Thank you.
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur le rapporteur. Je donne la parole à Lucia Jar, rapporteur pour le Parlement.
Lucia Yar
Merci. Dear Chair, Commissioner, colleagues. Tomorrow the European Parliament will vote on something very, very powerful, the kind of support any of us may need in the darkest moments of our lives. Tomorrow we are set to vote and adopt the revised Victims' Rights Directive, the most important reform of victims' protection in Europe in more than a decade. It is important because every year almost 75 million people across the EU become victims of crime.
Thanks to the European Union and thanks to this Parliament, your rights and your protection will become stronger. Crime can happen in a moment, but its consequences can last a lifetime. And what happens next matters. Whether a victim is believed, it matters. Whether they receive protection, it matters.
Whether they can access healthcare, psychological support, legal assistance or reproductive healthcare, all of that matter. Yet today, across Europe, these rights are still deeply unequal. A victim in one Member State may receive an immediate medical support or protection. Another just across the border may face bureaucracy, intimidation, even silence.
But the victims' rights cannot depend on geography. So 14 years ago, Europe created minimum standards for victims, but now we now know they are not enough. It is estimated that around 80% of victims of gender-based violence still do not report these crimes to the police. And why? Because too many fear the system itself.
And for all these reasons, this EU law is a game changer. It brings fundamental progress to people's lives. And let me list a few of the achievements. Directive will create support helplines, online and offline, across the EU. It makes reporting of crime easier and safer, including online and through trusted third parties.
It improves reporting mechanisms in closed institutions such as children's facilities or care homes. It strengthens access to legal aid from the very beginning of the proceeding, not only for those who can afford lawyers. It also improves compensation mechanism across Europe. It establishes integrated specialist support for child victims. It gives victims stronger right to challenge decision after which is affecting their case.
It protects victims' personal data and privacy by default. It also strengthens training for police officers, for prosecutors or judges. But what I'm especially proud of us achieving is that for the first time in the EU legislation, we recognize that victims of sexual violence may need sexual and reproductive healthcare, including testing for infections, emergency contraceptions, and access to safe abortion. It is up to member states, of course, to ensure that, but it is an important statement of principles from the European Parliament. Dear colleagues, I am very proud that we have found a way to deliver.
Overall, tomorrow's vote is about more than legislation, of course. It is about what kind of Europe we are building. And I am convinced that it is Europe that clearly is saying your dignity matters, your safety matters, and your rights matter. Thank you everybody involved.
Thank you very much. And now I will give the floor to the Commission and Commissioner McGrath. Please, the floor is yours.
Michael McGrath
Thank you very much, Chair, honorable members. Today we have an opportunity to take stock of the results of the intense work carried out over the last number of years. The revised Victims' Rights Directive, as provisionally agreed on the 10th of December 2025, is now ready to be adopted. And I would like to start by expressing my sincere appreciation for the work of this House and to each of you, honorable members, in achieving this outcome, and of course, in particular to the co-rapporteurs, Lucia Yar and Javier Zarzalejos, all of the shadow rapporteurs who contributed, and all of the members of the House who made important contributions. Thank you for your work.
Thank you for your steadfast commitment to supporting victims of crime in the European Union. And thank you for your willingness to compromise so that we could get a tangible outcome by way of an agreed legislative file in the end.
The negotiations between the co-legislators were fruitful and constructive and were conducted in a true spirit of inter-institutional cooperation. This demonstrates that we share a common goal to enhance the support, protection, and access to justice for victims of crime all across the European Union. The new rules will significantly reduce the procedural and emotional burdens for victims, laying the foundation of a truly victim-centered approach that we have long endeavored to achieve. Victims of crime endure trauma and harm, and they must never face secondary or repeat victimization when in contact with the criminal justice system, and we know that this has happened in all too many cases that we are familiar with. The list of improvements is extensive, and every right under the current Victims' Rights Directive has been further strengthened in this proposal.
Member States will now be required to establish dedicated victims' helplines offering confidential information, guidance, and emotional support. Reporting crimes will become easier with secure online options and greater opportunities for victims to participate in criminal proceedings. Victims will receive support in dedicated court spaces with additional psychological support available to those who need it. And the new directive will also streamline access to compensation from offenders and will improve coordination and cooperation among professionals interacting with victims of crime. This Commission has made a strong commitment to protecting children from harm, violence, and other online threats and to upholding children's rights.
The revised directive reinforces this commitment, I'm pleased to say. Child victims of crime will benefit from tailored, integrated support and protection based on important multi-agency cooperation and individual assessments of their needs, because each case is different. This is a milestone towards achieving genuine child-friendly justice, and I know we will continue to work together to achieve this goal. Other vulnerable victims, such as victims with disabilities, will also benefit from comprehensive access to support services and from procedural accommodations, which can be important for them too. In summary, these new rules and elevated standards will ensure that millions of victims of crime in the EU will receive better protection, support, and access to justice.
The Commission stands ready to support Member States in the transposition of this directive once this House and the Council have both completed the formal adoption. However, we must recognize, and I know the honorable members in this House do, that legislation alone is not enough. Its real-world application is what determines its success. To further strengthen the legal and policy framework in support of victims' rights, the Commission will adopt by the end of this year a new EU strategy on victims' rights. The strategy will outline clear actions at both EU and national level to support the enforcement of these new rules on the ground, so that the lived experience of victims of crime in the European Union is better in the future than I think we all know it has been in the past in too many cases.
So thank you for your collective work. I look forward to the vote tomorrow, but also to the contributions of all of you in the House here this evening. Thank you.
Thank you very much, Commissioner. And now we will start with the round of speakers on behalf of the political groups, beginning with EPP for two minutes, Ms. Estaràs Ferragut, please.
Rosa Estaràs Ferragut
Gracias, presidenta, comisario. Está claro que la directiva del año 2012 de apoyo, derechos y protección de las víctimas de delito, en esa directiva en la aplicación se detectaron deficiencias, básicamente porque las víctimas desconocían sus derechos, no denunciaban suficientemente y, además, no recibían el apoyo adecuado a sus necesidades concretas.
Por eso esta nueva directiva corrige todas estas dificultades y establece un enfoque basado en la persona. Esto es fundamental porque en esa directiva se tiene en cuenta el género, si una persona tiene discapacidad, si es un menor y las circunstancias de las víctimas. Por lo tanto se aborda el tema de forma personalizada. Eso es muy importante especialmente para los colectivos vulnerables como menores y personas con discapacidad porque esta directiva lo que hace es adaptar, hacer accesible todo el procedimiento de victimización y por lo tanto es muy importante para este colectivo. El acceso digital a la justicia también con adaptaciones accesibles es importante como complemento a los canales tradicionales.
Se refuerza también el número europeo de ayuda a las víctimas con el número europeo para menores desaparecidos, víctimas de violencia de género o el teléfono de infancia. Y se facilita sin ninguna duda la posibilidad de denunciar eliminando muchos obstáculos que hasta ahora había para las denuncias, reforzando la privacidad y también la protección de datos. Es muy importante los apoyos especializados, los servicios de apoyo especializados gratuitos y accesibles son claves así como reforzar el acceso a la asistencia jurídica eficaz. Y por supuesto información durante todo el proceso a todas las víctimas. Hay un tema importante y es que en el caso de las víctimas de violencia sexual tendrán garantizada el acceso a los servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva y acceso al aborto de acuerdo con el principio de subsidiariedad.
En definitiva los derechos de las víctimas deben ser claros, accesibles y exigibles y por supuesto medidas de protección contra el terrorismo y los delitos graves. La glorificación de estos delitos supone una vulneración de la dignidad de las víctimas. Enhorabuena a los ponentes, a Javier Zarzalejos y a Lucía Yar por ese importante trabajo. Gracias.
Thank you very much and on behalf of S&D, Mr. Alessandro Zan for one minute please.
Alessandro Zan
Cosa succede quando subisci un reato d'odio e lo Stato non ti riconosce? Succede che subisci due traumi: il reato e l'indifferenza delle istituzioni. Domani in quest'aula votiamo la direttiva vittime, una legge europea storica, e lo dico con orgoglio da relatore per il gruppo dei Socialisti e Democratici per i risultati raggiunti per tutte le vittime, come il rafforzamento della privacy, il supporto medico psicologico post-traumatico, compreso l'accesso all'aborto sicuro per le vittime di violenza sessuale. Per la prima volta infatti si menziona l'aborto in una legge dell'Unione Europea. Inoltre affermiamo un principio fondamentale: chi viene colpito per il proprio orientamento sessuale, la propria identità di genere, il genere o la disabilità merita una protezione speciale.
L'odio lascia ferite profonde e la legge deve riconoscerlo. Ed è uno dei principi cardine di quello che è stato il DDL Zan che nel 2021 veniva affossato tra gli applausi vergognosi dell'estrema destra al Senato italiano. E oggi con l'approvazione di questa direttiva potrà tornare dall'Europa a tutti gli Stati membri, compresa l'Italia, perché la giustizia non si misura solo per come punisce ma anche per come protegge. Grazie.
Thank you very much and the next speaker on behalf of PfE is Margarita de la Pisa Carrión for one and a half minutes please.
Margarita de la Pisa Carrión
Gracias presidente, comisión, señorías. Con la modificación de esta directiva teníamos una oportunidad histórica para velar por el respeto de las víctimas y de sus familias. Todavía hoy en España se celebran homenajes o ongi etorri a terroristas asesinos de ETA, por lo que la tipificación del delito de glorificación del terrorismo hubiera sido crucial y no se ha conseguido por falta de valentía política siguiendo la estela de Sánchez de complacer y blanquear el terrorismo.
Eso sí, se ha puesto la alfombra roja para que se siga avanzando en la imposición de una agenda ideológica en la que se impone a los Estados sin importar las incoherencias con sus legislaciones. Ha sido triste ver el empeño de la mayoría de los grupos de esta cámara, incluido el Partido Popular, por introducir por primera vez en una legislación europea la mención explícita al aborto como un servicio al que tienen derecho las mujeres víctimas de de múltiples tipos de delitos, no solamente violencia sexual. Realmente este era el objetivo político. Lo acaban de celebrar ustedes, señorías, ¿no? A pesar de que para haberlo conseguido se haya tenido que renunciar a otro tipo de protecciones a las víctimas importantes.
Las víctimas merecían una directiva centrada en su dignidad, en sus derechos y en la defensa de su memoria, pero una vez más las prioridades de esta cámara han sido otras: utilizar el dolor de las víctimas como vehículo para seguir imponiendo una agenda ideológica que nadie ha votado. Gracias.
Thank you very much. And on behalf of ECR, the next speaker is Ms. Assita Kanko for one minute, please.
Assita Kanko
Thank you, Madam President. Thank you, Commissioner. I, dear colleagues, I would like to ask you this: imagine a young girl sitting somewhere, defenseless, full of life and joy. But someone decides at that very moment that you are their prey. They impose themselves on you because they can and because they know that they can get away with it.
Too many people got away with it already. In this situation, only the law can make a difference. This is why as parents and as lawmakers, we must make the difference beyond political divides to ensure that our laws do not have flaws. I was born myself in a culture where your destiny was determined on the basis of sex. I'm grateful to live on a continent where our destiny is based on equality and fundamental rights.
But yet, injustice prevails. We are here today to say that protecting victims is more important than what divides us. And I would like to dedicate this speech to my daughter, Axel, who is now upstairs looking at us and having a lot of hope. And thank all my colleagues. Thank you.
Thank you. The next speaker on behalf of Renew group is Garcia Hermida-van der Walle for one minute, please.
Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle
Thank you, Chair, Commissioner. Geweld tegen vrouwen neemt toe en het komt voor het overgrote deel uit eigen kring. Eén op de vijf vrouwen in Europa heeft te maken met een vorm van gendergeweld. Recent onderzoek voorspelt geen verbetering. Middeleeuwse denkbeelden van mannen over vrouwen klotsen vanuit de manosphere de klaslokalen in en kneden de hersenen van de volgende generatie tienermannen.
Jongens krijgen constant het beeld voorgespiegeld dat ze sterk en emotieloos moeten zijn en superieur aan vrouwen zijn, tot aan geweld toe. Politici, ook in dit huis, bevestigen deze gekte. En wij zijn mede daardoor op koers naar meer geweld, meer slachtoffers, meer politie-inzet en overvolle opvang en zorg. En daarom is het belangrijk dat we hier politiek iets tegenover zetten. Deze richtlijn stelt orde op zaken.
Hiermee wordt de hulp aan slachtoffers overal in Europa beter geregeld en dat is een goede zaak.
Het is nu aan de lidstaten. Neem het welzijn van meer van de helft van de bevolking serieus. Dank u wel.
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is on behalf of the Green Group, Saskia Bricmont, for one minute please.
Saskia Bricmont
Chers collègues, protéger les victimes, ça semble aller de soi. Et pourtant, ce qui m'a le plus choquée en travaillant sur ce dossier, en rencontrant les associations de victimes, en écoutant les victimes des attentats, notamment de Bruxelles, c'est l'abandon qu'elles ressentent de la part de l'État belge. Nous n'avons pas pu empêcher les attaques mortifères, mais il était de notre responsabilité collective d'accompagner, de protéger, de soutenir les victimes. On a donc fait en sorte que la directive sur les droits des victimes que nous allons voter cette semaine renforce leur soutien, leur protection et aussi leur accès à la justice. On a fait en sorte que les victimes ou des tiers puissent adresser un signalement de manière sûre, que la protection contre la victimisation secondaire soit renforcée, qu'il y ait une meilleure prise en compte aussi des discriminations.
Mais pour que ces nouvelles assurances soient efficaces, c'est sur la réelle volonté politique de nos États responsables de leur mise en œuvre que les victimes vont devoir compter. Plus de moyens, plus de ressources sont nécessaires, les besoins sont importants. La Commission européenne aura aussi le rôle de vigie pour que les États, nos gouvernements, mettent tout en place afin que plus jamais une seule victime ne se sente abandonnée. Je vous remercie.
Thank you very much, and on behalf of the Left Group, Mr. Konstantinos Arvanitis, for one minute please.
Konstantinos Arvanitis
Κύριε Επίτροπε, κύριοι συνάδελφοι, στηρίζουμε αυτή την οδηγία. Είναι μια καλή οδηγία και νομίζω ότι είναι μια θετική αρχή. Η πραγματική δοκιμασία νομίζω κατά τη γνώμη μου είναι η εφαρμογή και θα σας πω γιατί. Στην πατρίδα μου είδαμε ακριβώς το αντίθετο από ό,τι συζητάμε σήμερα. Η Κυριακή Γρίβα, θύμα γυναικοκτονίας, έξω από αστυνομικό τμήμα.
Πήγε να ζητήσει βοήθεια και τα αστυνομικά όργανα είπαν το περιπολικό δεν είναι ταξί και δολοφονήθηκε έξω από το αστυνομικό τμήμα. Και βεβαίως εδώ πρέπει να πούμε ότι έχουμε πολλές περιπτώσεις γυναικών, θύματα γυναικοκτονίας. Αυτή είναι η πλήρης αποτυχία ενός συστήματος που δεν ακούει τα θύματα και εκ των υστέρων εκδίδει ανακοινώσεις θλίψης και συμπόνιας. Και τι να πούμε για τα θύματα βιασμού που κακοποιούνται πολλάκις από την ανακριτική διαδικασία μέχρι τις έδρες των δικαστηρίων. Τα δικαιώματα των θυμάτων δεν είναι φυσικά, το καταλαβαίνετε όλοι, ένα τεχνικό ζήτημα.
Είναι ζήτημα αξιοπρέπειας, ισότητας και ανθρωπιάς. Και νομίζω, κύριε Επίτροπε, αυτή η οδηγία είναι μια θετική αρχή. Σας ευχαριστώ πολύ.
Thank you very much, and finally on behalf of ECR, Ms. Marie Krarup, for one minute please.
Mary Khan
Ein 15-jähriges Mädchen wurde in Hamburg Opfer einer Gruppenvergewaltigung. Bis heute ist sie traumatisiert. Elf Männer standen vor Gericht, nur einer kam ins Gefängnis. Sie wurde von diesem System im Stich gelassen, von jenem System, das durch die illegale Masseneinwanderung auch das Phänomen der Gruppenvergewaltigung importiert hat, auch wenn die SPD das nach wie vor leugnet. Und dann das Unfassbare: Eine Frau schreibt aus Empörung einen sogenannten Hasskommentar gegen einen der Täter und landet im Arrest.
Der verurteilte Vergewaltiger bleibt draußen. Das ist kein Opferschutz. Und zu Opferschutz gehört auch Gerechtigkeit für die Eltern. Und seit 2015 werden immer mehr migrantische Täter als schuldunfähig erklärt. Die Mutter von Liana K. und die Eltern aus Aschaffenburg von der ermordeten Jannis werden niemals Gerechtigkeit erfahren, denn die Mörder werden wegen angeblicher Kriegstraumata als unzurechnungsfähig eingestuft, das neue Lieblingsframing der Linken.
Das fehlt uns in diesem Entwurf und deswegen werden wir nicht dafür stimmen. Vielen Dank.
Thank you. That was the first round of speakers and from now on I will ask you to try to stick to your speaking time so that we can get through the long list of speakers. The next speaker is Caterina Chinnici for one and a half minute please.
Caterina Chinnici
Grazie Presidente, signor Commissario. Costruire uno spazio di libertà, sicurezza e giustizia significa prevenire e punire gli autori del prevenire i reati e punirne gli autori, certo. Ma significa anche assicurare giustizia a queste 75 milioni di persone che ogni anno nell'Unione Europea sono vittime di criminalità. Assicurare giustizia alle vittime vuol dire fornir loro assistenza, supporto e protezione adeguati alle loro specifiche esigenze, anche per incoraggiarle a denunciare ed impedire così che i reati, soprattutto quelli più violenti, restino impuniti. E ancora significa riconoscere i loro diritti in tutto il corso del procedimento e garantirne l'esercizio concreto anche nei casi transfrontalieri, proteggere la loro riservatezza, tutelare la loro dignità, impedendo fenomeni di vittimizzazione secondaria.
Chi come me, consentitemi una nota personale, ha purtroppo vissuto la drammatica esperienza di vittima o più specificamente familiare di una vittima di un gravissimo reato, l'uccisione di mio padre da parte della criminalità organizzata mafiosa, conosce la sofferenza delle vittime e sa bene quanto tutto ciò sia importante. Piena approvazione quindi per la nuova direttiva che armonizza e rafforza in tutta l'Unione i servizi, le garanzie, i diritti per le vittime di reato, in particolare le più vulnerabili come donne, minori e persone con disabilità, istituendo una linea di supporto comune, garantendo l'assistenza legale alle vittime in stato di bisogno. Per questo ringrazio i relatori e rivolgo alla Commissione un invito a monitorare attentamente l'attuazione delle nuove disposizioni perché il processo è davvero giusto solo se anche alla vittima viene riconosciuta e assicurata giustizia. Grazie.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much and the next speaker is Lina Gálvez for one minute please.
Lina Gálvez
Chair, Commissioner, thank you to the rapporteurs Lucia Amar and Javier Zarzalejos because today we mark the most significant reform of EU victim protection in over a decade and a very important one for women and girls because behind this directive are numbers that should shake us. One in three European women has faced violence and one in six has survived sexual violence. Yet, the vast majority does not report because they want to avoid revictimization, because they don't trust in institutions or in justice or because they think no one will believe them. But we are here to change that and we will go on pushing for a European consent-based rape legislation, but for now we are breaking down the walls of fear by guaranteeing safer reporting, EU-wide helplines and free trauma-informed psychological support. Crucially for our committee, the FEMM committee, is to ensure that for survivors of rape, access to information on sexual and reproductive healthcare, including abortion care, is explicitly addressed in this directive.
Thank you very much and to continue working for the victims. Thank you.
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Elisabeth Dieringer for one minute please.
Elisabeth Dieringer
Für uns hat der Schutz von Kriminalitätsopfern natürlich höchste Priorität. Doch obwohl es einige positive Aspekte hier gibt, spare ich nicht an Kritik. Vor allem wird wieder einmal ein Text vorgelegt, in dem eine stark ideologisierte Sprache vorherrscht. Schauen wir uns Begriffe an wie intersectional discrimination und gender identity, dann ebenso die Einbindung von NGOs in Machtpositionen und die Verknüpfung mit sexueller und reproduktiver Gesundheit.
Die haben in einer Opferrichtlinie absolut nichts verloren. An der nächsten Stelle: brutale Messerattacken, schon angesprochen von meiner Kollegin, Gruppenvergewaltigungen und Überfälle auf unsere Bürger sind keine Einzelfälle mehr. Sie sind das direkte Ergebnis einer verfehlten EU-Migrationspolitik mit offenen Grenzen und weichgespülten Gesetzen. Die Täter werden oft nur milde bestraft, schnell wieder freigelassen oder gar nicht erst abgeschoben. Es geht also darum, den Opferschutz in den Vordergrund zu stellen, nicht wie es hier wieder einmal passiert, auch das nationale Strafrecht der einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten hintenanzustellen, was eine klare Kompetenzüberschreitung der EU darstellt.
Wir wollen ein Europa, das seine Bürger schützt und nicht ideologisch missbraucht.
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Ms Laurence Trochu, one minute please.
Laurence Trochu
Madame la Présidente, chers collègues, que de temps perdu. Que de temps perdu, la directive sur le droit des victimes prévue comme un texte de bon sens en première lecture dans cet hémicycle a été retardée par la gauche et le centre, plus obsédés par la mention de l'avortement que par le soutien efficace et rapide aux victimes. Or, le premier droit des victimes, c'est la réparation. Et la réparation passe par la sanction. Protéger les victimes, c'est d'abord l'affaire des nations.
Protéger les victimes, c'est infliger des peines exemplaires et en finir avec le laxisme judiciaire, notamment en France. Protéger les victimes, c'est avoir une politique carcérale digne de ce nom qui évite aux victimes de recroiser leurs agresseurs parfois très peu de temps après les faits. Protéger les victimes, c'est en finir avec la culture de l'excuse et de l'impunité pour les voleurs, les violeurs et les casseurs. Protéger les victimes enfin, c'est arrêter d'importer des prédateurs sur notre sol, notamment par le biais de l'immigration. Je vous remercie.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, and the next speaker is Ms Irena Joveva, for one minute please.
Irena Joveva
Ta direktiva je pomemben korak naprej, ker končno krepi zaščito žrtev, dostop do psihološke pomoči, zaščito zasebnosti in preprečevanje sekundarne viktimizacije. Ponovila bom: končno. Ampak žal moram povedati še nekaj. Nekateri v tej dvorani zelo radi govorijo o zaščiti žrtev, dokler žrtev ne zahteva tudi avtonomije, lastne pravice, lastne odločitve, lastnega življenja po nasilju, po posilstvu. Takrat smo pa nenadoma spet pri ideologiji in političnih interpretacijah pravic.
A veste, ne morete govoriti o dostojanstvu žrtev, če ženskam po travmi ne zaupate niti toliko, da same odločajo o svojem življenju, ker se sekundarna viktimizacija ne dogaja samo na policijskih postajah ali sodiščih. Včasih se dogaja tudi tukaj, ko se travmo žrtev spreminja v ideološko bojišče. Kolegice, kolegi, Evropska unija ne sme biti prostor, kjer se žrtve bojijo sistema bolj kot storilca. Žrtev ne zaščitimo z moraliziranjem, zaščitimo jih tako, da jim verjamemo. Hvala.
Speaker 334
Thank you very much, the next speaker is Hanna Gedin, for one minute please.
Hanna Gedin
En kvinna blir slagen i ett förhållande, flyr, söker hjälp och finner trygghet på ett skyddat boende. Sveriges kvinnorörelser har under decennier byggt upp dessa trygga rum för kvinnor i nöd. Mäns våld fortsätter, men nu så stängs de skyddade boendena ner ett efter ett. Varje år dödas 15 kvinnor av en man i Sverige, i EU är siffrorna runt 2600 kvinnor.
Jag hoppas att det här förslaget stoppar den utvecklingen. För i Sverige, ett land med tydliga jämställdhetsmål, så fortsätter våldet. Den svenska regeringen säger att de ska göra mer för kvinnor än någon annan regering tidigare gjort, samtidigt som rum efter rum för kvinnofrid stängs ner och kvinnorörelsen utarmas. Skyddade boenden skyddar kvinnors liv. De måste få vara kvar.
Varje stängt boende är en förlorad chans till kvinnofrid och jag välkomnar att denna nya lagstiftning sätter press även på den svenska regeringen att gå från ord till handling.
Tack så mycket. The next speaker is Mr. Milan Mazurek for one minute, please.
Milan Mazurek
Kvôli vám, progresívcom, ktorí predkladáte toto nariadenie, sú na dennej báze v Európe vraždení nevinní ľudia, znásilňované ženy, aj napriek tomu, že sa teraz usmievate od ucha k uchu, je to práve kvôli vám, že sú tu deti unášané na dennej báze a že sexuálne násilie takto vystrelilo do nebies. Všetky grafy, všetky fakty poukazujú na to, že západná Európa je plná vrahov, násilníkov a teroristov, ktorí tu nemajú čo robiť. Ale namiesto toho, aby ste jasne povedali, poďme toto zlo z našich ulíc deportovať preč, poďme poslať týchto kriminálnikov a vrahov tam, odkiaľ prišli, tak prídete s nariadením, kde priamo pomenúvate nelegálnych imigrantov ako iregulárnych imigrantov, ako nejakých nebežných ľudí, čím legalizujete zlo, ktoré v našich uliciach nemá čo robiť. A dokonca žiadate pre väčšie práva pre týchto nelegálnych imigrantov, lebo čo ak sa im vraj dejú v nejakých táboroch krivdy. To je choré a zvrátené.
Vy progresívci máte celé ruky od krvi nevinných obetí a treba vás konečne zastaviť.
Mr. Mazurek, there is a blue card, do you want to accept the blue card? Yes, that's a waste of time. We will continue with the speaker's list and I will give the floor to Ms. Malika Sorel for one minute, please.
Malika Sorel
Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues, de trop nombreuses victimes vivent une double peine : d'abord l'agression, puis l'épreuve du parcours judiciaire, procédure interminable, soutien psychologique insuffisant, indemnisation inégale. Une victime n'est pas un dossier administratif, c'est un être humain qui a besoin de protection, d'écoute et de reconstruction. Aussi, je salue le travail effectué car nous reconnaissons enfin les victimes comme de véritables acteurs du processus judiciaire et non simplement des témoins. Nous proposons un socle européen qui comprend de véritables outils : accompagnement juridique, aide psychologique, protection renforcée des publics vulnérables. La sécurité ne se mesure pas uniquement au nombre d'arrestations et de condamnations, elle se mesure également à notre capacité à reconstruire les victimes.
Mais nous devons également réfléchir à l'imprescriptibilité de certains crimes. Une démocratie digne de ce nom ne doit en effet jamais donner le sentiment que le temps protège davantage le criminel que la victime. Je vous remercie.
Thank you very much and the next speaker is Mr. Emil Radev for one and a half minute, please.
Emil Radev
Уважаеми господин комисар, уважаеми колеги. Законодателството няма място за емоции, но когато става въпрос за ревизия на директивата за правата на жертвите на престъпления, зад всеки текст стоят човешки съдби. По професия съм адвокат и през годините съм се сблъсквал с различни казуси. Знам, че човешката болка говори много повече и от най-страскащата статистика. Днес все по-често жертвите не викат за помощ на улицата.
Те мълчат зад екраните. Дигиталното пространство създава илюзия, че насилието не е истинско, но последствията са напълно реални.
А освен дигитален, все повече престъпления имат и трансграничен характер. Европа трябва да гарантира, че независимо къде се намира една жертва, тя ще получи защита, информация и достъп до правосъдие. Но по-добра подкрепа за жертвите означава и по-добре подготвени институции. Нуждаем се от обучени съдии, прокурори, полицейски служители и всички професионалисти, които работят с жертви на престъпления. Нуждаем се от по-модерни и дигитализирани системи за правосъдие, които улесняват достъпа до информация и защита на правата на гражданите.
И тук е важна ролята на европейски инструменти като програма Правосъдие. Инвестициите в обучение, цифровизация и трансгранично сътрудничество превръщат принципите в реален капацитет за защита на хората. Не можем да допускаме жертвите, независимо дали става въпрос за онлайн тормоз, измами, трафик, домашно насилие или сексуална експлоатация, да бъдат повторно травматизирани от самата система. Тя трябва да гарантира подкрепа. Доверието в правосъдието започва от отношението към жертвите.
Благодаря ви.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you. Mr. Ardev, do you want to take a blue card from Mr. Sippel? No, okay. We will continue and the next speaker is Ms. Birgit Sippel for one minute, please.
Birgit Sippel
Vielen Dank. Schwer traumatisiert bewältigen sie ihren mühevollen Alltag und finden doch keine Ruhe. Die Rede ist von Überlebenden schwerer Straftaten. Allzu oft werden sie mit den physischen, psychischen und finanziellen Folgen allein gelassen und immer wieder werden sie sogar direkt von Tätern kontaktiert, unangekündigt, unerwartet. Legal?
Leider ja. Und das wird so bleiben, wenn wir jetzt nicht handeln. Mit der Abstimmung morgen setzen wir den Fokus auf die Bedürfnisse der Opfer. Wir schließen Schutzlücken, schützen persönliche Daten der Opfer vor dem Zugriff der Täter, wir erleichtern den Zugang zu Beratung, Betreuung, Unterstützung und Entschädigung, besorgen für bessere Sensibilisierung von Richterinnen, Polizistinnen und anderen. Und dieser Schutz soll gelten, unabhängig davon, wo in der EU ein Mensch Opfer einer Straftat wurde.
Damit Betroffene nicht noch mehr Leid ertragen müssen als bereits bei der Tat selbst. Und Kolleginnen und Kollegen, wenn ich hier im Haus hören muss, dass Gewalt nur existiert, weil es Migration gibt, dann ist das ein Schlag ins Gesicht aller Opfer und ich möchte mich bei allen Opfern für solche Aussagen entschuldigen. Vielen Dank.
Thank you very much, Ms. Sippel. There, I have two blue cards. No, thank you, okay. We will continue with Mr. Billy Kelleher for one minute, please.
Billy Kelleher
I welcome the agreement on Victims' Rights Directive and it is a step forward in justice, but let us be very honest, we have a long way to go. While justice must always be seen to be done, it is adversarial, it can be very hostile to victims of crime and very often the onus is on the victim beyond their capacity in presenting a case. And that makes it difficult, particularly in the areas of coercion, domestic violence and sexual violence. So while we have this framework in place, we do need to ensure that across Member States that there is a sea change around the issue of domestic violence and coercion. We recently saw a case in Ireland that was a tragic case with regard to Nicola Hanney, who made a complaint to the Garda Ombudsman and yet there was very little action taken.
And if we want action taken, we do need to ensure that the authorities and those agencies that are charged with responsibility of investigation, they must build trust among the broader public so the victims will have confidence to go there in the first place. On the issue in Ireland, for example, it is estimated that only 5% of adults who have experienced sexual violence report it to the police. Only 5%. We have a long way to go. This is a step, but we've many steps to take.
Thank you. And the next speaker is Ms. Guezzi Pinchi for one and a half minute, please.
Giusi Princi
Grazie, Presidente. Gentili colleghi, Celeste ha 12 anni e ha visto molte volte il padre picchiare la madre. Fa fatica a dormire, a concentrarsi e tende a isolarsi. I bambini sono vittime di violenza domestica sia quando sono colpiti direttamente, sia quando assistono alla violenza contro un genitore. Quest'ultima viene chiamata violenza assistita, ma è violenza e basta.
In Italia, gli ultimi dati ISTAT mostrano che quasi otto figli su dieci assistono alla violenza subita dalla madre. Bambini che crescono nella paura, nell'iperallerta e nel senso di colpa, che sviluppano ansia, depressione o aggressività. Per questo la revisione della direttiva vittime segna un passo importante. Riconosce finalmente servizi di assistenza e protezione specifici per i minori testimoni di reato e per gli orfani di femminicidio, così da prevenire una seconda traumatizzazione attraverso servizi integrati, coordinati e accessibili nello stesso luogo. Il principio guida è sancito all'articolo 24 della nostra Carta dei diritti fondamentali: la preminenza dell'interesse superiore del minore.
Perché una comunità davvero accudente riconosce che tutelare i bambini significa fare prevenzione, evitare danni sul loro sviluppo e spezzare la trasmissione intergenerazionale della violenza. Grazie.
Thank you very much. I have a point of order from Mr. Sippel, please.
Lukas Sieper
Thank you, Madam Vice-President. It's a little bit late, it's not to the speech of the colleague, I had to check it first. It's in accordance with Article 10, number 1, the first half sentence. It relates to the speech by Mr. Mazurek claiming that we have blood on our hands, that we are to blame for rapes and murders directly, is not within the rules of procedure. I cannot, unfortunately, stop Mr. Mazurek from sharing his political ideas about the fact that migrants are to blame for all of that and stuff.
That's his right to say. But accusing us of being co-perpetrators of capital crimes is a form of respectless conduct that we see more and more in this House. And I think we have to stop it. And it was not stopped, it was all in the heat of the moment. As said, I myself, I had to check it first.
But I'm of the strong opinion this has to be revised by the Bureau. And thank you for giving me the floor for that.
Thank you very much, Mr. Sippel. We will look into it and take note of it. Thank you. And come back. So, the next speaker is Ms. Evin Incir for one minute, please, and you're already ready.
Evin Incir
Around 50 million women in the European Union, nearly one in three, have experienced physical or sexual violence in adulthood. 50 million. These are not numbers on a page, they are lives marked by fear, trauma, and injustice. And for too many women, the fight does not end with escaping violence, it continues in systems that question them instead of protecting them. This is unacceptable.
That is why the Victims' Rights Directive matters. Strengthening victims' rights is not charity and it's not bureaucracy either. It is our responsibility. As former rapporteur for the Gender-Based Violence Directive and the rapporteur for the Parliament's report calling for EU consent-based rape legislation, I strongly welcome the stronger protections, better support services, and improved access to justice secured in this agreement. These are not technical measures.
They are lifelines. Because one principle must always guide us. Women's rights and victims' rights cannot depend on where you live in the European Union. Justice must know no borders.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms. Regina Doherty for one and a half minutes, please.
Regina Doherty
Thank you, Chair. Commissioner, it's hard to believe that I and others are still standing here arguing for basic protections for victims of crime across Europe in 2024. The last EU victims' law was written in 2012. And since then, crime has gone digital, abuse has gone cross-border, and parts of the online world have become a breeding ground for harassment, exploitation, and intimidation, particularly targeting women and young people. And unfortunately, Europe hasn't kept up.
So right now, victims still face different levels of protection depending on which country they're in. Our criminals are exploiting our borders and victims shouldn't suffer because of this. So the crime doesn't stop at the border, so therefore the victims' rights shouldn't stop there either. And let's be honest, for many victims, the trauma does not end when the crime or where the crime happens, because for too many, and particularly of our women, they're forced to face and fight through our national systems because of delays and needless bureaucracy. And all they want to do is either just be heard or protected.
In Ireland, we saw the devastating consequences of online abuse through the tragic death of Nicole 'Coco' Fox, which then led to Coco's Law. And for years, we've been pushing for these protections to be recognized across Europe. And I really hope the report that we're voting on here this week is a first step to that realization of a European Coco's Law. Because victims don't need us to continue talking. They don't need more delays.
They need Europe to act and finally deliver on the protections that match the reality of the world that we live in today, unfortunately. So thank you, Commissioner.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, Ms. Doherty. There is a blue card, do you want to take it? Okay. We will continue with Ms. Heléne Fritzon for one minute, please.
Heléne Fritzon
Tack fru talman. Ja, vad säger det om vårt samhälle om den som utsatts för våld också tvingas kämpa för att bli trodd, få stöd eller få vård? Det kan vara en utsatt kvinna, det kan vara ett barn. Här i Europaparlamentet har vi möjligheter att faktiskt förändra det genom att stärka brottsoffrens rättigheter i hela EU. Och det är ett viktigt och efterlängtat steg framåt.
Med detta nya brottsofferdirektiv så stärker vi skyddet för människor som utsätts för övergrepp. Och vi socialdemokrater har också drivit igenom bättre tillgång till vård för personer som utsätts för sexuellt våld, inklusive säker och laglig abort. Detta borde ju vara en självklarhet, men extremhögern har motsatt sig detta. För oss handlar detta om det grundläggande, nämligen vårt människovärde. Den som utsätts för brott ska mötas med respekt, trygghet och solidaritet, aldrig någonsin av skam eller tystnad.
Christel Schaldemose
Tack så mycket. The next speaker is Mr. Krzysztof Śmiszek for one minute, please.
Krzysztof Śmiszek
Jako prawnik i były polski wiceminister sprawiedliwości wiem jedno: prawo nie powinno służyć jedynie tylko karaniu przestępstw. Prawo to przede wszystkim narzędzie do ochrony naszych obywateli, a sprawiedliwość to przede wszystkim przywracanie głosu pokrzywdzonym.
Zmiany do tej dyrektywy nie są czysto symboliczne. Nasza Unia opiera się na wartościach poszanowania godności osoby ludzkiej. Naszym obowiązkiem jest stworzenie systemu dla tych, którym tę godność próbowano odebrać. Dlatego nadszedł czas, żeby dać naszym obywatelom siłę do pełnego korzystania z ich praw. Dostęp do informacji, dostęp do pomocy prawnej, do pomocy psychologicznej, do odpowiednio przeszkolonego personelu.
Korzystanie z systemu, który realnie wspiera dzieci, ofiary przestępstw seksualnych, imigrantów, tak skrajna prawico, imigrantów też, i tych, którzy są szczególnie narażeni na wykorzystanie. Dzisiaj dajemy mocny sygnał w Europie, że nie będzie naszej zgody na przemoc. Socjaldemokracja zawsze będzie stać po stronie tych, których wolność próbowano naruszyć, w przeciwieństwie do oszalałej z nienawiści skrajnej prawicy.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. There's a blue card, Mr. Śmiszek, there is a blue card, do you want to take it?
No, thank you.
Alessandra Moretti
Okay. We will continue and the next speaker is Ms. Alessandra Moretti for one minute, please.
Questa settimana il Parlamento europeo sta marcando un passo importante. La direttiva sui diritti, assistenza e protezione delle vittime di reato mette al centro le persone. Minori che hanno vissuto l'orrore degli abusi, vittime della tratta di esseri umani, donne e uomini che portano il peso dell'odio online e della violenza. Persone che oltre al trauma affrontano il silenzio e l'indifferenza della società e delle istituzioni che dovrebbero invece proteggerle. Le donne sono tra le più colpite.
Ci sono le vittime di violenza domestica, odio online, stalking, stupro. Loro in particolare spesso si trovano a subire una seconda ingiustizia quando, cercando di denunciare, vengono lasciate sole o addirittura colpevolizzate. Per questo accogliamo con favore i progressi significativi contenuti nella direttiva. Traguardi come il potenziamento del supporto psicologico, il sostegno alle infrastrutture come i centri antiviolenza, la tutela della privacy delle vittime sono solo alcuni dei passi fondamentali. Celebriamo anche un altro traguardo.
Per la prima volta l'accesso alla salute sessuale e riproduttiva, incluso l'aborto sicuro e legale, è riconosciuto come parte dell'assistenza alle vittime di reato. L'Europa è credibile solo quando protegge i più vulnerabili senza lasciare indietro nessuno. Con questo voto mandiamo un messaggio chiaro: in Europa nessuna vittima può sentirsi sola. Grazie.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Thank you, Ms. Moretti, thank you very much. And the last speaker before catch-the-eye is Juan Fernando López Aguilar for one minute, please.
Thanks, President. Comisaria McGrath, por fin celebramos en este Parlamento Europeo el completamiento de la negociación con el Consejo que pone punto final a un procedimiento legislativo de actualización de la ley europea, la directiva de protección de víctimas aprobada en 2011 y que conseguimos completar en la pasada legislatura, en la que me impliqué intensamente en la Comisión de Libertades, Justicia e Interior. Pero solo en esta legislatura, por fin, este procedimiento legislativo completa, evitando la doble victimización de quienes han sido víctimas del delito, reforzando su asistencia jurídica y procesal, su asistencia social y hasta psicológica y particularmente poniendo la mirada en las personas más vulnerables, por supuesto los menores y los niños víctimas de delito, pero también las mujeres, que son doblemente victimizadas particularmente cuando han sido víctimas de violencia sexual y requieren una atención muy especial en sus derechos sexuales y reproductivos en el que el Grupo Socialista ha puesto el acento. Y también los migrantes, de modo que faciliten el derecho a la denuncia a las personas más vulnerables incluso cuando se encuentran en centros de retención o privadas de libertad. Por ello, solo puedo concluir que los derechos de las víctimas son más derechos humanos que nunca en la ley europea como consecuencia de este procedimiento legislativo.
Gracias, President.
Thank you. Thank you very much. So now we come to catch-the-eye and I have five speakers, so you will all get a chance, also you, Mr. Sipos. And the first one is Romana Jerković, seat 549, please.
Romana Jerković
Hvala. U Hrvatskoj mojoj zemlji prošle godine je ubijeno 18 žena. Mi smo mala država i ovo je ogromna brojka. Mnoge od njih prijavljivale su nasilje i tražile pomoć institucija, međutim nikada je nisu dobile. Upravo zato danas veliki broj žena žrtava nasilja više nema povjerenja u sustav.
Ova revizija direktive o pravima žrtava važna je jer nam hitno trebaju jasni standardi zaštite žrtava u cijeloj Europskoj uniji. Bolja koordinacija institucija i veća odgovornost sustava prema ljudima koji traže pomoć. Svaka žrtva mora imati pristup informacijama i psihološkoj pomoći i zaštiti od daljnjeg nasilja i zastrašivanja. Ne smije se dogoditi da žrtve godinama prijavljuju nasilje, a da institucije uporno podcjenjuju rizik i reagiraju tek kada bude prekasno. Još je poraznije kada ih nakon prijave sustav ostavi nezaštićene i ponovno izložene nasilju.
Institucije ne smiju reagirati tek nakon tragedije. Hvala.
Thank you. Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr. Vytenis Andriukaitis seat 179 please.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Ačiū labai, komisare. Man būnant Seimo nariu teko lankyti kalėjimus, vaikų kalėjimus, moterų kalėjimus. Būnant sveikatos ministru teko siūlyti sprendimus, kad apginti aukų teises. Labai skaudu, bet Europos Sąjunga, nors Europos Sąjunga ratifikavo Stambulo konvenciją, tačiau yra šalių, kurios ne tik kad neratifikuoja, bet atšaukia Stambulo konvenciją. Yra šalių, kuriose konstitucinės normos yra de facto pažeidžia teises.
Komisare, taip pat svarbu pasakyti, kad teismai ir teismų balsas įvykdant teisingumą ir apginant aukas taip pat turi būti girdimas. Yra pasiūlymai stimuliuoti Europos Sąjungos teismų bendradarbiavimą ginant aukas. Jų balsas turi būti girdimas. Čia viskas pasakyta labai teisingai. Mes iš tiesų turime daug padaryti, nes aukų, ypač aukos kenčia nuo neapykantos kultūros, kai dar daugiau jas užsipuola po tos spaudos.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you. Thank you very much Mr. Vytenis Andriukaitis. Thank you. The next speaker is Mr. Michael McNamara seat 138 please.
Michael McNamara
President. I very much welcome this debate on the rights, supports and protection of victims of crime and I want to focus on one group of victims of crime in particular and that is victims of drug debt intimidation and drug debt enforcement. They're a group that are increasingly prevalent unfortunately in the constituency which I represent Ireland South. They're increasingly prevalent across all of Ireland and I believe it cannot be a problem that is unique to Ireland. As drug use increases across Ireland and across the European Union, so too does drug debt and so too does drug enforcement.
These are often young men, but young people who are afraid to seek help. They're told don't go to the gardaí, don't go to police enforce, don't go to police authorities and they don't because they don't believe that they will receive protection. And I spoke to one former constituency colleague of mine who would have served in Dáil Éireann with both of us Commissioner and he said he's been to many funerals of young men who have taken their lives now because they see no alternative, they see no way out. Simply put, we do need to find a way to instill confidence in people that they will receive protection. We do need to address this at national level and at European level.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you. Thank you colleague. Thank you. The next speaker is Ms. Cynthia Ní Mhurchú seat 651 please.
Cynthia Ní Mhurchú
Go raibh maith agat. Baineann an vóta leis an gceist, an bhfuil muid dáiríre nó nach bhfuil muid dáiríre faoi íospartaigh coiriúlachta. Ní hamháin i bhfocal, ach sa chaoi a gcaithimid ár gcuid dlí agus cirt le híospartaigh. Faoi láthair, tá leibhéal éagsúla cosanta ann d'íospartaigh san Eoraip. Agus braitheann an leibhéal sin ar cén tír ina bhfuil an t-íospartach ina chónaí agus cén cód poist atá ag an duine.
Níl sé sin inghlactha. Leis an athbhreithniú seo ar an treoir maidir le cearta íospartach, tugtar deis dúinn na bearnaí a líonadh. Cuidíonn sé le teagmháil neamhriachtanach idir íospartaigh agus ciontóirí a chosc a tharlaíonn go minic le linn imscrúduithe agus imeachtaí cúirte, agus cinntiú gur féidir le híospartaigh cúram sláinte riachtanach a fháil, go háirithe tacaíocht shíceolaíoch. Tacóidh le híospartaigh dul chun na bpóilíní agus gearán a dhéanamh. Molaim an ceart seo mar chosaint d'íospartaigh, an ceart a fháil in am agus i slí phraiticiúil.
Go raibh maith agaibh.
Thank you very much. And the last speaker on the catch-the-eye is Lukas Sieper, seat 10 please.
Lukas Sieper
Thank you, Ms. Vice-President. Mr. Commissioner, imagine you're a victim of crime, or a relative is a victim of a crime, and then you see your face, your name on posters, in social media posts, in demonstrations, here in the Parliament, in speeches, used as a pawn for political gains over and over again. And you have to first live through all of that what you suffered over and over again because you're reminded about it through the media, and also even maybe you don't agree to the political actors that use your face, your name, your story. I believe if we think about the protection of victims of crime, we should also think about a development of the concept of the right to identity, and if we want to stop people to be used as pawns in political communication against their will. Thank you very much.
Speaker 345
Thank you very much. And now I will give the floor back to the Commission and Commissioner McGrath to comment on the debate please.
Michael McGrath
Thank you very much, President, and thanks to all of the honorable members who contributed to the debate here this evening, and thank you for putting victims at the center of the debate tonight, and in particular the most vulnerable victims of crime in the European Union, including women, children, and other groups who are very vulnerable. Our message is abundantly clear. The revised directive represents a fundamental shift from minimum standards to tangible meaningful protection for the most vulnerable among us, including where such victims are children. It ensures that they will be able to see that justice is done for them. A criminal justice system that supports and protects victims of crime is essential, but is not on its own sufficient, as we know, to uphold their rights.
We must foster societies where victims' needs and rights are deeply embedded within resilient communities and robust democracies. And to achieve this, we need strong institutional structures, adequate resources, and unwavering commitment to victims of crime, especially to mitigate the impacts of future economic or social crises.
The revised directive and the forthcoming strategy are the tools we need to meet these challenges. And crucially, as colleagues will know, we need also to secure sufficient EU funding to support these priorities under the next multiannual financial framework. The Commission's proposal for a new justice program in the new MFF is ambitious and I think is worthy of support. I would also highlight the digitalization of justice strategy that we have adopted and also the European judicial training strategy. Because it is crucial that when victims of crime come into contact with a court in a member state, that they are given access to justice and that they are given supports that they need at that point in time.
We count on the Parliament's support to preserve the ambition of the Commission's proposal in the context of the MFF. And ultimately, no victim of crime in the Union should be denied their rights or the support that they need to recover from the harm that has been suffered. And a number of colleagues tonight have spoken about the importance of victims of crime having the confidence in the system and having the trust in the system that they will receive support, that they will receive an adequate level of protection from the criminal justice system and fundamentally that they will secure justice itself for the crime that has been perpetrated on them. I want to assure you that once the Council and this Parliament has adopted the legislation, we will ensure that full support is provided to the member states for the transposition of this directive. We will have a very sharp focus on implementation because as many of you have rightly said this evening, you know, what is written in the law itself is not meaningful unless it is worked out in practice and is the lived reality of victims of crime in the European Union.
In parallel, I want to assure you that the Commission will ensure coherent transposition of complementary victims' rights provisions stemming from recent sectoral legislation, such as the directive on combating violence against women and domestic violence. So thank you for your contributions this evening. I think collectively we have done good work on behalf of victims of crime in the European Union. The next step following the formal adoption is to make sure that this is implemented in reality and that the lived experience of the millions of victims of crime in the European Union is actually improved and that they get the support and the protection that they need and that they get access to the justice that they deserve in the member states of the EU. Thank you colleagues.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, Commissioner. Well, we had a technical problem with the catch-the-eye and therefore I will now extraordinary give the floor to the last speaker of the catch-the-eye, Mr. Mularczyk, seat 590 please. And I do apologize and after that I will give the floor to the two rapporteurs.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Dziękuję, panie komisarzu, na koniec dostanie pan najtrudniejsze pytanie ode mnie w całej tej debacie, bo dziś, gdy mówimy o prawie do ofiar, prawie do godności, równości, do odszkodowania, musimy po raz kolejny upomnieć się o prawo ofiar II wojny światowej, o żyjące jeszcze ofiary w Polsce, w Grecji i innych krajach Unii Europejskiej, które wciąż nie mają prawa do sądu, wciąż nie mają prawa do odszkodowania i wciąż są po raz kolejny wiktymizowane. W Polsce żyje około 50 tysięcy ludzi w podeszłym wieku, które nie dostały nigdy żadnego odszkodowania od państwa niemieckiego za skutki wojny, skutki kalectwa, skutki ciężkiego uszczerbku na zdrowiu. Z drugiej strony państwo niemieckie nie stać na gest humanitarny wobec żyjących ofiar II wojny światowej. Unia Europejska nie dostrzega tego problemu, uznając, że brak prawa do odszkodowania dla ofiar II wojny światowej nie stanowi problemu dla Unii Europejskiej. Panie komisarzu, bardzo pana proszę o podjęcie interwencji w tej sprawie, nie może być tak, że wykluczamy dużą grupę obywateli Unii.
Colleagues, thank you very much. Catch-the-eye is one minute. So, finally, I will give the floor to the two rapporteurs to close the debate, and I will start with Mr. Zazalejos, please.
Javier Zarzalejos
Gracias, señora presidenta, señor comisario. Muchas gracias a todos los miembros que han participado en este debate, a los que apoyan nuestra propuesta y a los que han criticado esta directiva. Lamento, sin embargo, que alguno de nuestros estimados miembros hayan hablado más de los delincuentes que de las víctimas. Y lamento también que se hable de imposición ideológica, porque creo que no hace justicia al trabajo que se ha realizado. ¿Qué hay de imposición ideológica en que las víctimas tengan derecho a la protección frente a la glorificación del delito?
¿Qué hay de imposición ideológica en que las víctimas sean informadas en el proceso, que se proteja su identidad, que se asegure la asistencia legal, el derecho a recurrir decisiones judiciales que les afecten, el derecho a ser escuchadas? ¿Qué imposición ideológica hay en que se integren servicios especializados, en que se establezcan líneas de ayuda y que se facilite la denuncia? ¿Qué imposición ideológica hay en identificar a aquellos grupos de víctimas más vulnerables con necesidades especiales y hacia las cuales nosotros tenemos la obligación de ofrecer apoyo especial? ¿Qué imposición ideológica hay en afirmar de manera estricta y clara la competencia nacional sobre los servicios de salud sexual y reproductiva que pueden ser ofrecidos a las mujeres víctimas de violencia sexual? No, no hay imposición ideológica.
Este es una directiva que ha nacido, que se ha desarrollado y que se ha podido culminar en medio y presidida por el espíritu de consenso. Y ese espíritu de consenso nos permite hoy ofrecer un importante paso adelante en la protección de las víctimas. Yo agradezco a los grupos, a las asociaciones de víctimas con las que nos hemos entrevistado, por supuesto a la corrapporteur Lucia Yar y a todos los que han participado, específicamente al comisario McGrath y a sus servicios por el apoyo que nos han prestado y por su compromiso personal para hacer posible hoy que mañana podamos reunir el máximo apoyo a esta directiva. Muchas gracias.
Thank you very much. And the last rapporteur is Ms. Lucia Yar for two minutes, please.
Lucia Yar
Thank you, Chair. Thank you for this debate, but I must address the attempts to really turn the victims' suffering into some kind of cheap ideological battleground. You, from far right, stop using women's suffering for cheap political points. It's enough. Once again, you have been bluntly lying here, pushing the idea that the violence against women somehow comes from outside or from other cultures.
But the facts are pretty uncomfortable for you, right? But they matter. In Europe, women are most often harmed, abused, and killed by men they know, their partners, ex-partners, or family members. So the biggest threat to woman is not a stranger crossing a border. It is violence behind closed doors.
So please have some dignity and respect to victims. And in order to finish on a positive note, because this was really difficult negotiation and we reached very, very good result, I would like to thank to the Commissioner McGrath especially for taking this directive very seriously and continuously having victims and the most vulnerable people in the center of his attention.
I would also like to thank the Council especially the Polish and Danish presidencies who helped to advance the whole legislation further. I would also like to thank to my co-rapporteur Mr. Javier Zarzalejos, Lina Gálvez, also colleagues, shadow rapporteurs, other colleagues involved, all the advisors and assistants, many, many people who have negotiated this very important law because everyone involved you should be very much proud of yourself. You've made the victims' rights in European Union stronger and tomorrow together we are going to make a history. Thank you everybody.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very, very much and the debate is closed and the vote will be held tomorrow. The EPP group has notified the President of a decision relating to changes to appointments within delegations. This decision will be set out in the minutes of today's sitting and take effect on the date of this announcement. The next item on the agenda is the Commission statement, recruitment of children by organized crime. And here I will start by giving the floor to the Commission and again Commissioner McGrath, please the floor is yours.
Michael McGrath
Thank you very much President and honorable members, good evening. Every child has the fundamental right to be protected, the right to a life free of violence and crime. Criminal networks increasingly target and exploit children, not only as victims of crime, but also to carry out illegal activities. More and more recruitment is taking place online. Artificial intelligence and digital platforms are transforming the way criminals identify, recruit and also control victims.
Exploitation is becoming more widespread and at the same time is becoming more difficult to detect. Criminals lure youngsters with promises of easy money, often presenting illegal acts as games or online challenges. Recruiters then move conversations to encrypted messaging channels to give further instructions to minors. Offers can range from a few euros for a courier service to thousands of euros for carrying out a murder. Criminal groups don't just pay, they use intimidation, violence or drugs to trap children.
They also groom children to become recruiters themselves, giving them a false sense of belonging. Children can therefore be victims, forced perpetrators or very often both at the same time. In October 2024 in Marseille, a criminal hired two boys, 14 and 15 years old, via social media to burn rivals' houses and even to kill a rival. The 14-year-old ended up killing an innocent taxi driver. The 15-year-old was stabbed and burned alive by rival gangs before he could commit the arson that he was hired for.
In another case, Spanish authorities arrested criminals who had recruited Swedish youngsters to commit killings in Denmark. So this is a very, very serious problem and this is clearly a European problem and it requires a European response.
Strengthening the protection of children is a priority for the European Commission, just as I know it is for you here in the European Parliament. And a lot of measures are already underway. In the 2025 State of the Union address, President von der Leyen underlined her commitment to protecting minors online and announced a special panel on child safety online. The Digital Services Act requires online platforms to protect all users, and especially children, when using their services. In March this year, the Commission opened a formal investigation into Snapchat over concerns related to the recruitment of minors for criminal purposes.
The Commission has also prepared ambitious guidelines for online platforms on the protection of minors, including measures on content moderation and user support. And less than a month ago, the Commission adopted a recommendation on a European age verification blueprint to encourage Member States to ensure that all EU citizens have access to robust and privacy-preserving age verification by the end of this year. Effective age assurance measures will help providers reduce the risk of minors being exposed to harmful practices that undermine their privacy or that threaten their very safety and security. The EU social package adopted just two weeks ago will help reduce the number of structurally vulnerable children with a strengthened child guarantee and measures to fight poverty and social exclusion. The EU Internet Forum has brought together law enforcement authorities and companies to identify the terms and emojis frequently used to recruit youngsters online.
This forum is also working on detecting harmful materials in games. EU agencies are involved too. The EU Drugs Agency is conducting studies on drug-related violence in the EU and on effective interventions to prevent youth recruitment into illegal drug markets. Europol, through its operational task force GRIM, which focuses on the recruitment of children into crime, has developed detection and awareness tools. The task force has already achieved impressive operational results, with 280 arrests made and 14,000 online accounts identified.
So this is a lot, but obviously we know it's not enough. As stressed in the Protect EU Internal Security Strategy, protecting children requires a whole-of-society approach. Protecting children from crime starts with prevention and integrated support. This means investing in education, social inclusion, employment, healthcare, and regional policies. Combating organised crime also means addressing its root causes, preventing violence, offering youngsters credible alternatives to a life of crime, and helping them to escape the clutch of gangs.
Later this year, the Commission will present new rules on organised crime to target its ringleaders and key facilitators more effectively. It will also aim to reinforce the penal response against those who recruit children into crime. The Commission will also present a new EU strategy on victims' rights, including on child victims of crime, and an action plan on the protection of children against crime. So thank you for allowing me to set out those opening remarks on this hugely important issue, and I very much look forward to the views of the honourable members this evening. Thank you.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much, and we will begin with the round of speakers on behalf of the political group, with EPP and Mr. Tomas Tobé for two minutes, please.
Tomas Tobé
President, Commissioner, colleagues. Cross-border organised crime now poses a systemic risk to our Union.
And we have now come to the situation where the criminal networks even recruit children. Children to pull the trigger. This is not business as usual. And of course we see that Commission sees how serious this is and we do welcome the initiatives. But I do want to underline that we must do more.
We need a strong European response. We need to overhaul our legislation at EU level to crack down on the criminal networks and their ruthless operations across our Union. This is not a single issue for the Member States. My home country Sweden is doing a lot, but we know that the criminal networks, they are active in more Member States at the same time. So we have to have a strong European response.
And here I would like to take the chance to turn to my colleagues to the left. Please work together with the EPP to make sure that we can get a strong Europol. And to my colleagues to the right, even if we are talking about European solution, it doesn't need to be bad. We have to come together now. We are talking about children that are being exploited by ruthless people and I think it's time for this House to show that we will not stand for it.
Thank you.
Thank you very much and the next speaker is on behalf of S&D, Mr. Sandro Ruotolo for one minute please, the floor is yours.
Sandro Ruotolo
Grazie Presidente, Commissario. Andando in missione nei porti di Anversa e Rotterdam, abbiamo scoperto la figura degli estrattori, minori reclutati dalla criminalità organizzata per recuperare la cocaina nei containers provenienti dal Sudamerica. E ho subito pensato alla mia città, Napoli, dove sempre più ragazzi diventano vittime e carnefici di guerre armate. L'Europa non è l'Eldorado. Oggi i minori sono coinvolti in oltre il 70% dei mercati della droga in Europa.
Il reclutamento avviene soprattutto online, sui social, le piattaforme digitali sono diventate il nuovo terreno di caccia delle mafie. Europol ha già individuato oltre 14.000 account legati al reclutamento dei minori online e la risposta non può essere soltanto repressiva. Certo, dobbiamo proteggere i minori nelle piattaforme online, ma la sicurezza si costruisce prima che un ragazzo impugni una pistola. Sono d'accordo con il Commissario McGrath, bisogna servirsi della scuola, la cultura, lo sport, i servizi sociali, perché dove mancano le prospettive di vita, le organizzazioni criminali trovano terreno fertile per loro. Grazie.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much and on behalf of the Patriots, Mr. Matthieu Valet for one minute please.
Matthieu Valet
Merci Madame la Présidente, chers collègues. Je vais vous parler de la France car vous avez parlé de Marseille Monsieur le Commissaire. Plus 74% de mineurs poursuivis pour meurtre, assassinat, coups mortels et violences volontaires aggravées entre 2017 et 2023. Un interpellé avec une arme sur cinq est mineur en France. Près d'un quart des cambriolages impliquent des mineurs.
Près d'un tiers des interpellés après les émeutes de l'affaire Nahel en 2023 étaient également des mineurs. Six mineurs délinquants sur dix récidivent dans les cinq ans après leur condamnation définitive.
Je pense que pour les gauchistes les plus angéliques ou pour celles et ceux qui ne parlent que de prévention, les chiffres sont clairs. Il faut d'abord de la répression et une volonté de vouloir protéger nos concitoyens qui eux ne demandent rien et sont victimes de l'agissement d'une grande majorité de mineurs qui sont de plus en plus violents. Alors des réponses claires : la majorité pénale à 16 ans. Aujourd'hui c'est 18 ans. Comment comprendre qu'on juge un mineur de 16 ans en 45 alors qu'on est en 2026 ?
Donc ils doivent être jugés comme des majeurs lorsqu'ils commettent des crimes et des délits pour adapter la réponse pénale en fonction d'aujourd'hui. Les parents de ces mineurs qui abandonnent leurs enfants doivent abandonner les allocations et le logement social. Et surtout quand ils cassent, ils doivent payer jusqu'à la fin de leur vie. On veut donc créer une taxe sur les voyous, ne pas une taxe sur les victimes. Alors la prévention est simple : quand on fait des gosses on les assume.
Aux parents de surveiller les fréquentations, les devoirs, les sorties. C'est que du bon sens et il faut arrêter la culture de l'excuse sociale, pénale et de tout ce qui est impunité qui nous tue depuis des années. Je vous remercie.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you very much. And the next speaker on behalf of ECR is Mr. Charlie Weimers for one minute please.
Charlie Weimers
Thank you Madam Chair. Child soldiers in Sweden. Sweden, not Africa. Criminal gangs recruit hitmen as young as 12 years old, lured with promises of watches or designer clothes. Dystopian fiction?
Our reality. The direct result of decades of social democratic failure, mass uncontrolled migration, failed integration and weak punishment. And Europe, you're not immune. Sweden is the canary in the coal mine. Follow the same policies, get the same result: children murdering children.
But now the Sweden Democrats and our partners are restoring law and order. Gang crimes, double sentences, violent young offenders, tougher penalties. A child assassin is still an assassin. And why does the left want killers on our streets?
The next speaker is Ms. Hilde Vautmans for one and a half minute on behalf of Renew please.
Hilde Vautmans
Dank u wel mevrouw de voorzitter, commissaris. Een paar cijfers. In Antwerpen alleen werden vorig jaar twee keer zoveel minderjarigen aangehouden als het jaar voordien. De jongste was 13 jaar. In Rotterdam en Marseille worden kinderen van 8 jaar ingezet als drugskoeriers.
Dat zijn geen randgevallen. Dat is een structurele crisis. Georganiseerde criminele netwerken rekruteren kinderen strategisch via algoritmen, gamificatie, versleutelde kanalen. En uit recent onderzoek van Missing Children Europe weten we nu: grooming is niet alleen een rekruteringstactiek, het is ook een controlemiddel. Kinderen worden online gegroomd, over de grenzen gesmokkeld, gedwongen tot seksuele handelingen, tot het rekruteren van andere kinderen, tot drugsdistributie.
Commissaris, we moeten drie dingen erkennen. Ten eerste: het rekruteren van kinderen is niet alleen een kinderbeschermingsvraagstuk, het is een interne veiligheidsdreiging. En dat moet een centrale pijler worden. Ten tweede: de Digital Service Act bestaat, maar algoritmes die kinderen naar criminele netwerken leiden zijn vandaag nog steeds actief. We moeten meer controleren en handhaven.
En ten derde collega's, en ik denk dat jullie het daar allemaal mee eens zijn: elk kind dat door een crimineel, door een rotzak gerekruteerd wordt, dat is een slachtoffer en geen dader. And it is our duty to protect the children. Thank you very much.
Saskia Bricmont
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is on behalf of the Green groups, Ms. Saskia Bricmont for one minute please.
Chers collègues, de la rue d'Anvers, des quartiers à Marseille, à Bruxelles, à Snapchat, TikTok, mais aussi Roblox, ces endroits où nos enfants, nos ados sont quotidiennement sont aussi utilisés par les réseaux criminels pour les recruter et pour commettre les pires crimes et activités illégales. Des crimes, des assassinats qui sont perpétrés de plus en plus en Europe. Notre sécurité collective face au crime organisé est en danger, mais c'est celle de nos enfants qui l'est.
Saskia Bricmont
Des crimes, des assassinats qui sont perpétrés de plus en plus en Europe. Notre sécurité collective face au crime organisé est en danger, mais c'est celle de nos enfants qui l'est également. Ils sont avant tout des victimes de cette exploitation criminelle, ce qui devrait vraiment réveiller notre conscience collective et nous mobiliser aussi au niveau européen pour contrer efficacement ce phénomène. Des réponses répressives, sécuritaires ne font malheureusement pas le poids face à l'ampleur de ce problème. Mettre un enfant en prison, c'est assurer que son avenir appartiendra au crime et lui faire perdre l'espoir de tout avenir meilleur.
La réponse pénale doit être adaptée et ne suffit pas à elle-même. Le constat est cinglant : là où l'État se désengage, le crime organisé prospère. Amine Kessaci à Marseille, qui a perdu ses deux frères, le sait trop bien. Il faut restaurer l'État dans nos villes, nos villages, nos quartiers, réinvestir massivement dans nos écoles, services sociaux, éviter les décrochages, prévenir les recrutements par un travail de terrain, la régulation des plateformes, aider les victimes et soutenir les équipes de protection de la jeunesse et d'aide à l'enfance qui font un travail incroyable mais avec des ressources limitées.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Mr Giuseppe Antoci for one minute on behalf of the S&D.
Giuseppe Antoci
Grazie, buonasera Commissario, buonasera colleghi. Il reclutamento di minori da parte della criminalità organizzata è una piaga per l'intera Europa. Questi giovanissimi ragazzi vengono sfruttati dalla criminalità per commettere reati di vario genere, traffico di droga, ma anche crimini violenti. Di fronte a questo allarme non possiamo stare inerti. Servono politiche efficaci a sostegno dei più fragili e azioni decise, coinvolgendo anche le aziende tech sulle cui piattaforme avviene il reclutamento.
Serve armonizzare le fattispecie di reato che colpiscono i reclutatori. La norma sulla criminalità organizzata che verrà presto presentata in questo Parlamento potrà rappresentare perciò uno strumento essenziale. Occorre una prevenzione efficace, capace di offrire a questi ragazzi valide alternative. Ma dobbiamo avere la capacità di arrivare prima, prima che arrivi la magistratura, le forze dell'ordine. Dobbiamo prenderci cura di chi ha avuto la fortuna o la sfortuna di nascere 50 metri prima o 50 metri dopo la periferia di una città.
Questo è il miglior modo di togliere dalle mani della criminalità organizzata i giovani e dare loro speranza. Grazie.
Thank you very much. That was the round of speakers on behalf of the political groups. Now I will open the blue card and I will ask you to try to stick to your speaking time so that we can get through the long list of speakers. And the next speaker is Ms Lena Düpont for one and a half minute please.
Lena Düpont
Thanks Madam Chair, Commissioner. Their role: drug dealing, ripping off action in harbours, sabotaging, attacking houses, religious sites, objects. Sometimes even committing attacks or violent insults against persons. Even requests for being a murderer. Their age: on the average between 13 and 17, sometimes even younger.
Their benefit: money, social benefits, fitting in or being accepted into a certain group. The recruitment tools: peers and far too often digital platforms, messengers, the gamification of children's exploitation. The benefits of their recruiteers: exploiting minors to avoid detection, prosecution and punishment.
And the outlook, colleagues, let's not be let let there be no doubt about it, is grim. There is a trend for more violence, more exploitation, the unholy combination of organized crime, radicalized and even terroristic groups and third country interests being played out in the European Union. So that's a problem. And I'm happy to hear that we agree already on some of parts of the solution. So let's act on that.
Strengthening law enforcement both at EU level and at national level, deliver a strong mandate, echo what Thomas had said on Europol, increase and ease the access to information, the exchange of those information for our security agencies both at EU and national level and improve the coordination between all relevant services that are there to protect children: law enforcement, the judiciary, the social services and health and education and of course really beefing up the implementation of the DSA also in relation to child exploitation here.
Christel Schaldemose
Thank you. Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Ms. Evin Incir for one minute, please.
Evin Incir
Organized crime has moved into the digital world, into the very space where our children learn, play and build their lives. We cannot accept a digital wild west where criminal networks are free to hunt for our children online. In Sweden, since 2022, wherever Charlie Weimers from the Sweden Democrats now are, under your party and your party's friends, the far right and the right's government, we have witnessed a deeply disturbing reality: criminal gangs recruiting increasingly younger children to commit acts of violence through social media, violence is commissioned with a click. And children are not only being recruited, they are being turned into recruiters. This is what political failure looks like.
When society does not protect children, organized crime steps in. It is therefore important that EU act now. We need a strong EU action plan and preventive actions, digital literacy, age verification on social media platforms, strong cross-border cooperation, more support to law enforcement and zero tolerance for tech companies profiting while children are recruited. Every day we wait, another child is at risk.
Sorry, there's a blue card from Mr. Kanko. Do you accept it?
Assita Kanko
Dear colleague, I really appreciate all your work on behalf of many people for human rights. And that's why I would like to ask you this question based on a situation in Brussels, which is also known in Sweden and other European countries. Lot of young people who are underage are actually staying illegally in Europe and they are used by organized crime to sell drugs or to perpetrate other kind of crimes or become prostitutes. That's why we are working on a return directive, on a return regulation to make sure that this is no longer possible. What is your take on that?
Do you see these young people also are victims or not?
Evin Incir
Of course everybody that are recruited by organized crimes are are victims. But we also need to have the facts on the table. When talking to Europol, the law enforcement that actually really works for these issues and talking to Eurojust, they say one thing clearly and that is that all children, regardless of background, are nowadays a target by the organized crime. So to blame it only at migrants, that is actually doing every and each citizens of of our of our union an unfavor, not a favor. And then it's also scapegoating constantly.
So it's not a issue just related to migration, it is an issue related to each and every child that can become a victim nowadays.
Susanna Ceccardi
Grazie, Presidente. Secondo Europol, i minori sono il 70% del mercato criminale, ma c'è un elefante nella stanza che si finge di non vedere. La maggior parte di questi, utilizzati dalla mafia, sono minori stranieri non accompagnati. Chi sono davvero? Hanno davvero l'età che dicono di avere?
E le regole europee per la verifica dell'età sono inadeguate e andrebbero cambiate. Sono in gran parte, appunto, stranieri. E perché la criminalità organizzata ha un sistema di welfare state, se vogliamo, abbastanza efficiente. Gli offre un lavoro subito, come spacciatori o come corrieri, gli offre soldi e un impiego immediato. Allora, finché fingeremo che il problema sta solo nella messaggistica criptata e nella scarsa cooperazione tra Stati membri, non staremo facendo alcuna prevenzione.
È per questo che in Italia abbiamo proposto di abbassare l'età dell'imputabilità, perché un criminale è un criminale anche se è minorenne. Attraverso gli strumenti europei bisogna fare maggiori controlli sui minori non accompagnati e punire gravemente i trafficanti che li portano qua.
Fra Ceccardi, there are two blue cards. One from Mr. Sippel and one from Mrs. Al-Sahlani. Do you accept both?
Sabine Verheyen
Okay, but then without an additional question, please, because it's too long. We are already out of time.
Lukas Sieper
That's a pity. But grazie mille, eh. Okay, I have to phrase it differently. So, I get you right that the main problem is lonely young people, unbegleitet, not accompanied, unaccompanied young people. So, would you then agree with me that maybe one solution is to allow for them to be together with their family?
So they have their parents to watch them so they don't commit crimes here in Europe.
Susanna Ceccardi
Dear colleague, I think European people don't want more criminals in Europe, because we don't know their family. And if they come here and they are alone, maybe their family doesn't care or their family is not welcome here, I think. We have to control who come here. And the control should be in their origin country.
Abir Al-Sahlani
Yes, thank you so much, Madam Chair, and thank you, colleague. Would you agree with me then and say that the same rules that you want to apply on these children who are hunted by the criminal gangs, when they are Italians hunted by the mafia, would you then also say about these Italian children that their families are not welcome or that their families are criminal? Because I do believe that the mafia is deeply rooted in the Italian culture. Would you say that it is an Italian characteristic to be a mafioso then? The same logic applies.
Susanna Ceccardi
Signora, mi sa che le rispondo in italiano perché voglio che capiscano anche tutti i miei connazionali quello che state dicendo qua. In Italia, in Italia noi siamo assolutamente aperti, siamo stati anche troppo aperti a chi è venuto dall'altra parte del mondo e chi scappava veramente dalle guerre. Ma la maggior parte di questi criminali non vengono da paesi in guerra, non vengono da posti da dove si scappa, dove i diritti umani sono realmente perseguitati.
Anzi, molti di questi paesi di origine hanno una crescita, hanno una crescita maggiore rispetto alla nostra.
Thank you. The next speaker is Paolo Insalvini, please.
Paolo Inselvini
La criminalità organizzata recluta bambini per spacciare, consegnare armi e rubare. Le mafie li usano perché costano poco, sono più manipolabili e rischiano pene inferiori. Succede in tutta Europa e sta succedendo anche in Italia, e questo si aggiunge al fenomeno delle baby gang. Questo è il risultato di una disgregazione sociale causata dalla crisi dei valori, dall'immigrazione incontrollata e da un attacco costante alla famiglia. Risultato di catene spacciate per libertà, piacere ad ogni costo, droga, violenza, mancanza di sogni e di obiettivi.
E le mafie si inseriscono proprio lì. Ed è per questo che serve colpire duramente queste organizzazioni, ma questo non basta. Se un bambino cresce senza identità, senza speranza, senza le autodifese che permettono di saper riconoscere ciò che è giusto, ciò che è bello e ciò che è buono, diventa tutto molto più complicato. Servono educazione, prevenzione, disciplina, famiglia e qualcosa di più alto e di più grande in cui credere, per non lasciare i più fragili nelle fauci dei criminali.
Speaker 365
There's a blue card from Mrs. Garcia Hermida-Vanderwalle. Do you accept it?
Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle
Thank you, colleague Insalvini. According to the European Commission, illegal manufacturing of fireworks could contribute between 25 and 50% of the national pyrotechnics market in Italy. And I'm telling you this because that fireworks, those fireworks then find their way into other European Union countries and are being used by criminal gangs, including minors, to conduct their attacks. So my question to you is very simple. We will be working together with the Commission on stronger rules against illegal use of fireworks.
Will you support European rules against this practice? Thank you.
La ringrazio, collega Hermida-Vanderwalle, e assolutamente noi cerchiamo di combattere il crimine in ogni sua forma e quindi siamo disponibili a parlare per trovare le soluzioni migliori possibili per combattere anche l'utilizzo illegale di questi artifici, di questi fuochi artificiali, per cui assolutamente siamo assolutamente disponibili a parlarne e discuterne. Grazie.
Sophie Wilmès
Thank you. The next speaker is Sophie Wilmès.
Thank you, Chair. Ces derniers mois, le débat autour de la protection des mineurs en ligne s'est concentré sur la santé mentale ou sur la pédopornographie. Mais il existe, c'est vrai, une autre menace, celle de leur recrutement par des réseaux criminels via les réseaux sociaux, les jeux en ligne ou les messageries cryptées. Alors bien sûr, la réponse passe d'abord par l'éducation, la restauration de l'autorité, par de vraies perspectives aussi comme l'emploi, des compétences aux mains des États membres. Mais l'Europe doit aussi prendre sa part, et ça commence par la responsabilisation des plateformes numériques car une dérégulation totale, comme certains le plaident ici, a de lourdes conséquences, on le voit.
Alors c'est vrai, le problème est complexe et il y a énormément de choses à faire, on l'a dit. Mais j'en vois une à notre niveau, une facilement atteignable, une occasion en or : la révision du mandat d'Europol en y créant des unités spécialisées capables de détecter et de traquer les recruteurs en ligne car nous ne pouvons pas laisser le crime organisé voler l'avenir de nos enfants.
Matthieu Valet
Cher collègue, je vous ai entendu sur les plateformes numériques. À Marseille, un gamin de 14 ans a exécuté un chauffeur de taxi, Nessim, de 36 ans, en octobre 2024. Il a été condamné à 17 ans de réclusion criminelle. Donc je suis assez étonné des discours béni-oui-oui qu'on entend ici. Je pense que dans cet hémicycle, j'étais le seul à être policier durant 20 ans dans les quartiers difficiles de France.
Arrêtez les discours évangéliques ou angéliques et prenez la mesure du danger qui guette. Est-ce que pour vous un mineur qui tue, qui assassine, a sa place en liberté ou en prison, soit pour protéger les victimes selon moi, soit pour être dehors pour refaire des victimes parce qu'à 13 ans comme à 17 ans, il faut qu'on protège nos citoyens de ces fous furieux avec des armes qui très jeunes peuvent exécuter.
Sophie Wilmès
Alors, je vous remercie pour votre question. Ce que je trouve vraiment déplorable en fait dans le débat tel qu'il s'installe aujourd'hui, c'est qu'on demande de s'exprimer sur est-ce que nos mineurs ont leur place dans la prison ou pas, en oubliant complètement, complètement les circonstances des crimes et le fait que ces mineurs sont justement des mineurs et sont des enfants. Et à partir du moment où ceux-ci sont exploités, guidés, manipulés à commettre effectivement l'insoutenable, nous devons faire en sorte de les protéger. Et comment ? Par exemple en régulant les plateformes, les plateformes digitales.
Plateformes digitales que nous voulons réguler pour les protéger, ce que vous refusez à faire, ce qui a effectivement des conséquences pour notre société.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much, Mrs. Vilmess, and now because we are already running out of time very heavily, we have 40 minutes delay, we have to close down now the blue card. Sorry for this debate, I have to shut down the blue cards. So, the next on our speakers list is Caterina Chinnici.
Caterina Chinnici
Grazie Presidente, signor Commissario. Il fenomeno del reclutamento dei minori da parte della criminalità organizzata certamente non nuovo perché utilizzato dalle mafie, ha assunto oggi dimensioni e modalità allarmanti. Come segnalato di recente da Europol in tutta l'Unione, le organizzazioni criminali reclutano sistematicamente bambini e ragazzi coinvolti nel più del 70% dei settori criminali per la commissione di reati sempre più violenti come estorsioni e omicidi. Le tecniche di reclutamento si fanno più sofisticate e subdole con il massiccio ricorso ad app, social media, piattaforme online. I criminali poi manipolano facilmente i più giovani adottando il loro stesso linguaggio e tecniche di cosiddetta gamification.
Dobbiamo agire, dobbiamo agire al più presto per prevenire e contrastare il reclutamento online e offline perché un minore reclutato per commettere un reato è egli stesso vittima, la prima vittima di quel reato in quanto sfruttato e privato della sua innocenza. Bene quindi il piano annunciato dalla Commissione per la protezione dei minori dalla criminalità, ma non basta. Anche la futura direttiva contro la criminalità organizzata dovrà tener conto di tale fenomeno, ad esempio con aggravanti specifiche per chi recluta minori. E occorre però anche intervenire a monte su esclusione sociale, abbandono scolastico e prevenzione del disagio per creare prospettive di sviluppo e di crescita perché l'illegalità trova terreno fertile dove i ragazzi non vedono via d'uscita al degrado sociale e culturale. Grazie.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Danke Frau Präsidentin, Commissioner Johansson. Estremecedor reclutamiento significativo y creciendo de menores de edad para la perpetración de delitos graves, tráfico de drogas y crímenes violentos.
Incide en todos los Estados miembros, pero se ensaña particularmente con la Europa del Norte, algunos países escandinavos, Dinamarca, Suecia. Y por tanto estamos obligados a actuar y este es el sentido de este debate. ¿Qué hacer? En primer lugar, el reclutamiento es online a partir de los 13 años y por tanto exigencia a las plataformas digitales de sujeción estricta a la legalidad europea, Digital Services Act, que les obliga a remover los contenidos ilegales y desde luego los que invitan al delito lo son. En segundo lugar, utilizar todos los datos que pone a nuestra disposición la Red Europea de Prevención del Delito para tomar conocimiento de cuál es la dinámica en la que incide este ensañamiento con los menores de edad incitados a cometer delitos graves.
Pero en tercer lugar y por supuesto, prevención, lucha contra la exclusión, contra la marginación y la desigualdad, programas sociales de inclusión dirigidos en la protección de la infancia como propone exactamente la Estrategia Europea de Seguridad Interior, protección de los menores contra la delincuencia. Gracias, presidenta.
Gracias. The next speaker is Jaroslav Knot.
Jaroslav Knot
Thank you, Madam Chair. Europe is facing terrifying new reality. Organized criminal gangs are no longer recruiting only adults, they are recruiting children. Teenagers are being transformed into drugs, drug couriers, hitmen and instruments of terror in our own cities. In Sweden, for example, we have seen horrifying cases where boys as young as 13 or 14 were recruited by migrant gang networks to carry out shootings and bomb attacks linked to drug wars.
Children are exploited because criminal bosses know that minors often receive lighter sentences. Entire suburbs have become breeding ground, breeding grounds for parallel criminal structures. In France, as a second example, criminal organizations connected to narcotics trafficking have similarly used minors for violence, intimidation and street-level drug distribution, particularly in areas overwhelmed by failed integration and uncontrolled migration. We must finally speak honestly. This crisis did not emerge in a vacuum.
Mass migration, failed integration policies and the creation of isolated communities have enabled organized crime to flourish across Europe. Europe cannot...
Thank you very much, speaking time is over. Now the next speaker is Georgiana Teodorescu.
Georgiana Teodorescu
Thank you, Chair. Sărăcia extremă favorizează criminalitatea și recrutarea minorilor atât în scopul de a săvârși ei înșiși infracțiuni grave precum traficul de droguri sau infracțiuni de violență, cât și în scopul exploatării lor pentru cerșetorie, abuzuri sexuale sau diverse alte infracțiuni. Altfel spus, cu cât sunt mai săraci copiii noștri, cu atât sunt în pericol mai mare să devină victime ale unor rețele de crimă organizată. Există două soluții eficiente pentru această problemă, atâta timp cât sunt aplicate în același timp: combaterea eficientă a sărăciei și întărirea capacității structurilor specializate ale poliției cu atribuții în prevenirea și combaterea crimei organizate. Dacă Uniunea Europeană pune preț real pe siguranța și sănătatea copiilor noștri, trebuie să aloce urgent fonduri pentru aceste două soluții.
Altfel acceptăm tacit că numărul victimelor va crește.
Abir Al-Sahlani
Fru ordförande, herr kommissionär, i Sverige ser vi hur de kriminella gängen jagar våra barn i skolan, på fotbollsträningen, på Instagram och TikTok. Men vad svarar den svenska regeringen med och yttersta högern här, jo, de vill låsa in 13-åringar. Barn som idag används av de kriminella gängen som en slit och släng-vara i de vuxnas kriminella krig.
Detta är inte handlingskraft. Detta är ren desperation. Fråga domarna, fråga åklagarna, fråga socialtjänsten, fråga polisen. Alla säger samma sak: detta kommer inte att hindra de kriminella gängen från att rekrytera barn. Tvärtom, detta kommer att leda till att åldrarna sänks ännu mer.
Vi måste knäcka gängen, ja, men vi måste bygga ett samhälle som är starkare än gängen. Sverige och EU kan mer än att ge upp hoppet om barnen. Sverige och EU kan mer än att låsa in 13-åringar. Det vi behöver, det är att kriminalisera och behandla rekrytering av barn online så som terroristcontent. Det är det vi behöver göra.
Jag tänker aldrig acceptera att vi börjar behandla barn som förbrukningsvaror.
Javier Zarzalejos
Gracias, señora presidenta, señor comisario. En las tres últimas sesiones plenarias hemos hablado de amenazas y riesgos para los menores en el ámbito digital. Los contenidos de abuso sexual infantil, en un caso, el cyberbullying en la sesión pasada y hoy el reclutamiento de menores por parte de organizaciones criminales. Esto demuestra que tenemos un problema y un problema estructural con los riesgos y con las amenazas que el ámbito digital plantea para nuestros menores. Insisto, un problema estructural.
Sabemos que la utilización de menores para actividades criminales responde a una convergencia creciente entre el crimen organizado, la radicalización online y la explotación infantil. Y sabemos también que no es una cuestión solo de seguridad, sino de protección, de prevención y de cohesión. Por tanto, de nuevo tenemos que hablar de una estrategia integral de todos los actores implicados. Las redes sociales, las plataformas de mensajería cifrada, videojuegos online y servicios de streaming son utilizados cada vez más para captar y manipular a menores vulnerables. Vulnerabilidad que radica en su aislamiento, en su dependencia digital, pero también en el aprovechamiento de dinámicas de gamificación en la que la actividad criminal a los menores se les presenta como protagonistas de un videojuego.
Bien, el espacio digital no puede ser una trampa permanente para nuestros menores. Tiene que ser un mundo que puedan explorar de una manera segura. Tenemos que tomar medidas ya.
Ton Diepeveen
Dank u wel, voorzitter, commissaris. In steeds meer lidstaten worden kinderen geronseld voor allerlei zware criminaliteit en activiteiten, zelfs grensoverschrijdend. In december 2024 werd nog een Nederlandse drugsdealer in Spanje geliquideerd door een Belgische tiener in opdracht van een criminele organisatie. Het is voor de georganiseerde misdaad aantrekkelijk om minderjarigen te ronselen, omdat deze lichter of in een enkel geval zelfs helemaal niet gestraft worden. Criminele organisaties behandelen kinderen als wegwerpartikelen: goedkoop, vervangbaar en juridisch aantrekkelijk.
Lidstaten verschillen namelijk sterk in het opleggen van straffen en de georganiseerde misdaad maakt daar nou gebruik of liever gezegd misbruik van. Preventie alleen is dan ook niet genoeg. Wie minderjarigen voor georganiseerde criminaliteit inzet, dient keihard te worden aangepakt. Maar ook minderjarigen die herhaaldelijk betrokken zijn bij georganiseerde criminaliteit, die dienen keihard te worden aangepakt en in sommige gevallen ook hun ouders. Het is aan lidstaten om een en ander strafbaar te stellen, dat helaas nog niet overal het geval is als het gaat om minderjarigen.
Maar met de Europese samenwerking kan er veel gebeuren en Europol heeft daar een belangrijke rol. Dank u wel, voorzitter.
Maciej Wąsik
Jeszcze niedawno nikt nie proponowałby takiej debaty, bo problemu werbunku dzieci do grup przestępczych w Europie nie było. Wczoraj wręczaliście Europejski Order Zasługi i biliście brawo na stojąco kanclerz Angeli Merkel. Dziś załamujecie ręce nad losem dzieci werbowanych przez grupy przestępcze. Masowy werbunek dzieci jako żołnierzy grup przestępczych to zjawisko ostatnich dziesięciu lat. Co takiego stało się dziesięć lat temu w Europie?
Dziesięć lat temu Europę zalała fala nielegalnej imigracji, za którą Angela Merkel ponosi polityczną odpowiedzialność. Wszędzie tam, gdzie powstały duże skupiska migrantów, notujemy ogromny wzrost przestępczości. Tak, odpowiedzialność za rosnącą przestępczość ponoszą wszyscy promotorzy migracji w Europie. W Polsce, która oparła się nielegalnej imigracji, czujemy się bezpiecznie, a wykorzystywanie dzieci przez grupy przestępcze praktycznie nie istnieje. Dlatego nigdy nie zgodzimy się na relokację migrantów.
Nigdy. Dziękuję bardzo.
The next speaker is Raquel García Hermida-van der Walle.
Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle
Thank you, chair, commissioner. We hebben een explosief probleem. Vorig jaar werd in Nederland 1534 keer getracht met explosieven een aanslag te plegen. De helft van de aangehouden verdachten is jonger dan 20 jaar, vaak in een psychisch en sociaal-economisch kwetsbare situatie. Een makkelijke prooi voor georganiseerde misdaad, online gerekruteerd, soms voor een paar tientjes beloning.
Kind-soldaten met illegaal vuurwerk in hun rugzak om mensen te intimideren en schade aan te richten, met gevaar voor eigen leven. De Rotterdamse moeders die ik vorig jaar sprak staan machteloos. En dit gebeurt niet alleen in Nederland, maar ook elders in Europa. En daarom is het goed dat de Europese Commissie de vuurwerkregels wil aanpassen. Dat kan niet snel genoeg komen, net als de verplichting voor landen om informatie over internationale bendes met elkaar te delen en veel, veel strenger zijn voor de winstgevende online platforms waar deze jongeren gerekruteerd worden.
Dank u wel.
Ana Miguel Pedro
The next speaker is Ana Miguel Pedro.
Senhor Comissário, nos últimos meses na Europa, jovens foram detidos sob suspeita de terrorismo. Tinham 12, 13, 14 anos. Muitos não tinham antecedentes criminais, tinham apenas um telemóvel, um computador e alguém do outro lado do ecrã a saber exatamente como os alcançar. Foram abordados, manipulados, recrutados no silêncio de uma aplicação, de um fórum, de um jogo ou de uma conversa encriptada onde os adultos, as escolas, as autoridades chegam tarde demais. Segundo a Europol, em 2024, um terço dos detidos por crimes relacionados com terrorismo na União Europeia tinham entre 12 e 20 anos.
A grande maioria destes jovens suspeitos estava ligada ao terrorismo jiadista. O jiadismo continua, aliás, a ser uma das principais ameaças à segurança europeia. Perdeu território, mas não perdeu capacidade de recrutamento, perdeu fronteiras, mas ganhou ecrãs. Perdeu o chamado califado físico, mas adaptou-se ao espaço digital onde encontra jovens isolados, vulneráveis, muitas vezes à procura de identidade, pertença ou reconhecimento. Estamos perante uma violência nova, difusa, sem rosto e sem fronteira ideológica clara, uma mistura de extremismo, ódio, racismo, antissemitismo.
Precisamos de instrumentos legais claros para identificar sinais de radicalização, aliciamento e exposição de jovens a comunidades violentas. A cooperação policial e judiciária tem de ser reforçada. Os conteúdos terroristas ou de incitamento à violência têm de ser sinalizados, removidos rapidamente e preservados como prova. Quando uma criança é recrutada por estas redes, antes de ser protegida pelo Estado, alguma coisa falhou. Mas acima de tudo, falhou a política.
Aleksandar Nikolic
C'est très bien de faire cette délibération sur l'exploitation des mineurs dans le crime organisé. Mais ce qui serait encore mieux, c'est que l'Union européenne ne facilite pas cette exploitation justement. Parce que oui, aujourd'hui les États sont désarmés pour combattre les cartels de drogue et vous ne faites rien pour les aider. Au contraire, j'avais lu votre stratégie anti-drogue de 2021. Vos principaux moyens de lutte contre le trafic de drogue, c'était la prévention et la recherche de la causalité.
Alors je vais vous aider pour la causalité, c'est assez simple : gagner beaucoup d'argent très vite avec très peu de conséquences judiciaires et même pas du tout pour les mineurs. Et pour la prévention, je vous assure que ça ne sert à rien de prévenir les narcotrafiquants que recruter des mineurs c'est mal, ni de prévenir les mineurs que vendre de la drogue c'est mal, je vous jure ils le savent. Non, le seul moyen de lutter contre le narcotrafic, c'est la peur d'une sanction systématique et lourde. Il faut que les narcotrafiquants craignent à nouveau l'État et que les jeunes ne soient plus persuadés qu'ils ne risquent rien. Vous faites l'exact inverse en limitant drastiquement les marges de manœuvre de nos policiers et de l'appareil carcéral et en vous opposant aux centres éducatifs fermés pour mineurs.
Et si on rajoute votre vision d'ouverture des frontières sans contrôle qui facilite l'importation de drogue, vous contribuez directement à la mexicanisation de l'Europe et de la France.
Nicolas Bay
À Nantes, il y a quelques jours, un adolescent de 15 ans a été abattu dans une fusillade liée au narcotrafic. Deux autres mineurs de 13 et 14 ans ont été blessés. Voilà la réalité de l'Europe d'aujourd'hui. Pendant trop longtemps, certains ont voulu croire que le recrutement d'enfants par les cartels était un problème spécifique à l'Amérique latine ou à certaines régions d'Afrique. Mais c'est faux.
Ce phénomène gangrène désormais nos villes européennes. Dans nos quartiers, des enfants de 11 ans, 12 ans deviennent des choufs, c'est-à-dire des guetteurs pour les trafiquants. Puis viennent les livraisons, les armes, les règlements de compte. Les mafias utilisent des mineurs parce qu'elles savent que nos systèmes judiciaires sont faibles et inadaptés et que l'impunité progresse. Nous devons cesser le déni.
Le narcotrafic n'est pas une simple délinquance. C'est une activité criminelle qui recrute des enfants soldats avec des moyens considérables équivalents à ceux des grandes multinationales. Nous devons répondre avec la plus grande fermeté : démantèlement des réseaux, expulsion systématique des criminels étrangers, sanctions pénales renforcées pour l'exploitation des mineurs, contrôle des frontières et coopération policière accrue. Derrière chaque mineur recruté par les trafiquants, il y a l'échec des États et la progression des mafias.
Verena Mertens
Frau Präsidentin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Während wir hier diskutieren, schreiben kriminelle Netzwerke schon die nächsten Nachrichten an Minderjährige. Nicht zufällig, sondern gezielt, professionell und organisiert. Sie locken Jugendliche mit schnellem Geld, mit Status und Zugehörigkeit und machen sie zu Drogenkurieren, zu Wachposten oder sogar zu Auftragsmördern. Die Rekrutierung durch organisierte Kriminalität beginnt heute oft nicht mehr auf der Straße, sondern auf dem Handy.
Und wir sehen die Folgen längst überall in Europa. Schießereien in Schweden, Explosionen in Belgien, bewaffnete Bandenkriminalität auch in Deutschland. Als ehemalige Kriminalpolizistin sage ich Ihnen, wer Jugendlichen früh eine Waffe in die Hand drückt, zerstört ihre Zukunft und gefährdet unsere Sicherheit. Deshalb brauchen wir endlich mehr rechtliche Möglichkeiten für Ermittlungsbehörden in der digitalen Welt. Denn nur so können wir die digitalen Rekrutierungsräume aufdecken und die Täter hinter den Netzwerken zur Verantwortung ziehen.
Wir brauchen schnelleren Datenaustausch in Europa. Europol muss zum europäischen Datenhub werden, das Zentrum für Koordinierung und Zusammenarbeit. Denn unsere Sicherheitsbehörden dürfen nicht länger mit analogen Mitteln gegen digitale Kartelle kämpfen. Europa darf niemals zulassen, dass Kinder zu Soldaten krimineller Netzwerke werden.
Speaker 378
Bardzo dziękuję. Panie Przewodniczący, Szanowni Państwo, dzieci nie trafiają do świata przemocy z dnia na dzień. Najczęściej zaczyna się od czynników takich jak brak autorytetów, brak poczucia wspólnoty, brak pozytywnych wzorców, kryzys tożsamości, poczucie osamotnienia i braku akceptacji. Najlepszą ochroną, podkreślam, najlepszą ochroną jest zawsze rodzina, czasami szkoła i wspólnoty lokalne, czasami organizacje społeczne czy religijne. Dziecko, które ma poczucie bezpieczeństwa, przynależności i wsparcia, jest znacznie mniej podatne na manipulacje ze strony gangów i internetowych rekruterów.
Dzieci są celowo wykorzystywane przez gangi, ponieważ łatwiej je zmanipulować, są bardziej podatne na presję emocjonalną, wzbudzają mniejsze zainteresowanie organów ścigania, a systemy prawne często przewidują wobec nich łagodniejsze sankcje. Była już o tym mowa, że rekrutacja dziś głównie odbywa się online przez media społecznościowe, szyfrowane komunikatory, gry internetowe i czaty gamingowe. Przestępcy łatwo wykorzystują język łatwego zarobku. Dlatego tak jak powiedziała przed chwilą moja przedmówczyni, policja nie może być bezradna. Wspierajmy rodzinę, ale wspierajmy też policjantów, wspierajmy ich w walce z najgroźniejszymi przestępcami, którzy zjawili się tutaj, tak jak powiedział Maciej Wąsik, dzięki Angeli Merkel.
Dziękuję uprzejmie.
Isabel Wiseler-Lima
Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, le crime organisé recrute désormais à la vitesse du numérique. Un adolescent de quatorze ans qui reçoit un message sur Instagram, une promesse d'argent facile, quelques livraisons sans risque, c'est ainsi que commence aujourd'hui le recrutement criminel des mineurs, non plus dans la rue, mais sur nos écrans. Les méthodes ont profondément changé : plus rapides, plus diffuses, plus invisibles. Réseaux sociaux, messageries chiffrées, environnements de jeux en ligne, ces espaces que nos enfants habitent quotidiennement sont devenus des terrains de chasse pour le crime organisé. Nous faisons face à une criminalité digitalisée et ubérisée : coordination transfrontalière instantanée, tâches fragmentées, recrutement à grande échelle, un véritable crime as a service.
Et l'escalade est réelle. Ce qui commence par un transport d'enveloppe peut mener par étapes à des actes d'une violence extrême. Des enfants, parfois à peine sortis de l'école primaire, ont été recrutés comme guetteurs, comme passeurs, puis comme exécutants. Dans plusieurs États membres, de jeunes mineurs ont été impliqués dans des homicides commandités. Le crime organisé exploite leur jeunesse : ils sont malléables, loyaux par peur et pénalement moins exposés.
C'est là que se situe notre responsabilité. Renforcer la prévention, investir dans l'éducation numérique, coopérer avec et responsabiliser les plateformes, mais aussi reconnaître que nous ne parlons plus seulement de petite délinquance. Il faut plus de moyens, notamment pour Europol, car protéger les enfants aujourd'hui, c'est aussi les protéger de ceux qui font de leur innocence une arme.
Merci.
Lara Magoni
Grazie Presidente. Il reclutamento dei minori da parte delle organizzazioni criminali non è più un fenomeno marginale, è una strategia consolidata e in continua evoluzione. Lo dimostra quanto accaduto oggi a Firenze, dove un quindicenne tunisino è stato arrestato con l'accusa di terrorismo internazionale dopo contatti online con ambienti riconducibili al Daesh. È la conferma di un cambio di paradigma: non esiste più soltanto il reclutamento nel quartiere, oggi basta uno smartphone. Le organizzazioni criminali entrano nei social network, nelle chat criptate, nei videogiochi online.
Un ragazzo non viene più avvicinato, viene profilato, contattato e arruolato. Il meccanismo è sempre lo stesso: prima la promessa di soldi facili, poi l'identità, poi l'appartenenza. È così che si costruisce una fedeltà criminale. Per questo la risposta deve essere europea, immediata e concreta, perché oggi la posta in gioco non è solo la sicurezza, è stabilire se il primo clic di un adolescente lo porterà verso il suo futuro o dentro una rete criminale da cui uscire diventa quasi impossibile.
The next speaker is Mika Aaltola.
Mika Aaltola
Arvoisa puheenjohtaja, komissaari. Euroopassa on yli 800 korkean riskin rikollisverkostoa. He rekrytoivat lapsia, kouluikäisiä, 12-vuotiaita netin jokaisesta nurkasta, TikTokista, Instagramista, peleistä. Siellä missä lapsemme ovat, lupaamalla rahaa, statusta, ystävyyttä. Ystävyys muuttuu huomaamatta hyväksikäytöksi.
Lapsi jää jumiin. Verkostosta ei pääse pois. Edessä on väkivalta. Me tiedämme kuvion, ja rikolliset tietävät täsmälleen mitä tekevät. He käyttävät hyväkseen lasten kykyä luottaa.
He valitsevat lapset siksi, että tuomiot ovat lievempiä, siksi, että lapset uskovat lupauksiin, siksi, että alustat katsovat toisaalle. Emme saa antaa kierteen jatkua. Emme saa antaa alustojen välttää vastuuta. Emme saa antaa rikollisten viedä tulevaisuutta lapsilta, joille meidän pitäisi se rakentaa. Meidän on pystyttävä parempaan.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much, and now we come to the catch-the-eye, and the first speaker on catch-the-eye is Sunčana Glavak.
Sunčana Glavak
Hvala vam lijepa, poštovana predsjednice, poštovani povjereniče, kolegice i kolege. Točno je, kriminalne mreže sve više iskorištavaju ranjivost mladih: siromaštvo, društveno-ekonomski status, isključenost, potrebu za pripadanjem. Djevojčice i dječaci u dobi već od 12 godina, a ponekad i mlađi, žrtve su ili seksualnog iskorištavanja, trgovinom ljudima, trgovinom drogom, nasiljem, kriminalnim obračunima. Nitko nije zaštićen. Regrutacija se više ne događa na ulici.
Odvija se na TikToku, Instagramu, Snapchatu, videoigrama, šifriranim aplikacijama. I to govoreći o lakom novcu, upotrebom simbola i izraza koji su uobičajeni. Na primjer, koriste bezopasne riječi kao što su snježne pahuljice za predstavljanje kokaina ili drveće za marihuanu, poslovanje, zarada. Na drugoj strani koriste i drugu tehniku koju koriste influenceri društvenih medija, koristeći se njihovim jezikom. Stoga, kolegice i kolege, ovo nije poligon tema za politizaciju, na ovoj temi moramo zajednički djelovati.
Hvala vam lijepa.
Romana Jerković
Svako dijete koje završi u rukama organiziranog kriminala predstavlja težak neuspjeh našeg društva. I kao što su mnogi od vas rekli danas se maloljetnike ciljano vrbuje jer su ranjivi, jer ih je lakše manipulirati i jer kriminalci znaju da djeca često prolaze ispod radara policije i pravosuđa. Čuli smo danas da djecu se ne vrbuje samo na ulici. Da, doista, djeca više apsolutno nigdje nisu sigurna. Ciljano ih se traži za koriš i koristi za raspačavanje droge, za online prijevare, za nasilje, za krijumčarenje.
Hvala.
Romana Jerković
Neka od njih imaju svega 12 ili 13 godina. Zato trebamo snažniju suradnju policije, škola i socijalnih službi. Trebamo stroža pravila za online platforme i veću odgovornost tehnoloških kompanija. Ali jednako tako trebamo ulagati u obrazovanje, mentalno zdravlje, sport i prilike za mlade. Hvala.
Cristian Terheş
Thank you. Dear Commissioner, it appears from your statement that because some recruitment of children by organized crime happens online, the European Commission now sees this as an opportunity to expand mass surveillance and political control over the internet. The causes of this tragedy are far deeper. Many vulnerable children seeking gangs the identity, protection and respect they could not find in their broken families, often growing up without a father or a mother. Schools increasingly replacing education with ideological indoctrination or hyper-sexualization are leaving children emotionally vulnerable and easier to be manipulated by predators and criminal networks.
Entire neighborhoods have been lawless because authorities failed to enforce the law. And when churches are emptied or closed, society loses one of its strongest moral anchors. Faith, family and community once gave young people meaning, discipline and hope. Without them, many children are left spiritually, emotionally and socially abandoned. Europe does not need mass censorship or constant surveillance.
It needs strong families, strong borders, strong faith and strong law enforcement. Thank you.
Speaker 384
Thank you, the next speaker and the last speaker under catch the eye is Lukas Sieper.
Lukas Sieper
Dear people of Europe, I'm very thankful for colleagues like Ms Mertens who took a constructive approach on that because it allows me to challenge my anger and make some points clear. If you really think that the criminalization of children has anything to do with the fact where these children or the perpetrators come from, then you are mentally incapable of thinking above the borders of this Union. Because we see the same phenomenon all around the world. In Mexico, it's Mexican gangs that do the same to Mexican children. In Thailand, it's Thai gangs that do the same to Thailand children.
It has nothing to do with nationality. And what's even more shameful is then when some people here claim that we just need to deport the children for them not to commit the crimes. One colleague said they commit prostitution here and we should deport them. So is a child prostitute in Africa better than a child prostitute here? And if the answer for you is yes, then you are nothing more than a racist.
This is about protecting the children and nothing more. And anyone else who says something anything else is a shame to this Parliament, a shame to this Union and we need to fight that every day. Thank you very much.
I pass the floor to our Commissioner Michael McGrath, please the floor is yours.
Michael McGrath
Thank you very much, Madam President, and thanks to all of the honorable members who made a contribution to this debate this evening. And to hear the diversity of contributions from all over the European Union reveals that many of you feel very strongly about this issue and clearly have direct knowledge and experience of its widespread nature. The recruitment of children by organized crime, as we know, presents multiple challenges. We know it harms vulnerable children, it strengthens criminal organizations, and it leads to more victims of crime. And this is why we must keep working together, including here at EU level.
And in everything we do, children's fundamental right to be protected and to develop in life are central. Their best interests must guide every action that we take. Children, we know, are particularly vulnerable to exploitation and recruitment for criminal purposes, and they may be victims and perpetrators at the same time. The recruitment of children is a cross-border phenomenon fueled by the misuse of new technologies, and many of you have spoken about that this evening. The Commission will continue working with you, also with the member states, practitioners, EU agencies, online platforms, civil society organizations, children, and young people themselves to design and to implement effective responses.
The exploitation of children by criminal gangs is completely unacceptable. It is clear that these gangs will readily sacrifice these children to protect themselves, and that is why it is so important that we continue to work together. As you know, next month, Commissioner Brunner and I will bring forward a criminal justice package to the Commission for adoption, including a proposed revision of the Eurojust regulation and the Europol regulation. We look forward to engaging with you as co-legislators so that we can work together to strengthen the role of Europol and Eurojust in the fight against all forms of crime. In addition, later this year, the Commission will present new rules on organized crime to target its ringleaders and key actors with updated organized crime offenses, sanctions, and investigative tools.
And the new rules are an opportunity to reinforce the penal response to those who are behind youth recruitment. We are currently gathering evidence and will reach out to member states to support a thorough evaluation and impact assessment supporting the proposal. And as I said earlier, next year, the Commission will present an action plan on the protection of children against crime. And much of you highlighted the online dimension of this issue in your contributions this evening, and I reassure you of our full focus, including through the implementation and enforcement of the Digital Services Act. So thank you, colleagues, for your contributions.
It's clear you feel very strongly about this issue. So does the European Commission. We look forward to working with you in a spirit of cooperation so that we can better protect children from their recruitment by organized crime, and therefore we can help ensure that such organized crime efforts to exploit children is not successful in the future.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much, Commissioner. Die Aussprache ist hiermit geschlossen. Die Abstimmung findet während der nächsten Tagung statt. Als nächsten Punkt auf der Tagesordnung haben wir die Erklärung der Kommission: Dauerhafte, verlässliche und stabile Finanzierung von Prioritäten der EU durch neue EU-Eigenmittel aus dem Sektor Online-Glücksspiele und Wetten. Ich gebe zunächst das Wort an unseren Kommissar Piotr Serafin.
Please, the floor is yours.
Piotr Serafin
Thank you, Madam President. Honorable members, I will start my intervention by repeating what I said at the plenary debate a few weeks ago when your interim report was adopted. The only route towards an ambitious EU budget, an EU budget that will have enough resources to finance European policies, goes through the own resources. That is the reality. That's how it is.
That is why, after testing many different options, the Commission proposed last year a package of five new own resources, a package designed to be balanced, simple, and ready to be implemented quickly. Your interim report expressed strong support for new own resources, which I very much welcome, and I really appreciate the support of the European Parliament and the encouragement from the European Parliament on the own resources issue. But your interim report also asked to explore a few other options: a digital levy, a crypto levy, and an online gambling levy that we are going to debate today. In line with its role, the Commission is preparing an objective and thorough assessment of the options put forward by this House. Today, I'm not in a position to share with you details, as we are still finalizing our assessment, but I would like to assure you that that assessment will be shared also with the European Parliament as soon as it is ready, and we are not talking about a very distant future.
But on the occasion of our today's debate, let me emphasize four points that we should keep in mind. First, it is crucial that any own resources basket generates adequate resources. Secondly, as you mentioned in your report, the own resources package should avoid undue burdens on economic actors, minimize economic distortions, and ensure tax fairness. Third, it should be possible to implement it quickly, and any new own resource should be operational by 1st of January 2028 or shortly thereafter. That means that we need clear definitions, harmonized rules, and adequate data to limit tax avoidance.
It is important to assess how fast a new own resource can be implemented and whether sectoral tax legislation would need to be introduced beforehand. Fourth, the basket dimension remains crucial. Rather than looking at each own resources in isolation, it is important to look at the basket as a whole and keep in mind the bigger picture, including what we proposed on the expenditure side. I'm happy to see that in your interim report, we can see also the support for the basket approach. While the Commission is convinced that our current package meets these principles, as I said, we will soon share with you our analysis on the additional options suggested by the European Parliament.
And the Commission stands ready to act as an honest broker and to work with this House and with the Council to find a common ground on the next EU budget, including on the issue of own resources. I look forward to your interventions. Thank you very much.
Thank you very much, Commissioner. And now I pass the floor for the first round of representatives of the political group to Danuše Nerudová on behalf of EPP. Please, the floor is yours.
Danuše Nerudová
Thank you, dear Chair, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues. From the very beginning of this mandate, we stand with you, Commissioner, in support of your willingness to come forward with the solutions on own resources and help us move beyond the current stalemate. But based on our past experience, we know that some proposals will face negative reactions in the Council. We already know that some Member States have concerns about BEFIT, while the others oppose ETS. At the end of the day, we all know that everything will never be perfect for everyone.
But the alternative is massive cuts to the budget. The very same Member States complaining about new own resources will also complain when they will face severe cuts to agriculture, cohesion, competitiveness, and research funding. So as Parliament, we have also come forward with possible solutions in case some proposals in the package are dropped. First, digital levy, already agreed by leaders in 2020. It's a matter of fairness and would primarily affect the large digital giants.
Second, a tax on crypto-assets. We all know that a significant amount of money circulating in crypto also comes from illicit activities, so this would also contribute to greater transparency. And finally, as Parliament, we believe we can also explore a gambling tax. Let us find a way forward together, because otherwise we will be cutting investments in our future simply because we acted irresponsibly as politicians by indebting the European Union and the future generations. Thanks.
Thank you very much. The next speaker on behalf of S&D is Victor Negrescu.
Victor Negrescu
Commissioner, dear colleagues, Europe is entering a decisive debate about its future budget and its capacity to act. Every day in this House, we call for more investments, but also citizens expect us to answer another key question: how do we finance everything fairly and responsibly? This is why I initiated this proposal for a new European own resource designed to finance in particular education, youth, mental health, addiction prevention, and the protection of minors by taxing online gambling, online betting, and betting-like digital activities. Together with the S&D Group, we requested that this issue be placed on the plenary agenda after formally introducing a question for oral answer in order to ensure that the European Parliament starts a serious political debate on this topic. The idea is simple.
A fast-growing, highly digitalized, and increasingly cross-border industry using the added value of the single market should make a fair contribution to support Europe's social priorities and protect vulnerable people. This is not a tax on citizens. It is a targeted contribution. Technically, the proposal is similar to national taxing formats.
A tax applied on the revenues or the turnover generated by major online gambling and betting operators active across the European market. This would not replace the national taxation systems, it would not interfere with the national licensing mechanisms, and it would fully respect Member States' competencies in regulating gambling activities. But the potential revenues are significant. If betting-like digital platforms are also included, and if the market continues to grow as expected, the revenues could realistically reach between 2 and 4 billion euros per year during the next few long-term budgets. This means potentially between 14 and 28 billion euros between 2028 and 2034.
This is equal to the Erasmus+ budget in the current MFF. And let us also be honest when we refer to this topic. According to recent estimates published by the industry, illegal online gambling alone already represents around 71% of the market in Europe. This means billions lost in public revenues, weaker protection for consumers and minors, growing addiction risks, and major vulnerabilities linked to money laundering and criminal networks operating across borders. This means that even the countries with the big online industry, like Malta, Cyprus, and Estonia, are losing money for their national budgets.
So Europe cannot pretend this problem does not exist. We have to interfere, we have to fight illegal operators, but in the same time, we are going to protect citizens. So Europe must show that it is capable not only of deciding together about how we spend the money, but also how we can build common resources that will be available as soon as possible. Thank you again to everyone supporting this initiative. Thank you.
Julien Sanchez
Parce qu'elle méconnaît les principes de base de la comptabilité publique et ne sait toujours pas qu'on ne dépense que ce que l'on a, l'Union européenne, qui prévoit ses dépenses avant de savoir si elle aura les recettes en face et qui s'est massivement endettée ces dernières années de manière scandaleuse, parle depuis des mois d'instaurer de nouvelles ressources propres, autrement dit des taxes, pour équilibrer le budget. On a vu passer des dizaines d'idées car il y a toujours plein d'idées ici quand il s'agit de taxer les entreprises ou les citoyens. Aujourd'hui, on nous explique qu'une taxe européenne sur les jeux d'argent et les paris en ligne pourrait devenir une des ressources propres durables pour financer les priorités de l'Union. En France, nous connaissons déjà ce type de prélèvement. En 2025, les prélèvements sur les jeux de cercle en ligne devraient représenter environ 126 millions d'euros, ceux sur les paris sportifs en ligne atteindre environ 955 millions.
La fiscalité sur les jeux d'argent relève aujourd'hui de la compétence des États membres. Mais l'Union européenne cherche progressivement à étendre son pouvoir fiscal dans des domaines qui touchent directement à la souveraineté budgétaire nationale. Au lieu de chercher à vous nourrir des addictions des gens, ayez d'abord le courage de réduire les dépenses inutiles, les programmes inefficaces, les doublons administratifs et les politiques idéologiques dont les citoyens européens ne veulent plus financer le coût. L'Europe a besoin de responsabilité budgétaire et doit respecter ceux qui financent déjà chaque jour ce système par leur travail et leurs impôts, que nous parlions des ménages ou des entreprises.
Ruggero Razza
The next speaker is Ruggero Razza.
Grazie, Presidente, saluto il Commissario Serafin. Il dibattito di oggi arriva in un momento importante perché la valutazione del quadro finanziario pluriennale che viene proposto dalla Commissione, anche all'indomani del voto del Parlamento, ha visto recepire in maniera molto ampia una richiesta da parte del Parlamento di maggiore sostegno alle politiche agricole, di maggiore sostegno alle politiche di coesione e di un nuovo sostegno verso la competitività. Ci è molto chiaro, Commissario Serafin, che se chiediamo di intervenire sul fronte delle uscite è necessario occuparsi anche del fronte delle entrate. E la riflessione di oggi, secondo me, svolge un ruolo importante perché non le nascondo che qualche perplessità alcune delle risorse proprie presentate alla Commissione ce l'hanno destata subito. Penso a quella tassazione sulle grandi imprese che riteniamo essere in contrasto rispetto alla necessità di sostenere la competitività delle imprese.
Allora attenderemo bene e presto la valutazione che la Commissione farà sulle due nuove risorse proprie proposte dal Parlamento ed intanto cerchiamo di discutere su come tutelare i livelli di investimento.
Grazie.
Stine Bosse
Thank you very much, Chairman, Commissioner. Jeg taler på dansk. Vi er rigtig, rigtig dygtige til i det her parlament og mange andre steder at lave en ønskeseddel, der er rigtig lang og rigtig dyr. Og det er der rigtig, rigtig gode grunde til, fordi vi skal naturligvis sørge for, at den Europæiske Union bliver stærkere. Vi er under et tydeligt pres udefra, og vi har i den grad brug for at udvikle unionen, når det gælder forsvar, når det gælder sundhed, når det gælder infrastruktur til energi og mange, mange andre ting.
Derfor er det velkomment, når Kommissionen går ind i en dialog med nye progressive forslag til, hvordan vi kan skabe egne indtægter. Det er en helt og afgørende stabiliserende faktor for den Europæiske Union, at vi får egne indtægter, når vi kigger fremad. Samtidig skal vi også huske som parlamentarikere, og det har kommissæren gjort os opmærksom på flere gange, at minde vores finansministre i vores hjemlande om, at der er ikke noget, der er gratis. Så det er både et spørgsmål om at øge indtægterne på den ene måde og på den anden måde. Vi skal simpelthen have et større budget.
Rasmus Andresen
Vielen Dank. An einem verregneten Sonntag Online-Casino-Spiele spielen oder noch kurz vor der Fußball-WM auf die Spiele des Abends tippen. Sowohl die Glücksspielindustrie wie aber auch Sportwetten boomen extrem und die Branche macht jährlich knapp 50 Milliarden Euro Gewinne in der Europäischen Union. Und deshalb macht es absolut Sinn darüber zu sprechen, ob diese Industrie, die sehr finanzkräftig ist und sehr gut Kasse macht in schwierigen Zeiten, nicht einen größeren Beitrag auch dazu leisten kann, dass wir europäische Prioritäten gemeinsam finanzieren. Wir Grünen unterstützen das.
Wir glauben, dass gerade Glücksspiel und Online-Sportwetten ein internationales Geschäft sind und wir hier auch europäische Antworten brauchen. Denn die Steuersätze in den Mitgliedstaaten, die variieren von 5 % bis 40 %, je nachdem auf welchen Mitgliedstaat wir gucken. Und deshalb sollten wir bei den Eigenmitteln eine Abgabe einführen, die Online-Glücksspiel und Sportwetten ins Zentrum nimmt, damit wir starke EU-Prioritäten finanzieren können und damit nicht nur kleine Unternehmen bei uns vor Ort die Hauptrechnung zahlen. Vielen Dank.
Jussi Saramo
Jokainen tapa rahoittaa EU:ta on väärä joidenkin jäsenvaltioiden mielestä. Ja oikeistopopulistien mielestä kaikki tavat rahoittaa EU:ta ovat vääriä. Jäsenvaltioiden oikeutta verottaa ei tietenkään pidä vaarantaa siirtämällä yleistä verotusoikeutta EU:lle. Mutta esimerkiksi yhdysvaltalaisten digijättien, ilmastonmuutoksen ja kiinalaisen hiilenpolttoon perustuvan tuotannon edessä yksittäiset valtiot ovat avuttomia. On luontevaa, että juuri digipalveluiden sekä tuontitavaran ja oman tuotannon päästöjen verottaminen tehtäisiin EU-tasolla.
Samoin pörssikaupan ja yksityislentojen verottaminen sopisi oikein hyvin EU-tasolle. Uhkapelaamisen ja vedonlyönnin osalta tilanne ei ole aivan yhtä selvä, koska moni jäsenmaa kerää jo nyt merkittäviä tuloja lisenssimaksuilla ja veroilla. Mutta uhkapelaamisen verottamisessa EU-tasolla olisi kuitenkin järkeä, koska yritykset ovat keskittyneet alhaisen sääntelyn maihin, toimivat yli rajojen ja siirto myös kannustaisi jäsenmaita puuttumaan haitalliseen uhkapelaamiseen nykyistä enemmän. Kiitos.
Alexander Jungbluth
Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, wer das Subsidiaritätsprinzip missachtet, missachtet seine Bürger. Ich erkläre Ihnen, warum. Auf europäischer Ebene besagt dieses Prinzip, dass die EU nur in diejenigen Bereiche eingreifen darf, die nicht in ihre ausschließliche Zuständigkeit fallen. Also, wenn die politischen Ziele von den Mitgliedstaaten nicht selbst erzielt werden können. Ich bin daher der festen Überzeugung, dass der heutige Vorschlag der Kommission den Mitgliedstaaten nicht weiterhilft.
Im Gegenteil, er entzieht uns Ressourcen, untergräbt die soziale und fiskalische Autonomie der einzelnen Länder. Die Einnahmen müssen daher in den Händen des Staates bleiben, aus dem sie stammen. Denn jeder einzelne Staat kennt seine internen Probleme und kann sie grundsätzlich besser lösen als die EU. Denken wir an unsere Krankenhäuser, unsere Schulen und unsere Kommunen, die täglich gegen die Tragödie der Spielsucht ankämpfen müssen. Wer kennt die Notlagen besser als die jeweiligen Regionen?
Doch die Kommission will trotzdem Glücksspiel und Wettdienste besteuern. Das würde die Situation vor Ort aber nur verschlimmern. Der Schwarzmarkt würde ausgeweitet, den nationalen Haushalten der Mitgliedstaaten würden wichtige Ressourcen entzogen und die Bürger in die Arme illegaler und nicht lizensierter Wettbetriebe getrieben. Mit enormen Risiken für unseren Verbraucherschutz. Dies ist abzulehnen.
Vielen Dank.
Karlo Ressler
Hvala puno potpredsjednice, povjereniče, kolegice i kolege. Ako se želi financirati sigurnost, konkurentnost i energetska tranzicija, a to danas nije više pitanje želje, nego je pitanje očuvanja Europe kakvu poznajemo, tada Unija mora imati adekvatne i stabilne izvore prihoda. Zato je važno ozbiljno razgovarati o vjerodostojnim proračunskim izvorima, uključujući i potencijal prihoda od internetskih igara na sreću i klađenja. Riječ je o sektoru koji je izrazito digitalan, koji je prekograničan i koji ostvaruje značajne prihode upravo zahvaljujući jedinstvenom europskom tržištu. U tom smislu legitimno je i treba sagledati može li dio tih prihoda na pravedan i razmjeran način pomoći u financiranju naših zajedničkih prioriteta i tako smanjiti pritisak i na nacionalne doprinose, na europsko gospodarstvo i na europske građane.
To je posebno važno sada u vremenima sve većih izazova kada europski proračun mora odgovoriti i na izazov otplate duga iz zajedničkog postpandemijskog instrumenta. Takav prijedlog zbog toga treba razmotriti ozbiljno, zahvaljujem Komisiji da je upravo to odlučila, ali ga i oblikovati pažljivo, zajedno sa cijelim paketom s naglaskom i na pravednost među državama, na provedivost i na zaštitu reguliranog tržišta. Nova vlastita sredstva zato treba promatrati kao dio odgovora na to kako Europska unija može u konačnici odgovorno financirati buduće izazove.
Sandra Gómez López
Gracias. Comisario, hoy no estamos hablando de cómo cuadramos las cuentas del MFP con nuevos recursos propios.
Creo que hoy lo hacemos cumpliendo con que los recursos propios deben de aceptar y cumplir con los principios de justicia social y de soberanía europea. Y la propuesta precisamente del Parlamento Europeo de incluir el juego online como recurso propio va en esa dirección correcta. Es una actividad que no genera ningún valor real. No nos hace mejores ni más competitivos, más bien al contrario, se lucra de la vulnerabilidad de las personas jóvenes y precarizadas. Y siguiendo esa misma lógica de negocio tenemos a los algoritmos en las redes sociales o a la especulación en las criptomonedas.
Y si se fijan hay un hilo invisible pero devastador que lo une todo y es la adicción. En efecto estamos ante modelos de negocio que están diseñados para monetizar nuestro tiempo, para secuestrar la atención de las personas jóvenes y para hacerse con sus ahorros. Han levantado un sistema que no solo se aprovecha de la vulnerabilidad sino que la fabrica, la alimenta y la convierte en un negocio rentable. Y cuando el modelo genera costes sociales tan evidentes en la salud mental de las personas jóvenes de toda una generación la respuesta de Europa no puede ser la inacción o mirar hacia otro lado. Comisario, Europa sinceramente aparece demasiadas veces paralizada por el temor que le provoca Trump y sabemos perfectamente que han guardado importantes propuestas como la tasa digital en un cajón por el miedo a su reacción porque la mayoría de las empresas son americanas.
Pero es que la alternativa ni la solución nunca puede ser cargar más o exigir más esfuerzo a nuestras empresas o a nuestras familias. La solución en cambio es exigir que contribuyan más quienes se lucran masivamente de nuestro mercado único y no nos deja nada bueno a cambio. Por eso tenemos que incluir en la propuesta de nuevos recursos propios el juego online, una tasa digital justa y una fiscalidad específica para las criptomonedas. Se han construido una industria de la adicción, una máquina diseñada para convertir la vulnerabilidad de nuestros jóvenes en beneficio económico, nuestro objetivo tiene que ser que deje de estar fuera de control, que pague por los daños que provoca y que Europa proteja sobre todo el futuro de nuestra juventud. Muchas gracias.
The next speaker is Dick Erixon.
Dick Erixon
Tack talman. Det finns ingen gräns för fantasin när det gäller att föreslå nya skatter i unionen. Lyssna här bara: skatt på kryptovaluta, ny skatt på tobak, skatt på elektroniskt skrot, skatt på techbolag som Amazon och Facebook, ny bolagsskatt på omsättning, skatt på oljebolag, ny förmögenhetsskatt, skatt på lyxprodukter som sportbilar, ny ekologisk importskatt på varor, finansiell transaktionsskatt på aktier, skatt på digitala annonser och nu är det förslag med skatt på spel och vadhållning. Istället för att frigöra människor och företag så ägnar sig kammaren här åt att diskutera hur man ska lägga mer bördor och bojor på våra medborgare och företag. Det här är vanvett.
Det här är fel väg. Det här försämrar konkurrenskraften som vi borde värna istället för en annan väg.
Sabine Verheyen
There is a blue card from Victor Negrescu, do you accept it? Yes, please.
Victor Negrescu
Colleague, you forgot something really important. The data presented by the industry: 71% of the market is composed of illegal platforms. That means your citizens are going online right now, spending their money on illegal platforms, and those platforms are not taxed, not taxed at national level, not at all. So we need to approach this issue at European level. Do you agree in us fighting against those illegal platforms?
Do you agree that together we can fight better against these illegal platforms? In the MFF report of the European Parliament, together with the co-rapporteurs on own resources, we are coming with this proposal. So what is your opinion about illegal platforms?
Dick Erixon
Självklart så ska man bekämpa illegal verksamhet. Olagligheter är en sak, det ska bekämpas genom åklagare och domstolar. Det är en helt annan sak än att tala om att införa nya skatter. Det är två helt olika saker. Jag är helt med på att vi ska bekämpa olagligheter och kriminell verksamhet, men att höja skatterna är liksom inte lösningen på det här problemet.
Skatter försämrar möjligheterna för ärliga företag, genuin verksamhet att utvecklas, det försämrar konkurrenskraften, så därför är det fel väg att gå.
Yvan Verougstraete
Monsieur le Commissaire, et si nous brisions les tabous pour faire enfin les vraies réformes dont nous avons besoin ? L'Europe a besoin de ressources propres, c'est clair. À cet égard, la proposition concernant les paris en ligne est une piste intéressante. Mais c'est la pointe de l'iceberg. Depuis des décennies, nous savons que nous avons un problème de concurrence fiscale au sein même de l'Union européenne.
Nous savons que nous avons un problème pour capter la valeur ajoutée créée par les multinationales, certainement dans le digital. Aujourd'hui, alors que c'est tout l'édifice européen qui risque de s'effondrer, plaider la fatalité fiscale serait simplement inacceptable. En effet, avec l'avènement de l'intelligence artificielle, si dans les dix ans, dans les dix ans, nous n'avons pas résolu ce problème, c'est tout notre système social qui va s'effondrer. Il est temps, chers collègues, de laisser tomber certains tabous, d'être créatifs et de réinventer notre système fiscal. Et cela doit se faire au niveau européen, parce que ce n'est qu'ensemble que nous pourrons reprendre le contrôle face aux géants de ce monde.
Merci. The next speaker is João Oliveira.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, Presidente, Senhor Comissário Šefčovič. O orçamento da União Europeia deve ser financiado pelas contribuições nacionais em função do rendimento nacional bruto. Essa é a solução mais justa. Os países que beneficiam das políticas da União Europeia contribuem para o orçamento, os países que são prejudicados por elas são compensados pelo orçamento. A proposta de novos recursos próprios da UE ameaça essa redistribuição e pode mesmo ter o efeito contrário.
No caso das taxas sobre os produtos do tabaco ou sobre os resíduos de equipamentos elétricos e eletrónicos, Portugal arrisca-se a contribuir mais para o orçamento da UE do que a Alemanha ou a França. É a inversão completa da natureza compensatória do orçamento. Na taxa sobre o setor das apostas e do jogo online, a crítica mantém-se por razões diferentes. Portugal já tem um imposto especial de jogo online com uma taxa de 25% sobre a receita bruta dos operadores licenciados. Vai uma aposta que essa receita nacional do orçamento português desaparece se este recurso próprio da UE for criado?
Nós preferimos não apostar, preferimos não correr o risco de perder e preferimos que em relação às apostas se trabalhe para acabar com elas em vez de beneficiar orçamentalmente com esse jogo e com esse vício.
Thomas Geisel
Frau Präsidentin, Herr Kommissar, liebe Kolleginnen, Kollegen, fast 130 Milliarden Euro wurden 2025 im europäischen Wett- und Glücksspielmarkt umgesetzt. Dieses Geschäft wächst dynamisch und wird immer digitaler. Die Anbieter haben nicht selten ihren Sitz in Niedrigsteuerländern, namentlich in Malta. Und ganz ungefährlich ist es auch nicht, Glücksspiel kann bekanntlich süchtig machen und fünf bis sechs Millionen Menschen sind davon in Europa betroffen. Deshalb ist es grundsätzlich richtig, dieses Geschäft zu besteuern.
Ob man damit neue Eigenmittel für den EU-Haushalt schaffen möchte, ist aber eine ganz andere Frage. Eigenmittel im eigentlichen Sinne gibt es ohnehin nicht, denn die Steuererhebungskompetenz liegt allein bei den Mitgliedstaaten. Und insofern wäre eine europaweite Besteuerung zugunsten des EU-Haushalts ohne Einstimmigkeit im Rat ohnehin nicht möglich. Wenn man sie hat, sollte man sie aber besser nutzen. Statt der Kommission von Frau von der Leyen noch mehr Geld zuzuschustern, sollte man mit vereinten Kräften lieber Steueroasen trockenlegen und die Digitalkonzerne angemessen besteuern.
Vielen Dank.
Isabel Benjumea Benjumea
Gracias, presidenta, señor comisario. La aprobación de los fondos Next Generation supuso la emisión de 800.000 millones de deuda conjunta. En la recta final de estos fondos es necesario analizar qué impacto económico han tenido y si han alcanzado sus objetivos. Sin embargo, no disponemos de información ni tan siquiera del dato de ejecución final. Además, las publicaciones del Tribunal de Cuentas Europeo y las últimas informaciones sobre lo que está sucediendo en España indican que no estamos precisamente ante una historia de éxito.
Ahora nos corresponde hacer frente al pago de esa deuda conjunta y debemos preguntarnos qué han hecho el Consejo y la Comisión. En el año 2020 se llegó al acuerdo de creación de nuevos recursos propios con los que financiar esta deuda y ese acuerdo sigue bloqueado a día de hoy. ¿Qué avances se han logrado? Y la propuesta que la Comisión hace para el próximo marco financiero lo que nos propone son recortes, por ejemplo, en PAC o en cohesión y la creación de nuevos impuestos que el Consejo ya dice que no va a aprobar y ni siquiera está aquí hoy en este debate. A este respecto, lo fácil siempre es hablar de emitir más deuda y pagarla castigando a ciudadanos y a empresas mediante nuevos impuestos.
Todo ello, insisto, para pagar la deuda de un programa del que todavía no podemos decir que es un éxito. Por ello, antes de estos debates sobre la creación de nuevas figuras fiscales, lo que realmente necesitamos es plantear la refinanciación de esa deuda en plazos más flexibles y, por supuesto, hacer una exhaustiva evaluación de todas las partidas y programas del presupuesto europeo. Creo que esa es la manera responsable de hacerlo. Muchas gracias.
Jean-Marc Germain
Chers collègues, nous avons pris ici dans cette chambre une décision historique sur le prochain budget pluriannuel européen qui se résume en une phrase au fond : construire l'avenir sans détruire les politiques de solidarité qui font la force de notre Union. C'est une étape sans précédent de la construction européenne depuis les années Delors. Jamais le Parlement européen n'avait proposé des moyens aussi importants pour rendre l'Europe mieux armée face aux défis de notre temps.
Mais tout n'est pas joué, la discussion va à présent s'engager avec les États membres. Comme je ne vois vraiment pas lequel d'entre eux oserait dire à propos des cinq nouveaux champs d'action ouverts, la défense c'est non, le spatial non, le digital non, les cleantech non, ou encore le logement toujours non, il nous faut de nouvelles ressources propres, c'est une évidence. Et puisqu'il y a blocage, notre Parlement sous l'impulsion de Sandra Gomez a ouvert de nouvelles pistes de contribution sur les cryptomonnaies, sur les services numériques ou encore celle sur les jeux en ligne chère à Victor Negrescu. Alors je le dis aux 27 qui ont la décision entre leurs mains, la question pour les ressources propres n'est pas être ou ne pas être mais être ou ne pas être à la hauteur. Je vous remercie.
The next speaker is David Casa.
David Casa
Grazzi sinjura President. Kien hemm ħafna ideat strambi fejn jidħlu r-riżorsi, imma din hija fost l-agħar waħda li qatt smajt. Taxxa ġdida li se tkun qed tippreġudika kumpaniji liċenzjati fl-Unjoni Ewropea, tpoġġihom f'iżvantaġġ kompetittiv, timbuttahom lejn pajjiżi terzi u tressaq lill-klijenti lejn operaturi illegali li joperaw barra mill-Unjoni Ewropea. B'impunità fejn ma jħallsux taxxi u fejn ma japplikax lanqas l-iktar consumer safeguards bażiċi. Irrid nenfasizza wkoll li dan is-settur jikkontribwixxi għal aktar minn 10% tal-GDP Malti, jimxi ma' standards stretti li jħarsu l-protezzjoni tal-konsumatur u joħloq impjiegi ta' kwalità.
M'hemm l-ebda Stat Membru li huwa espost daqs kemm hija Malta. U allura nkunu aħna l-Maltin l-aktar li nsofru minn din il-prattika u politika żbaljata li twarrab in-negozju mill-Unjoni Ewropea. Ejja ma naħlux ħin, ir-riżorsi jirrikjedu l-unanimità u għalina din il-proposta hija non-starter. Ma nistax nitkellem naturalment għad-determinazzjoni tal-gvern preżenti, diġà darba din l-idea hija mxejja mis-soċjalisti, imma ħa nkun ċar magħkom, gvern prospettiv Nazzjonalista din l-idea se jkun lest iwaqqafha anke jekk ikun hemm bżonn permezz tal-veto, mingħajr ebda telf ta' ħin. Allura ejja nagħmlu pjaċir lilna nfusna u nittrattaw dan is-suġġett bħala suġġett li għandu kompetenza biss l-Istati Membri.
Aħna m'għandniex kompetenza li nbiddlu dan u jekk ma nifhmux dan l-argument allura ma nkunux fhimna xejn. Grazzi ħafna.
There is a blue card for Mr. Negrescu, do you accept it?
Victor Negrescu
So dear colleague, first of all, again, Malta is losing money because of the illegal platforms. This is the first element and what's your opinion on this point? The second element which I think it's relevant, Malta will remain competitive because we are not affecting the national regulations, not at all, it's not about national regulations. And third and last I think it's crucial, this initiative was co-signed by EPP members as well, Renew members, Green members from all political sides and it was voted because it is included in the MFF report approved by this House. So it's a common initiative of the Parliament.
David Casa
Mela kif qed kont qed ngħid din il-proposta soċjalista tagħmel ħsara kbira lil Malta, din il-proposta soċjalista tagħmel dan l-ażżard illegali, din il-proposta soċjalista iva tibgħat kumpaniji li jaħdmu b'mod legali tibgħathom jaħdmu minn pajjiżi terzi tal-Unjoni Ewropea. Allura din il-proposta soċjalista hija ħażina u allura din għandha tkun kompetenza nazzjonali u m'għandniex bżonn ebda proposta soċjalista li tagħmel ħsara lis-suq Ewropew. Grazzi ħafna.
Speaker 411
There is an additional question David, yeah, because he has the right to make a second.
Victor Negrescu
To be clear, no one wants to have an impact on the companies in Malta, but companies present in Malta make their revenues on the Romanian market, on the German market, on the French market. So the single market is important. Do you support the single market for the betting industry? If you do that, then you support also European responsibility.
David Casa
Grazzi ħafna. Grazzi ħafna għall-mistoqsija tiegħek. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid.
Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid.
Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid.
Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Jiena naqbel ħafna ma' dak li qed tgħid. Grazzi ħafna.
Carla Tavares
Muito obrigada, senhora Presidente, senhor Comissário Serafin. A posição do Parlamento é clara no mandato que recebemos para o próximo quadro financeiro. Não podemos ter um orçamento da União que seja tímido nas suas ambições, mas curto também nas suas receitas. E concordamos que o próximo orçamento plurianual não pode ser um exercício de contenção disfarçado de ambição. Deve ser um verdadeiro instrumento de investimento e coesão, capaz de apoiar uma Europa que protege, que lidera e que está empenhada em reforçar a sua autonomia num mundo cada vez mais imprevisível.
Senhor Comissário, permita-me dizer-lhe que saudamos e apoiamos a abordagem da Comissão Europeia no sentido e na necessidade de encontrar novos recursos próprios. E neste Parlamento fazemos também esse exercício. Permitam-me uma palavra às duas correlatoras dos recursos próprios, parceiras neste desafio do próximo orçamento. A proposta que hoje também discutimos é um exemplo do nosso contributo para a ambição que partilhamos para o nosso próximo orçamento plurianual. E sabemos que não temos ilusões.
Um orçamento ambicioso e credível só se constrói com novas receitas e com um verdadeiro cabaz de novos recursos próprios. Sem novos recursos próprios, não teremos novas metas e não teremos nova ambição nem novos objetivos. E, portanto, esperamos que o debate de hoje seja também um contributo a bem da ambição europeia. Muito obrigada.
Ms Tavares, there is a blue card from Mr Oliveira. Do you accept it?
João Oliveira
Obrigado, senhora Presidente, senhora deputada Carla Tavares. A senhora deputada consegue garantir que, com a criação deste recurso próprio, a receita nacional do orçamento português com o imposto que é hoje aplicado sobre o jogo online se mantém? A senhora deputada consegue garantir que Portugal não vai perder essa receita do seu orçamento nacional por aplicação deste recurso próprio para financiar o orçamento da União Europeia? Segunda pergunta. Sustentam esta proposta com a ideia de que o jogo ilegal vai passar a ser taxado.
Mas se é ilegal, como é que ele vai passar a ser taxado? Tem de ser legalizado. Mas se ele é legalizado, por que é que não é sujeito à contribuição nacional e essa receita é transferida para o orçamento da União Europeia?
Carla Tavares
Muito obrigada, senhor deputado João Oliveira. Como se costuma dizer no nosso país, o caminho faz-se caminhando. E o que nós temos de ter é a capacidade e a disponibilidade de encontrar soluções e alternativas para a ambição que o senhor deputado sei que partilha para Portugal, tal como eu também partilho enquanto portuguesa. E este pode ser um caminho. E, portanto, como nós também costumamos dizer no nosso país, não devemos negar à partida uma ciência que desconhecemos.
E o que temos é que estar disponíveis para encontrar novas soluções. E esse tem sido o papel responsável dos grupos políticos pró-europeus neste Parlamento e tenho a certeza absoluta que assim continuará a ser. Muito obrigada, senhor deputado.
The next speaker is Lídia Pereira.
Lídia Pereira
Caros colegas, a possibilidade de termos mais dinheiro para o orçamento da União Europeia a partir do setor do jogo merece ser estudada com seriedade, pragmatismo e com sentido de responsabilidade. O crescimento deste setor é uma realidade incontornável. Mas também é incontornável que muitos operadores atuam para lá das fronteiras nacionais, exploram diferenças regulatórias e fragilidades no controlo e nos impostos. Perdemos todos os anos cerca de 20 mil milhões de euros em receita para o orçamento da União. Por isso sim, faz sentido avaliar se esta atividade pode financiar o orçamento da União.
Mas devemos ser claros: não basta procurar novas receitas. Para avançar é preciso um quadro regulatório exigente, com melhor supervisão e mais cooperação entre países. E tão ou mais importante é garantir mais proteção para os jogadores. Porque o jogo vicia, gera comportamentos aditivos, pode destruir a estabilidade financeira, as relações familiares e pôr em causa a saúde mental. Eu não quero uma União Europeia viciada em receitas do jogo.
Por isso, se este vier a ser um caminho, é preciso olhar com atenção para a publicidade ao jogo, seja nos media tradicionais como no espaço digital, passando pelos influenciadores. Porque se houver receita, tem de haver transparência e responsabilidade. Se houver regulação, tem de haver prevenção. E se houver uma decisão europeia, ela tem de proteger primeiro as pessoas e só depois o orçamento da União. Muito obrigada.
Thank you, there is a blue card again from Mr. Oliveira.
João Oliveira
Obrigado, senhora presidente, senhora deputada Lídia Pereira, uma vez que fez referência também ao jogo ilegal, insisto na pergunta que já fiz à senhora deputada Carla Tavares. Se há taxas que não são cobradas porque há jogo ilegal, como é que se cobram essas taxas sem legalizar o jogo? E legalizando o jogo, porque é que a receita que é cobrada com essas taxas não é receita nacional, porque é que há de ser receita retirada ao orçamento nacional e transferida para a União Europeia? E uma segunda pergunta a propósito da referência que fez em relação à dependência: como é que a senhora deputada acha que se pode articular a cobrança desta receita com o objetivo que deve ser prioritário de atacar a dependência do jogo e da adição que o jogo, inclusive o jogo online, provocam, particularmente entre os mais jovens?
Lídia Pereira
Senhor deputado, o senhor deputado sendo um institucionalista confia pouco nas instituições e portanto confia pouco na capacidade que as autoridades têm de fazer o seu trabalho e nomeadamente as autoridades policiais que têm responsabilidades em garantir que a lei é cumprida. Essa é o primeiro, a primeira resposta que tenho para lhe dar. A segunda é que a dependência ao jogo deve ser combatida e portanto falei em prevenção. É essencial que haja um pacto, eu diria, um pacto na sociedade para combater a dependência e os comportamentos aditivos que tantas vidas muitas vezes sacrificam e que colocam em perigo muitas famílias, em particular proteger as novas gerações, as gerações mais novas, por serem muitas vezes também mais propensas a estes perigos que muitas vezes estão presentes no espaço digital. Muito obrigada.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you. There is again a blue card, but it was not, no, it's not allowed. Sorry, I have to explain that, Mr. Germain, because the blue card was risen not during her speech but later. So I now again explain the rules. The blue card must be risen during the original speech, not during the answer.
No, it was not risen before. Sorry, no, it was not, we see that here on the device. Not during the answer, not as an add-on to the answer, just to the original speech, that is the rule. Sorry to say that, I just explain what the rules are. So Helder Sousa Silva, please.
Hélder Sousa Silva
Senhora Presidente, senhor Comissário, caros colegas, assegurar um financiamento adequado e previsível é um dos principais fatores para garantirmos o sucesso e a eficácia do orçamento europeu. A introdução de novas fontes de receita é fundamental permitir que a União dê resposta às novas necessidades e às atuais expectativas dos cidadãos, mas também das empresas. Para implementar as tradicionais e as novas prioridades políticas, é urgente definir novos recursos próprios, mas sem pedir mais contribuições dos orçamentos nacionais, nem aumentar os impostos aos contribuintes europeus e às empresas. Atualmente existem setores económicos que usufruem das vantagens do mercado único europeu, mas que pouco ou nada contribuem para o seu financiamento. Nesse sentido, quero salientar o sinal positivo dado por este Parlamento Europeu ao propor quatro potenciais fontes de receita, as quais urge analisar e operacionalizar, nomeadamente um recurso proveniente do setor dos jogos de azar e apostas online.
Além de ser uma fonte de receita atualmente não taxada, considero que esta é também uma questão de justiça e de equidade fiscal, dado que as apostas tradicionais offline já são taxadas. Ao definirmos as fontes de receita do orçamento, temos de garantir que todos os que beneficiam do projeto europeu contribuam de forma equitativa para o seu financiamento. Muito obrigado. President, today I don't accept blue cards because I'm trying to protect our our Commissioner Piotr Serafin and the level of this plenary, because it's too much. Thank you so much.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Gracias, señora presidenta, señor comisario. ¿Cuántas veces ha escuchado usted de esta parte del hemiciclo que no se puede hacer más con menos? Recursos propios, ¿de qué hablamos? Pues estamos hablando de fuentes de ingreso para la Unión Europea que vayan más allá del IVA, de las exacciones en frontera, de las transferencias de los presupuestos de los Estados miembros y de los nuevos impuestos, como al plástico, como al tabaco o a los residuos electrónicos. Ahora sí, gravar un modelo de negocio que es el juego online, que no solamente explota las vulnerabilidades de segmentos de población de la Unión Europea, sino que puede disuadirlo, generando recursos para la financiación de las nuevas ambiciones de la Unión Europea.
Pero ese no es el fin de la historia. Para que la Unión Europea pueda cumplir su designio de tener defensa y seguridad y no se lleve por delante ni la política de cohesión, ni de solidaridad, ni la política regional, ni la agrícola común, debe ser capaz también de poner en marcha programas de endeudamiento común como el ensayado con el Next Generation. Deuda común europea y recursos propios son la única forma de que podamos hacer más con más. Gracias, presidenta.
Michael McNamara
Thank you very much, Madam Vice-President. I very much welcome this debate. Ireland, which I, or part of which I represent in this House, already has a gambling tax of 2% levy on all bets laid in Ireland and 2% levy equally on online bets in Ireland. I've no problem with increasing that tax. I mean, clearly gambling is a major issue.
It's an issue that's destroying particularly young lives as we see more and more young people becoming addicted to gambling. We know sports stars etc. telling their stories. And I mean, I think we should follow the policy of taxing things that are bad and seeking to reduce taxes on things that are good. So I've no problem with it whatsoever. My only question would be if this EU tax comes in, will that be as well as national taxes or will it somehow be instead of national taxes, which I would have a problem with.
So I would welcome clarification from the Commissioner on that. But in principle, I have no problem whatsoever with taxing the gambling industry and taxing them heavily for the damage that they're causing in society.
Thank you very much. And now I pass the floor again for the reply of the Commissioner. Mr. Serafin, you have the floor.
Piotr Serafin
Thank you, Madam President. Thank you for this debate. I have a few reflections. The first one is related to the many of the voices I have heard here. Formally speaking, the topic is a new own resource, but in practice, what we are debating today, we are debating today whether in the next multi-annual budget there will be enough of resources to finance our common priorities.
This is the very nature of this debate. And I think we have to be honest. If we want to have funds for cohesion policy, for agriculture policy, for research and development, for competitiveness, it's not enough to talk only how to spend money. We also need to talk about how to collect the resources so that we can finance common policies. And that I think everyone should remember.
Sometimes I appreciate if there are voices, if there are people, and there are people, including in this room, that don't want to see common agriculture policy, that don't want to see cohesion policy. Then I really understand they have a right to be against own resources. But if you support common European policies, you need to also engage into a common process of looking for the way to finance the EU budget. So that would be my first reflection. The second one, I said at the beginning, we are still working on the assessment of the proposal of the European Parliament.
But I would appeal to you, I have heard some voices even today, and I'm aware that there is no perfect candidate for new own resources. And I know that also the package that we have presented with five candidates, there is a criticism from that or the other corner. And you have heard it also today, we are discussing about the online gambling, but even on that topic, you will find critical voices. There will be critical voices on each and every proposal. But we should not, when we will be reflecting about your proposals, it is not our intention to replace the package which is already on the table.
It will be rather to complement it with some new ideas that come from the European Parliament. The third reflection, I was thanking you already for the interim report, but what I want to also share with you, and this is a source of my own optimism. You put on table three new ideas, but I also know, we all know, because it was said by the President of the European Council after the first discussion among the heads of states and governments, that there were many heads of states and governments that approach with an open mind your ideas.
And that's also the reason why I'm getting a bit more optimistic that maybe we will manage to build something on that on that basis. And finally, because there were also some concrete questions, indeed I'm not in a position right now to give concrete answers. As I said at the beginning, we are working on the assessment of your proposals. They will be published, I believe, relatively soon and you will get get them. But I also have to be clear, we were tasked by you and we were also asked by the President of the European Council to work on the assessment of the European Parliament's proposal.
And I really appreciate that the European Parliament took an active role in this exercise because, as I have already said on many occasions, this topic is politically sensitive and your support is and will remain crucial to find a good agreement. Thank you very much.
Roberts Zīle
Paldies, komisāra kungs. Godātie kolēģi, debates ir slēgtas par šo dienas kārtības punktu. Nākamais darba kārtības punkts ir debates par cilvēktiesību, demokrātijas un tiesiskuma principu pārkāpumiem, reglamenta 150. pants. Un sāksim ar autoriem. Pirmajam vārdam, pirmais vārds tiek dots Ivo Davor Stier.
So floor is yours when you are ready.
Davor Ivo Stier
Hvala predsjedniče, kolegice i kolege. Iranski režim nastavlja gušiti vlastite građane proizvoljnim uhićenjima, mučenjem, prisilnim nestancima i pogubljenjima. Žene koje traže dostojanstvo, studenti koji traže slobodu, novinari koji govore istinu te vjerske manjine poput bahajske zajednice i kršćana progone se samo zato što pokušavaju koristiti svoja temeljna prava. Ujedinjeni narodi upozorili su na pogubljenja, tisuće uhićenja, mučenja, progon manjina od početka posljednjeg vala sukoba. Organizacije za ljudska prava i dalje upozoravaju da je Iran država s najvećim brojem pogubljenja u svijetu po stanovniku.
A ipak ova se tragedija odvija u zemlji čija civilizacija prije više od 2500 godina svijetu dala jedan od najranijih izraza vlasti utemeljene na pravdi i ljudskom dostojanstvu. Mislim na Kirov cilindar. On je postao simbol poštovanja dostojanstva, različitosti i tolerancije. I stoga kažem da iranski narod doista zaslužuje budućnost dostojnu te baštine. Danas kada govorimo o Iranu, govorimo puno i o poštivanju međunarodnog prava, ali moramo se onda prisjetiti da moramo krenuti s poštivanjem UN-ove deklaracije o ljudskim pravima.
Nažalost, sustav Ujedinjenih naroda s potpunom blokadom u Vijeću sigurnosti nije učinio ono što je morao da se spase životi u Iranu. Jer držati se međunarodnog prava znači ne samo poštivati suverenitet svake države, već učiniti i to da svaka država poštuje i ljudska prava. Jer zar je važnije poštivati suverena prava jednog režima od ljudskog dostojanstva Iranaca? I upravo zbog toga je potrebno pokazati to djelima, a to pokazujemo ovom rezolucijom koju ja pozivam da je podržite.
Alessandra Moretti
Paldies. Tagad vārds nākamajam autoram Alessandra Moretti, lūdzu.
Ci sono tante cose che potremmo dire parlando dell'attuale tragica situazione in Iran. Si sono superati gli 80 giorni di blackout che ha lasciato 92 milioni di persone senza internet e senza la possibilità di comunicare. L'inflazione ha toccato livelli insostenibili, ci sono 40 milioni di persone sotto la soglia di povertà. E gli attacchi condotti fuori da ogni regola del diritto internazionale continuano ad uccidere civili innocenti. Ma c'è un tema urgente, i prigionieri politici che nelle carceri continuano a subire violenze e abusi sessuali, a cui viene negato di incontrare la famiglia, l'avvocato o di ricevere cure mediche.
E la situazione è urgente in particolare per coloro che sono stati condannati a morte. L'Iran ha il più alto tasso di condanne a morte del mondo e sta utilizzando la guerra in corso come copertura per accelerare ulteriormente le esecuzioni. L'Unione Europea non può guardare dall'altra parte. Serve ampliare la portata delle sanzioni europee puntando alle autorità responsabili dei massacri di gennaio e della successiva ondata di esecuzioni. Serve aprire canali legali per l'asilo agli iraniani perseguitati e astenersi da qualsiasi rimpatrio forzato.
Serve favorire il dialogo assicurandosi che la popolazione iraniana, comprese tutte le sue minoranze, sia protagonista. Grazie.
Adam Bielan
Mr. President, the barbaric Iranian regime is exploiting regional conflict as a cover to terrorize its own people. Thousands of protesters, dissidents and political prisoners have faced arbitrary detention, torture and execution. Families are denied the bodies of the executed while internet blackouts conceal the regime's crimes. Christians, labeled as Mossad mercenaries, together with other religious minorities, continue to suffer systematic persecution simply because of their faith and identity. Forced confessions, raids on house churches and politically motivated detentions have become instruments of state repression.
For too long the international community has failed the people of Iran. We cannot remain silent while political prisoners are executed and fundamental rights crushed. We must demand an immediate halt to executions, the release of political prisoners, stronger sanctions against regime officials and real accountability for these crimes. We must finally stand firm with the victims of this brutal regime.
Helmut Brandstätter
Paldies, vārds autoram Helmut Brandstätter kungam arī autoram.
Mr. President, dear Commissioner, the streets of Iran are stained with blood of tens of thousand citizens murdered for daring to demand freedom. Over 1,600 have been hanged by a regime that used the death penalty as a tool of terror. The only crime is that they were hoping. Women are beaten, killed for the crime of showing their hair while the families of the oppressors sip champagne in Paris, shop in Milan and send their kids to fine schools in London. The EU cannot tolerate a regime that executes its people in the morning and lets enjoy the elites in the evening.
Sanctions must target the IRGC, the judiciary, the supreme leader's inner circle. Their assets in Europe must be frozen, their visas must be revoked, their diplomats outposts used for repression must be shut down. And to the Iranian people I want to say, we hear you, we are on your side. And to the Council, act now. The time for half measures is over.
Dear colleagues, when we speak about Iran these days we speak about missiles, nuclear enrichment, the Strait of Hormuz.
Hannah Neumann
But for millions of Iranians, geopolitics looks very different. It looks like waiting outside prison gates for news of your family, like being cut off from the internet, from information, from the world, like being forgotten by the very powers who claim to act in your name. The Islamic regime does not survive through repression and violence alone. It survives by making people feel invisible, by making them believe that nobody's coming, nobody's listening, and nobody will care long enough to act. This regime is testing more than prison walls and digital blackouts.
It is testing us. Will Europe's values survive a moment of crisis, or will human rights disappear as soon as negotiations and short-sighted interests begin? Iran's political prisoners and digital blackout are a geopolitical question, and we must live up to that by placing the people of Iran at the core of our negotiation agenda and by ensuring that the Revolutionary Guard can no longer operate without impunity on European soil.
Paldies. Vārds autoram António Tânger Corrêa, lūdzu.
António Tânger Corrêa
Senhor Presidente, Senhora Comissária, caros colegas. Não há pior crime do que matar os nossos. Não há pior crime do que trucidar as nossas populações, dezenas de milhares de pessoas. Pior, não há pior crime do que ter mercenários do Paquistão e do Afeganistão para matar os nossos cidadãos. Isto é o regime islâmico do Irão.
Enforcar atletas olímpicos, enforcar jovens só porque foram para a rua dizer não ao regime. Isto é impensável, porque hoje não se pode passar neste nosso mundo. Crianças, mulheres, homens, terceira idade, todos eles trucidados por este regime que é um regime sem piedade, sem dó e que apenas pensa em se manter no poder. Meus caros amigos, a mudança tem que vir de dentro do Irão. A mudança não pode vir de fora, tem que vir de dentro.
Tem que ser o povo iraniano a mudar o regime. Tem que ser o povo iraniano a vir para a rua e dizer basta. Mas nós temos que o apoiar. Nós não podemos deixá-los cair como fizemos no passado. Nós fizemos muito mal ao povo iraniano não os apoiando a fundo.
Desta vez, quando eles vierem para a rua, nós temos que dizer viva a liberdade, viva o povo iraniano, viva a sua cultura. Muito obrigado.
Paldies. Vārds Eiropas Tautas partijas grupas vārdā Nicolas Pascual De La Parte, lūdzu.
Nicolás Pascual de la Parte
Thank you, Chairman. When we talk about Iran, we are talking of the most repressive regimes in the world. Only this year, for four months, they have executed as many as 32 persons, second only to China. But last year, in 2025, they carried out as many as 2,100 executions, the first country in the world in carrying out executions. In addition to this, with the people uprising since January, they have killed around 20 to 30,000 people, nobody knows.
And again, they are fabricating crimes and accusations and torture people like the cousins Bahman Bahman-Ranaimi and Borna Ranaimi belonging to the Baha'is community, and as many as eight political prisoners executed for their affiliation to opposition PMOI.
At least 11 more face the same fate on similar fake charges, among them the student Ehsan Faridi, the boxing champion Mohammad Javad Vafaei Sani, and the engineer Faraz Sabat Tabari. We demand the stop the executions and to strengthen our sanctions against them and at least a moratorium of the executions. Thank you very much.
Evin Incir
The mullah regime has waged a war against its own people, both inside Iran and beyond its borders. It is a war against Iranian women and youth who continue to courageously stand up for freedom, dignity, and democracy. The regime shuts down the internet to hide its crime from the world, but if anything should be shut down, it is the regime's machinery of repression and death. We have witnessed rising execution, brutal prosecutions of religious and ethnic minorities, and violent crackdowns on journalists, human rights defenders, and activists. We have also seen attacks against Iranian Kurdish political groups seeking refuge in Southern Kurdistan through missile attacks against them.
Yes, actions by Israel and United States may have violated international law, but that does not lessen the brutality of the regime in Tehran. We must increase pressure and ensure sanctions are truly enforced. We have a duty to protect innocent lives.
Roberts Zīle
Paldies. Vārds Eiropas Konservatīvo un reformistu grupas vārdā Veronika Vrecionová.
Veronika Vrecionová
Vážený pane předsedo, vážená paní komisařko. Extremistická teokratická diktatura, která masově vraždí své vlastní obyvatele a šíří teror v širokém okolí. To je současný režim v Íránu. Režim moc dobře ví, že nemá vnitřní oporu ani legitimitu, a proto se musí držet u moci silou. Zvlášť cílí na etnické a náboženské menšiny, na ženy, nezávislé novináře, bojovníky za lidská práva a názorové oponenty.
Represe a násilí, kterých se režim dopouští, jsou jasným porušením lidských práv a zločinem proti lidskosti. Všichni exponenti a podporovatelé režimu, nejen ti z revolučních gard, musí skončit na sankčním seznamu a do budoucna před soudním tribunálem, aby se zodpovídali ze svých zločinů. A jejich rodiny se nesmí do Evropy už ani podívat, natož aby zde žily nebo studovaly. Děkuji.
Petras Auštrevičius
Paldies. Renew Europe grupas vārdā runās Petras Auštrevičius, lūdzu.
Mr. Chair, Madam Commissioner, non-present Council, dear colleagues. The Iranian regime continues its ruthless and bloody crackdown on its perceived internal enemies, the political opposition, the civil society, in an effort to cling onto power at any cost.
The international community must respond promptly and appropriately to the regime's crimes against humanity and political persecutions using all available means. I call on the European Union and its member states to initiate a special United Nations tribunal to investigate the crimes committed by the Iranian regime against its civil society and opposition. It is crucial that those responsible for those crimes are brought to justice and held accountable. In the name of family of Vahid Benyamin, recently executed, I call on you, colleagues, to work together for justice and accountability. In the face of the challenges of the war in the Middle East, we cannot turn a blind eye to the Iranian ongoing repressions within the country.
Thank you.
Mounir Satouri
Profitant du chaos régional provoqué par les attaques israélo-américaines, Téhéran intensifie sa guerre implacable contre son propre peuple. On est nombreux à s'en indigner, et c'est normal. La terreur que fait régner le régime est abjecte. On est un peu moins nombreux à soutenir une politique étrangère qui finance la société civile afin de documenter les violations du droit humain. On est encore moins nombreux à soutenir une politique étrangère qui permette d'accorder des visas aux populations maltraitées.
On est encore moins nombreux à exiger la protection réelle pour toutes celles et tous ceux qui demandent la liberté. Et toujours moins nombreux à soutenir tout le spectre des forces politiques démocratiques en Iran, quand certains ici feraient déjà de Pahlavi leur candidat pour l'Iran de demain, au mépris de l'expression du peuple iranien. Je vous invite, je nous invite, j'invite l'exécutif européen à tirer l'ensemble des conséquences de notre condamnation unanime du régime des mollahs et à ne pas répéter les erreurs du passé.
Reinhold Lopatka
Dear colleagues, behind the headlines of war and geopolitical confrontation, the Iranian regime is intensifying its repression against its own people. And it was mentioned already. Amnesty International published this Monday that at least 2,159 executions have been taken in 2025. Protesters are shot, students and journalists are detained, and torture and forced confessions remain instruments of repression. And also religious minorities, Christians and Bahá'ís are persecuted simply because of their beliefs.
And while the world is distracting, the regime tightens its grip through fear, isolation, and violation. I think Europe must have a clear answer. We need targeted sanctions against judges who sign death sentences, prison officials who oversee torture, and against Islamic Revolutionary Guard commanders who enforce repression. Regime change must remain the goal. The brave people of Iran deserve it.
Andreas Schieder
Sehr geehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen, noch nie war die Ablehnung des iranischen Regimes durch die eigene, durch die iranische Bevölkerung größer als jetzt. Und der Preis, den die Bevölkerung dafür zahlt für diesen Widerstand, ist ein sehr hoher, denn die grenzenlose Brutalität, die des Regimes, kann auch den Widerstand der Bevölkerung nicht stoppen. Und daher ist es ganz wichtig, dass wir hier von diesem Ort aus noch mal erinnern: Es braucht die Freilassung der politischen Gefangenen.
Es braucht einen internationalen Gerichtshof, der auch dann die Mullahs und die Revolutionsgarden zur Rechenschaft und Verantwortung zieht. Und wir brauchen eine Unterstützung der politischen Opposition im Land, und zwar jener Opposition, die eine demokratische Zukunft für den Iran will. Ich habe da so meine Zweifel, ob eine Unterstützung des Schah-Sohns hier der richtige Weg ist. Und wir müssen diese demokratischen Kräfte unterstützen für einen demokratischen Iran, einen Iran, der multiethnisch ist, der multireligiös ist, der den Frauen und den Minderheiten im Land auch wieder ihren Raum gibt in der Demokratie. Dafür müssen wir eintreten und dafür kämpft auch das Volk im Iran.
Paldies, vārds Arkadiusz Mularczyk kungam, lūdzu.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
W Iranie od grudnia 2025 roku trwa krwawa rozprawa z własnymi obywatelami. Setki tysięcy aresztowanych, dziesiątki tysięcy zamordowanych na ulicach i w więzieniach. Władze wykorzystują regionalny konflikt jako przykrywkę, by przyspieszyć egzekucje więźniów politycznych, konfiskować majątki rodzin i odmawiać wydania ciał pomordowanych obywateli. Chrześcijan nazywa się najemnikami Mossadu, niszczy się kościoły domowe, a torturowanych zmusza się do składania fałszywych zeznań. Sytuacja milionów Irańczyków nie ulegnie poprawie tak długo, jak zbrodniczy reżim ajatollahów będzie przy władzy.
Dlatego nadszedł najwyższy czas, aby przywódcy niektórych krajów Unii Europejskiej przestali sprzyjać tej władzy w Iranie, robiąc na złość Stanom Zjednoczonym i prezydentowi Trumpowi, tylko dlatego, że nie są w stanie wyzbyć się niechęci do nowej administracji amerykańskiej. Unia Europejska musi jasno opowiedzieć się po stronie irańskiego narodu, a nie po stronie jego oprawców.
Dainius Žalimas
Paldies, vārds Dainius Žalimas, lūdzu.
Dear colleagues, the Iranian regime has used the current conflict to intensify repression and political executions. Thousands of political prisoners currently remain at risk. First, we must not allow impunity. Every Iranian official who signs a death warrant or participates in torture must face targeted EU sanctions. Second, there are also legal tools already available.
Under universal jurisdiction, states can prosecute grave international crimes regardless of where they were committed. Lithuania is already using this principle to investigate crimes against humanity committed by the Belarusian regime. Third, the Council of Europe is establishing a special tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine. Why not to explore similar mechanism for crimes committed by the Iranian regime? And finally, the intensified repression proves that resistance still exists inside Iran, and Europe must stand with those fighting for freedom.
Thank you.
Ľuboš Blaha
Paldies, vārds Ľuboš Blaha kungam, lūdzu.
Toto tu je ohňostroj farizejstva. Oháňate sa tu ľudskými právami v Iráne a v skutočnosti tým len prekrývate vojnové zločiny Spojených štátov a Izraela. Ste takí istí ako Američania, len falošnejší. Skrývate sa za vaše liberálne ideológie, ale výsledkom je len podpora vojny a západného imperializmu. Blabocete o politických väzňoch v Iráne či na Kube a nevadia vám americké masové vraždy detí, genocída v Gaze či americká blokáda Kuby.
Vám nejde o ľudské životy, inak by ste nemohli tolerovať fašistov ako je Netanjahu či Ben-Gvir. Vám vadí len to, že Irán či Kuba idú vlastnou cestou a odmietajú západný diktát. Stále máte v sebe ten odpudivý imperiálny inštinkt ešte z čias vášho koloniálneho besnenia. A preto na jednej strane tu Leyenová udeľuje trápne ocenenia skorumpovanému Zelenskému, ale iránskych detí či kubánskych detí sa zastať nevie. Aj preto, že ste pokrytci, vami Rusi tak pohŕdajú.
Vy ani len víťazstvo nad fašizmom nejdete v Moskve osláviť, pretože pre vás to nie je víťazstvo nad fašizmom, ale porážka od Nemecka, porážka od Ruska.
Vždy budete nenávidieť Rusko, Irán, Kubu a ďalšie národy, ktoré pred vami nikdy nepokľaknú. My Slováci chceme mier, vy ste vojna.
Thank you. Please conclude. You have a blue card from Nerudová 104. Would you accept? 104.
Danuše Nerudová
Thank you. You have been speaking here very, very loudly about what we should do, that we should care about the children in Cuba. My question is, what have you done for them? Have you done the resolution for them? What have you done as the member of this House for them?
Thank you.
Speaker 438
Dear lady, I was in Cuba few months ago and I was helping these children. I was talking to them. I was helping the families. I was sending the money. Yes, I was trying to help them.
And what are you doing for Cubans? You are supporting the American blockade which are suffering them, which are suffocating them. This is the solution. This is the hypocrisy of European Union. We should stand against American blockade.
We should stand against American imperialism. This is my answer.
Okay, so next speaker is Lukas Mandl.
Lukas Mandl
Thank you, Chair, Commissioner, colleagues. It's a late hour in the European Parliament and we address again the Iranian people of our full solidarity against the threats by the own regime. It's impressive how the Iranian people, a large number of them, definitely are fighting this regime and it will be important not only for these people and generations ahead in Iran, but for the whole world that the mullah regime will come to an end, that there will be established democracy, rule of law, a parliamentary system. This is what each country deserves, this is what Iran deserves, the Iranians deserve. But the world will need it because the Iranian regime, the mullah regime is not only threatening its own people, killing its own people, but killing people all around the world via its proxies, terrorist organizations such as Hezbollah, Hamas.
Also in Europe, the Iranian regime, the mullahs are active with their Islamistic terrorism. I always emphasize Islamism and Islam is not the same. It's a huge difference. The one is terrorism, the other thing is religion, deserves freedom of religion, very important part of our civilization, which we must uphold via connecting the dots. It's the same regime that's threatening the global West and its own citizens.
Giorgio Gori
Presidente, colleghi, nel 2023 l'Iran ha giustiziato più di 800 persone, il doppio dell'anno prima. Da 45 anni non si registravano numeri simili nel mondo. Non sono statistiche. Sono uomini, donne, minori mandati al patibolo per aver esercitato la propria libertà di pensiero e di parola. Cittadini impiccati o lapidati con l'accusa inventata di complicità con gli Stati Uniti o con Israele.
Il regime usa la forca come strumento di controllo e di repressione. Dopo i massacri di gennaio le esecuzioni continuano, 26 prigionieri giustiziati da marzo, centinaia di altri in attesa nel braccio della morte, in molti casi sottoposti a torture. L'Unione Europea ha il dovere di sanzionare duramente i responsabili e di fare ogni sforzo per fermare le esecuzioni e ottenere il rilascio dei prigionieri politici. Tocca a noi al Parlamento premere perché non si perda altro tempo.
Yes, thank you very much, colleagues, we now have catch-the-eye.
I have three speakers on my list. Kajai, it's not a blue card. It's not a blue card. It's not a blue card, so... Grazie.
First speaker on catch-the-eye would be Juan Fernando López Aguilar.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Thank you, President. Comisionado, desde 2025 y particularmente después de la ofensiva lanzada contra Irán por los gobiernos de Trump y Netanyahu, la represión se ha recrudecido. Y por tanto, a los miles de muertos de la represión, mujeres heroicas, menores, estudiantes, ahora se suman las ejecuciones en el curso de la guerra de agresión contra Irán que muchos hemos denunciado por ilegal. Y sin embargo, la Unión Europea no puede permanecer impasible ante esa violación masiva de la Convención de Derechos del Niño que supone ejecución de menores de edad que se ensaña no solamente con la tradicional minoría bahaí, sino indistintamente contra cualquiera que proteste contra la perpetuación del régimen de los mulás y los ayatolás. Por tanto, la Unión Europea, que ha tenido en este Parlamento Europeo el apoyo para las medidas restrictivas, incluido declarar terrorista a la Guardia Revolucionaria, debe emplear toda la potencia diplomática de su delegación en Irán y de las embajadas de sus Estados miembros para poner fin a esta violencia infinita del régimen de los mulás.
Gracias, Presidente.
Michael McNamara
Thank you very much, President. Amnesty International recorded 2,707 executions in Iran in 2025, an increase of 78% from the previous year, 2024. I join colleagues in unequivocally condemning the death penalty. It has no place in a civilized society, be it Iran, one of the oldest civilizations in the world, China, or the United States. 47 of those executed last year were for politically motivated charges, according to Amnesty International.
Since the US and Israel have attacked Iran on the 28th of February, the UN has verified the execution of at least 32 political prisoners, which again I have no problem in joining in criticizing and condemning. However, it is the silence of this House regarding those illegal attacks on Iran that equally I have a problem with. It undermines our authority, it undermines our credibility to criticize these gross violations of international law and human rights in Iran. There were 2,100 civilians killed by the illegal attacks according to Time Magazine, which is not a known propagandist of Iran. 503...
Roberts Zīle
Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you very much, so... Your micro is switched off. Please, please stop.
Your micro is switched off, colleague. Colleague, please be careful, so I have to be equal to everybody, fair, and I will do it. And please respect others as well. So, next speaker, Marc Botenga.
Marc Botenga
Thank you, President. I must say I'm shocked about how selective this Parliament is in calling out human rights abuses. I mean, how is it possible that many, several of you that are now condemning human rights violations in Iran just came back from a mission to Saudi Arabia, an absolute monarchy? And then you have the official press statement, and it goes from the far right of Mr. Tangher-Corea to even the Greens, Ms. Hannah Neumann, saying that there is a good parliamentary diplomacy with Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia doesn't have a parliament.
That our partnership is based on shared values. They execute hundreds of people every year. These are not shared values. And then we pretend to care about human rights in Iran. Well, it depends which human rights.
But indeed, this Parliament will condemn repression, death penalty by the Iranian government, but refuses to condemn the illegal attacks of the US and Israel that have killed 150 school kids. 150 school kids, and this Parliament is unable to condemn that. That's a hypocrisy that makes all credibility of this House go away.
Roberts Zīle
Colleagues, we are closing catch-the-eye procedure, and now I would like to take for the Commission floor, Executive Vice-President Minzat, floor is yours.
Roxana Mînzatu
Thank you, dear Chair, honorable members. The human rights situation in Iran has been deeply worrying for years. The repression of internal dissent, restrictions of civil space and freedom of expression are of particular concern. Widespread discrimination and restrictions against persons belonging to ethnic and religious minorities persist, adding to a very grim picture. The situation of women and girls who continue to face systematic discrimination also deserves urgent attention.
Against this backdrop, the high pace of executions is appalling. According to some sources, there were more than 2,000 executions in 2025, representing a significant increase compared to 2024, with at least 600 reported so far in 2026. The EU has a strong, principled and long-standing opposition to the death penalty in all circumstances. But we are even more alarmed in this case because executions have been increasingly used as a means of suppressing internal dissent, targeting protesters, dissidents and political prisoners. Earlier this year, the designation of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization has sent a clear message.
There can be no impunity for the brutal repression of peaceful demonstrations. Fundamental rights, such as freedom of opinion and expression, must be respected. And while we welcome the release on bail of Nobel Peace Prize laureate Narges Mohammadi, we strongly condemn the continued arbitrary detention of many lawyers, journalists and human rights defenders and call on Iran to release them without ado. Since 2011, the European Union has adopted a robust set of targeted restrictive measures against individuals and entities responsible for serious human rights violations in Iran, and this approach will continue as long as necessary. In the UN context, the EU, together with member states, is mobilized in the Human Rights Council and remains a strong supporter of the work of accountability mechanisms, including the International Independent Fact-Finding Mission and the Special Rapporteur on human rights in Iran.
Honorable members. Throughout multiple channels, we call on Iranian authorities to immediately end the practice of imposing and carrying out death sentences against protesters, dissidents and political prisoners, and to release all those unjustly arrested while exercising their legitimate right to freedom of expression.
Our message is clear and unwavering. The new leadership in Tehran must understand that it is time to change Iran's behavior towards its own people and towards the rest of the world. Until then, European Union will continue to respond to developments in Iran, including through targeted restrictive measures, and will continue to support the fundamental aspiration of the people of Iran for a future where their human rights and fundamental freedoms are respected, are protected, and are fulfilled. Thank you.
Roberts Zīle
Liels paldies, kolēģi, šīs debates tagad ir slēgtas. Esmu saņēmis septiņu rezolūcijas priekšlikumus, un balsošana par šo jautājumu notiks rītdien. Nākamais debašu nākamās debašu darba kārtībā: sieviešu un meiteņu stāvoklis Afganistānā pēc Talibāna pieņemtā kriminālprocesa kodeksa tiesām. Un došu vārdu autoriem, sākšu ar Danušen Rudovas kundzi, lūdzu.
Danuše Nerudová
Thank you. Since the allies left Afghanistan, nobody cares anymore. Roughly at the same time, Taliban started systematically erasing women from society and public life, but we are deaf and blind. Afghan women are the only women in the world being banned from secondary education. They cannot study in high school, they cannot study at university, they cannot become doctors.
They cannot laugh, they cannot sing, they cannot even hear the voices of other women in public. They are not allowed to go parks, they are not allowed to see doctor alone. They cannot be ministers, they cannot be president, they cannot be the members of parliament. The only thing they are allowed is to give birth to children, to serve a regime that treats them as property. This is slavery, nothing more, nothing else and less.
So it's up to us to be their voices, to be the voices of invisible Afghan women, to tell their stories, to tell the world what is happening since they cannot, and to create the pressure on the international community to start to care.
Leire Pajín
Paldies. Tagad vārds autorei Leire Pajín kundzei, lūdzu.
Señora comisaria, las mujeres y los derechos de las mujeres siempre han sido la causa y también la excusa de los diálogos políticos, de las presencias militares en Afganistán. Sin embargo, en algunas ocasiones hemos tenido la sensación de que cuando los aliados decidieron abandonar Afganistán y las cámaras dejaron de estar allí, el peso de las mujeres dejó de estar tan presente. Y lo digo porque hoy la situación de las mujeres en Afganistán es mucho peor que entonces. Y es importante dejar bien claro que hoy Afganistán sigue siendo un país en absoluto seguro. Por eso nunca pensamos que la Comisión iba a pasar todas las líneas rojas: querer legitimar y hablar con el régimen talibán, con quienes son responsables del apartheid permanente de las mujeres, quienes han despojado a las mujeres de todo derecho, a la educación, a la sanidad, pero también al socorro en momentos absolutamente fundamentales.
Por eso pedimos hoy aquí al Partido Popular que hablen con los Estados miembros para que garanticen la obligación de proteger y de enviar ayuda humanitaria a las mujeres; a la Comisión para que no legitime en ningún caso a los talibanes y para hablar, si hay que hablar con ellos alguna vez, de derechos humanos y en ningún caso de deportaciones, porque lo que importa aquí son las mujeres y los derechos humanos.
Thank you, Chair, Madam Commissioner. I have a question for some in this chamber. Are you more comfortable with our European Commission talking to the Taliban or to Greenpeace?
Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle
The Taliban receives the privilege of deal-making with the entire European Union, and some of you seem fine with it. Why? Because of migration. And yes, getting migration under control is important, but so is maintaining a minimum of decency and standards. Europeans died, died to give Afghan women and girls rights, so no, we do not legitimize the Taliban, ever.
What's next? We talk to the Iranian Revolutionary Guards? Maybe ask the Ayatollahs to give a keynote speech here in the plenary? Some colleagues on the right seem more willing to talk to international terrorists than to European civil society, and I sure hope they're not a majority. Those who carry out crimes against humanity should never set foot on European soil without passing the Hague's International Criminal Court first.
Thank you.
Mélissa Camara
Mes chers collègues, en septembre 2024, cette assemblée, à une très large majorité et avec des voix de toutes les familles politiques, a adopté une résolution qui dénonçait l'apartheid de genre imposé par le régime des Talibans. Dans cette même résolution, nous condamnions les gouvernements qui contribuent à normaliser leurs relations avec les Talibans. Et pour cause, nous nous sommes toujours indignés des crimes commis par ce régime, toutes les persécutions commises à l'encontre des femmes, des personnes LGBT, des défenseuses et défenseurs des droits humains, de toutes celles et ceux qui refusent la terreur et l'effacement. Et qu'apprenons-nous aujourd'hui? La Commission européenne envisage d'inviter des représentants des Talibans pour discuter du retour des ressortissants afghans, procédant ainsi à une forme de normalisation diplomatique.
Quelle honte! Quel renoncement aux valeurs et principes sur lesquels se fonde notre Union, la défense des droits humains, de l'égalité et de la dignité humaine. Ça ne peut pas être à géométrie variable selon les intérêts politiques du moment. Je me tourne vers la droite de cet hémicycle, vous qui êtes si prompts à dénoncer les violences et crimes de ce régime, comment pouvez-vous cautionner une telle faillite morale et humaine? Et je me tourne vers la Commission, ne sacrifiez pas nos principes au nom d'une politique migratoire toujours plus cynique.
Ne franchissez pas cette ligne rouge. Ne vous rendez pas coupables de cette faute morale et politique. Merci.
Speaker 444
Se una donna afghana viene picchiata con un bastone dal marito fino a che non le spacca le ossa, e se la stessa donna riesce a provare davanti a un giudice che è stato lui a conciarla così, questo uomo rischia quindici giorni di carcere. Se però lo stesso uomo maltratta il proprio cane, la pena è di cinque mesi. Cinque mesi contro quindici giorni di carcere. Questo è il nuovo codice di procedura penale secondo i talebani. Donne sottomesse, donne picchiate, donne costrette al velo, donne costrette al burqa, donne che non possono lavorare, che non possono studiare, che non possono uscire da sole.
I talebani in nome di Allah e della Sharia negano sistematicamente i diritti fondamentali delle donne, e voi come rispondete? Avete invitato ufficialmente i talebani a Bruxelles. Insomma, legittimate chi calpesta in ogni modo, ogni giorno, le donne e i loro diritti. È inaccettabile, vergognatevi. Ma mi rivolgo a voi, femministe di sinistra, ma dove siete finite?
Battete un colpo se ancora esistete.
Paldies, vārds autorei Małgorzata Gosiewska. Vārds Małgorzata Gosiewska, kolēģe, lūdzu, aicinu uz pulti.
Małgorzata Gosiewska
The floor is yours, yeah.
Dziękuję. Szanowni Państwo, od przejęcia władzy przez talibów w 2021 roku Afganistan stał się więzieniem dla kobiet i dziewcząt. Odebrano im prawo do edukacji, pracy, swobodnego przemieszczania się i godnego życia. Co więcej, 4 stycznia tego roku talibowie po cichu wprowadzili nowe przepisy, które legalizują niewolnictwo, kary cielesne wobec dzieci, brak kary za brak modlitwy, ograniczają prawo do obrony i czynią przywódców religijnych nietykalnymi. Parlament Europejski od pięciu lat wzywa do poszanowania praw człowieka, praw kobiet, prawa do edukacji, opieki zdrowotnej.
Jakie efekty? Sytuacja kobiet i dzieci stale się pogarsza, ale, Szanowni Państwo, nie tylko w Afganistanie. Wzrasta poziom biedy w państwach Unii Europejskiej, a migranci, szczególnie spoza naszego kontynentu, nie akceptują europejskiej wizji i roli kobiety w społeczeństwie. Chciałabym postawić pytanie o siłę polityczną Unii Europejskiej w starciu ze złem tego świata. Mam wrażenie, że ogranicza się ona wyłącznie do deklaracji.
Dziękuję.
Paldies. Vārds autorei tagad Hanna Gedin, lūdzu.
Hanna Gedin
Fem miljoner mammor och barn svälter i Afghanistan. Kvinnor och flickor berövas sin frihet, sin utbildning och sin framtid. Talibanerna de avrättar, torterar och tystar all kritik. Och mitt i allt detta helvete, vad gör EU? Jo, bjuder in talibanerna till Bryssel.
Den svenska regeringen med ministrarna Dousa och Forssell i spetsen har drivit på för att kapa biståndet och tvångsutvisa flyktingar tillbaka till förtrycket. Hur kan ni motivera samtal med en regim som systematiskt kränker mänskliga rättigheter? Hur kan ni ens överväga att ge dem pengar som belöning för att ta emot de människor som flytt undan talibanernas tortyr och död? Talibanregimen är inte erkänd, men här sitter ni med den svenska regeringen i spetsen och förhandlar med dem som om de vore en legitim regering. Detta är inte migrationspolitik, detta är medbrottslighet och det är ett enormt svek mot de kvinnor och flickor, de etniska minoriteter, de journalister som just ni säger er värna, men som ni nu så uppenbart, så uppenbart struntar i.
Vilken skam.
Paldies. Tagad Eiropas Tautas partijas grupas vārdā runās Rosa Estaràs Ferragut.
Rosa Estaràs Ferragut
Gracias, presidente, comisaria. Desde la toma del poder por parte de los talibanes se ha institucionalizado la opresión y la persecución a las mujeres, lo que supone un crimen contra la humanidad. Desde su llegada al poder se intenta borrar a las mujeres de la vida pública y reorganizar la sociedad afgana en torno a la supremacía masculina. Las mujeres son las grandes víctimas. Se ha producido un apartheid de género, también colectivos como el LGTBIQ+.
Educación vetada, excluidas del mercado laboral, no pueden viajar, burka obligatorio, no pueden practicar deporte ni cantar ni alzar la voz en público. Se enfrentan a castigos atroces, ejecuciones públicas, lapidaciones, violaciones. Y ahora, con el Código de Procedimiento Penal para los tribunales, todavía se erosionan más los derechos de las mujeres, se legaliza la violencia doméstica, se criminaliza a las mujeres que buscan protección frente a los abusos, se institucionalizan los castigos corporales como la tortura, se reconoce la esclavitud, se dicta la pena de muerte para múltiples delitos sin garantías de un juicio justo y se concede a los maridos una autoridad discrecional para castigar a sus esposas por desobediencia. En definitiva, un crimen atroz. Por lo tanto, condenamos enérgicamente este crimen.
Alzamos la voz, no podemos dejar que luchen solas. No podemos reconocer ni normalizar este crimen atroz. Que los talibanes rindan cuentas por las violaciones de los derechos humanos, que pongan fin a todas estas atrocidades y que manifestemos Comisión, Parlamento y Consejo el compromiso inquebrantable con el pueblo afgano. Gracias.
Speaker 448
Gracias, presidente. Señora Aminzatu, pues con este régimen la Comisión quiere firmar un acuerdo de deportación de inmigrantes en nombre o a requerimiento de algunos Estados miembros con dos efectos inmediatos: reconocimiento de facto a los talibanes de una legitimidad internacional de la que carecen y evitar que esa mancha política, que el coste político recaiga sobre los gobiernos que quieren negociar con los talibanes. ¿Por qué tiene que asumir ese coste la Comisión? ¿Por qué no se recibe a los talibanes en las capitales que quieran hacer ese tipo de acuerdo? ¿O es que quieren que sea la Unión la que negocie la entrega de mujeres y niñas que no puedan ni trabajar ni estudiar?
¿Por qué se deja enredar la Comisión en esta trampa tan obvia? ¿Por qué con otros países se firman acuerdos bilaterales por las capitales y con los talibanes se interpone a la Comisión? ¿Por qué no se nos ha dicho que ha habido ya una reunión en enero supuestamente técnica con los talibanes? Señora comisaria, tenemos una hoja de ruta con los talibanes. Creo que la Comisión debe releerla.
Gracias.
Speaker 449
Merci Monsieur le Président, chers collègues. Ce que vivent les femmes afghanes est une atrocité. La cause de leur persécution, comme celle en Iran, en Syrie, au Soudan ou au Mali est pourtant la même : le fondamentalisme islamiste. Les talibans ont instauré un système institutionnalisé de discrimination et de ségrégation à l'égard des femmes et des filles. Les droits les plus élémentaires : éducation, travail, santé, liberté de circulation et d'expression leur sont systématiquement supprimés.
Ils formalisent la violence et les contraintes pour les maintenir dans la soumission. Pourtant, cette horreur ne surgit pas du jour au lendemain. Il existe des signes, des prémices, des reculs progressifs. En Europe, ce phénomène de persécution commence déjà à se manifester dans certains quartiers et villes. Des femmes ne peuvent plus porter une jupe, sortir le visage découvert ou accéder librement à certains espaces publics.
Souvent, cette régression est corrélée à une immigration incontrôlée. Par souci d'apparaître humanistes, des mouvements politiques majoritairement de gauche ont accepté ou minimisé les revendications islamistes les plus déshumanisantes. Le voile, symbole et instrument d'une contrainte rétrograde des libertés des femmes est ainsi défendu ici, au Parlement européen, dans une soumission collective coupable. L'islamisme qui détruit les femmes afghanes pousse déjà sur notre sol. Nous, les patriotes, avons toujours été clairs : il n'y a aucune place pour l'islamisme, quel que soit son degré, nous la combattrons toujours.
Laurence Trochu
Merci Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues. Étrange schizophrénie parfois que celle de l'Union européenne qui semble découvrir que l'Afghanistan est une terre d'Islam et s'émeut de la condition des femmes définie pourtant clairement par la charia depuis plus de 1600 ans. Les soldats français ont défendu la France et l'Europe face à la passion meurtrière du fanatisme religieux jusqu'au cœur du cimetière des empires. Pour que leur engagement parfois au prix de leur vie ne soit pas vain, nous devons mener ici un combat certes d'une autre nature mais avec le même sens du devoir. Car oui, mes chers collègues, dans la conduite de nos opérations, il faut aller plus loin que des déclarations dont les talibans ne feront que peu de cas.
Il faut agir autrement. Comme Européens, nous devons aussi nous devons d'abord nous soucier du sort des femmes européennes en évitant d'importer massivement une culture qui considère la femme comme un citoyen de seconde zone. Enfin, la raison politique nous impose de valoriser notre héritage culturel et notre civilisation qui a donné au monde Geneviève de Galard, Jeanne d'Arc, Blanche de Castille, des figures féminines d'exception. Merci.
Abir Al-Sahlani
What kind of a regime punishes an abused woman for seeking help and then punishes the friend that dared to help her? This is not a criminal code, this is simply terror put into words. Under the Taliban regime women are beaten to silence, erased from schools, from workplaces, from public life. This is nothing but a gender apartheid. And all that and the EU invites the Taliban regime for talks on migration.
Why? Because certain parts of Europe are obsessed with migration. That's why. The same forces who pretend here to defend women's rights in Europe are the forces who are ready to legitimize a regime that imprisons women in their own lives. No, it is time to stop this hypocrisy and it is high time to make gender apartheid a crime against humanity and to put all these responsible for the death and imprisonment of women for their oppression in the Hague where they belong.
It's time for accountability, not legitimacy of the Taliban regime.
Hannah Neumann
Dear colleagues, we debate the brutal repression of women and society in Afghanistan here for the umpteenth time. Nobody can claim not to know. And yet at the same time the Commission invites the Taliban for deportation talks, technical talks, as if this had nothing to do with politics. But there is nothing technical about opening doors to extremists while those who fought these extremists are stuck in Afghanistan, Iran or Turkey waiting years for visa appointments. And in Germany, the Taliban are already back in consulates as if that were the most normal thing in the world.
The EU agreed to benchmarks for engagement with the Taliban. This House, the Commission and the Council. Respect for human rights, unhindered humanitarian access, prevention of Afghanistan becoming a base and exporter for terrorism and an inclusive government. Since then, it only got worse.
So if the Taliban do not meet these benchmarks, we should not meet the Taliban in Europe. No one. Full stop.
Özlem Demirel
Dankeschön, Herr Präsident. Das eine sind die Taliban und ihre inakzeptable Strafprozessordnung. Das andere ist unsere ach so werteorientierte EU-Kommission. Diese lädt nun die Taliban direkt nach Brüssel ein. Das komme aber natürlich keiner Anerkennung dieses menschenverachtendes reaktionären Regimes gleich.
Schließlich gehe es nicht um Diplomatie, sondern um Abschiebung. Dem Abschiebeminister Dobrindt und seinen 19 Freunden sowie dem Kommissar Brunner scheint es dabei nicht schnell genug zu gehen, die letzten Reste von Menschlichkeit und Rechtsstaatlichkeit im Umgang mit Geflüchteten über Bord zu werfen. Kollegen, alleine in den vergangenen Jahr hat die Taliban sechs Menschen öffentlich in Stadien hingerichtet. Und mit diesen Leuten will die Kommission ernsthaft reden. Hierher schiebt die Bundesregierung ab.
Sogar die Außenbeauftragte Callas musste gestern einräumen, dass es keine Grundlage für Gespräche mit der Taliban gibt. Herr Brunner, Ihre Pläne sind nicht nur rechtswidrig, sie sind eine Schande für Europa. Es darf keine Zusammenarbeit mit der Taliban geben. Nach Afghanistan darf nicht abgeschoben werden.
Ingeborg Ter Laak
Nākamais vārds ir Ingeborg Ter Laak kundzei, lūdzu.
Dank u wel, voorzitter. Je kinderen moeten verkopen om te overleven. Dat is de realiteit van vaders en moeders in Afghanistan. Drie op de vier Afghanen kunnen niet meer in hun basisbehoefte voorzien. Er dreigt een hongersnood voor bijna vijf miljoen mensen.
En vrouwen en meisjes betalen hiervoor de hoogste prijs. Dochters worden uitgehuwelijkt zodat het gezin te eten heeft. Kindhuwelijken nemen toe, toegang tot onderwijs voor meisjes neemt af. En het is een vicieuze cirkel. Want het vergroot namelijk de kwetsbaarheid voor een volgende generatie vrouwen met meer uitbuiting en meer gedwongen huwelijk tot gevolg.
Stap voor stap worden vrouwen steeds verder buitengesloten van de samenleving. Hun vrijheden worden steeds verder ingeperkt. Onder de Taliban hebben ze geen enkel recht meer op onderwijs, mogen ze niet werken en zelfs niet praten in het openbaar. En daarom kunnen wij niet zwijgen. Wij blijven eisen dat meisjes naar school kunnen, dat vrouwen kunnen werken en dat vrouwen, als ze dat willen, kunnen trouwen vanuit liefde.
Joanna Scheuring-Wielgus
Panie przewodniczący, panie komisarzu. Proszę spojrzeć na tę izbę. Tu mamy kobiety, kobiety przy mównicy, kobiety, które głosują, które decydują, które zmieniają prawo. Ale teraz proszę sobie wyobrazić, że jutro decyzją rządu żadnej z nas tutaj nie ma. Że prawo mówi: twoja opinia jest nieistotna, twoje miejsce jest w domu.
Jeśli wyjdziesz bez zgody męża, więzienie. Jeśli się poskarżysz, chłosta. I to publicznie, na oczach sąsiadów, przechodniów czy własnych dzieci. I nikt cię nie obroni. I to nie jest scenariusz z jakiejś dystopijnej powieści.
To nie jest historia. To jest Afganistan dziś, w tej chwili. Milion dziewcząt bez szkoły. Kobiety bite błogosławieństwem prawa, o ile mąż nie złamie kości. Przemoc wpisana w paragrafy, opatrzona pieczęcią i podpisem.
Wiedząc to wszystko, to jest szokujące, że Komisja zaprasza talibów do Europy.
Anna Maria Cisint
Grazie.
Donne violate, imbavagliate, cancellate al solo pensiero di libertà. Questo è il destino che i talebani impongono alle donne afghane, morte sotto le macerie, sotto le macerie di quel terremoto in agosto perché non potevano essere toccate dagli uomini. E oggi lo vogliamo condannare, ma in Europa poi alla fine che cosa stiamo facendo? Che cosa sta succedendo in Europa dove anche realtà di imam fanatici che dentro moschee abusive seminano il germe del radicalismo islamico e che questo vuole trasformare la nostra democrazia in una teocrazia come in Afghanistan? Il fanatismo religioso e l'islam politico purtroppo sono già dentro casa nostra e violano i più basilari diritti umani: spose bambine, poligamia, infibulazione, sottomissione.
Se vogliamo salvare le libertà dobbiamo essere onesti e chiari e questa Unione Europea dovrebbe parlare meno e agire di più.
Petras Auštrevičius
Mr Chair, Madam Commissioner, colleagues. Just imagine Taliban representatives sitting in a meeting room in Brussels, lecturing on human and women's rights. This is not fiction, but an arising reality. Clearly, inviting the Taliban to Brussels amounts to partial legitimisation and recognition of the terrorist group. This is an appalling act of injustice towards its victims and also a total U-turn in the EU position.
Given the level of legal reforms, so-called, in Afghanistan in recent years, where amendments to the criminal code not only legalise violence against women and children but also entrench social stratification and expand the application of the death penalty, the Taliban's arrival in Brussels is simply incomprehensible in any sane mind. Proponents of gender-based genocide, specifically Taliban representatives, should not be welcomed as partners in the EU. Thank you.
Lukas Mandl
Thank you, Chair, Commissioner, colleagues. I can only time and again refer to the UN initiative HeForShe, which I recommend to each and every male person caring for the common good, because women's rights are not an issue for women alone, women's rights are an issue for every sane and sober person. And this is what we have to care for, especially for women in Afghanistan, so much oppressed by the regime. The Taliban regime, Islamists all over the world oppress women. Islamism and Islam are different things, as I always emphasize.
The one is terrorism, the other is religion, deserves freedom of religion. When women are oppressed, it can't be justified with religion. It's a harmful, aggressive, violent ideology. And this is what we have to fight. And the Taliban will not achieve one thing: they will not achieve that we stop fighting for women's rights.
And they will also not achieve that we will stop fighting illegal migration. We fight both. We are European Union. We stand to our values in each and every regard. And this is not only true for Afghanistan, but also for the Syrian regime, where we quasi-legitimized much too directly this new leader there.
Kolēģi Mandl, būtu akceptēta zilā karte no Garcia Hermida-Vonderwoll?
Raquel García Hermida-Van Der Walle
But an important one. Thank you so much, colleague Mandel. Dear Lukas, you said that the European Union is committed to fighting for the rights of women against oppression and also to fight illegal migration. But do you agree with me that it won't be a reason to invite the Taliban to fight illegal migration because actually what we're doing is only preserving, helping preserve a regime which is the source of a lot of migration into the European Union. Wouldn't it be better to fight that regime with everything we have and not legitimize them?
Thank you.
Lukas Mandl
Thank you for the question and for giving me the opportunity to even dig deeper into the issue. We are also protecting migrants with right of asylum, including women, especially women. And fighting illegal migration is very important in order to preserve the very, some say holy right of asylum. For the small minority with an asylum right, we also fight illegal migration. For each and everybody, we fight illegal migration, so also for women in Afghanistan.
And I totally agree that this regime has to be fought as much as the one in Iran and each and every Islamist terroristic or other terroristic regime, criminal regime, such as the one of Putin Russia has to be fought. We should not make a small difference here. The diplomatic expression for what is needed is back-channeling because we talk to everybody on earth, but not with politically democratically elected people. We will not give anybody this honor to have that.
Roberts Zīle
Yes, thank you. Yeah, so other requests for blue card, but too late, so sorry to say. No, that's why I will give the next floor Marianne Vind. Floor is yours.
Marianne Vind
Tak formand, fru kommissær. I Afghanistan kan en kvinde straffes for at besøge sin far. Hvis hendes mand siger nej, kan et hyggeligt familiebesøg føre til fængsel. Prøv at tænke over det. Det her det er Talibans nye mørkelov.
Et system, hvor vold i hjemmet kan fejes ind under gulvtæppet, hvis brækkede knogler ikke lige kan bevises. Hvor mennesker piskes for kærlighed, for ord, for såkaldt dårlig moral. Det er ikke retfærdighed, det er rå, ussel og kvindefjendsk kontrol. En stat skal være stærk, fordi den skal sikre, at alle bliver behandlet ens, at loven beskytter den svage over for den stærke. Taliban gør det stik modsatte.
De bruger loven til at fryse uligheden fast, uretfærdigheden fast. Det håber jeg, at vi her i salen i morgen kan stå sammen om at fordømme. Tak.
Thank you. Colleagues, we have a catch-the-eye procedure, five speakers on my list. I will start with Juan Fernando López Aguilar.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Thank you, President, comisaria. A todos los testimonios que han censurado por execrable la tiranía de los talibanes con su violación masiva y ominosa de los derechos de las mujeres y particularmente de las niñas a las que someten a todo tipo de represión intolerable por incompatible completamente con la igual dignidad que profesa la Unión Europea, sumo mi voz a quienes además han censurado la hipocresía de la Comisión Europea que invita a una representación de los talibanes nada menos que a Bruselas para negociar el retorno de personas supuestamente no elegibles para el estatuto de refugiado cuando lo cierto es que un millón y medio de personas procedentes de Afganistán huyeron despavoridos cuando los talibanes regresaron al poder en 2021, muchos de los cuales están en Europa y no hay ninguno que pueda regresar con seguridad y desde luego no las mujeres que se exponen a una violación masiva y absolutamente intolerable de sus derechos y de su dignidad. Por tanto, comisaria, ese comportamiento de la Comisión es también intolerable. Gracias, presidente.
Thank you very much. Next speaker, Catarina Pereira.
Catarina Vieira
Thank you, Chair. It's very frustrating when we need to stand in this Parliament to say the obvious, but the obvious is worth stating. Women's rights in Afghanistan are being infringed upon by the Taliban regime. Women have lost their rights pretty much to exist, their rights to education, their rights to move freely, their rights to express themselves, to access justice, their rights to work. And that will have so much impact on society for so many because healthcare, female doctors, nurses, midwives, all of them are unable to do their work.
But while we're stating the obvious, let me continue to state the obvious. The Commission and their shameful and hungry desire to push a migration policy and deportation has opened the door for talks with the Taliban, which should have never been possible. And while we're stating the obvious, let me also state that the far right of this House, which is no longer here to be seen, only talks about feminism when it's an excuse to be racist and Islamophobe. And this is what happened in this debate today. Thank you.
Marc Botenga
Thank you. Next speaker, Marc Botenga.
Thank you, President. Dear Commissioner, I need to get my head around this. You're inviting the Taliban to Brussels. So for years you told us we cannot speak, we cannot negotiate with Russia. We cannot discuss with Putin because he occupies illegally Ukraine.
True. Then again, you're still friends with Israel who also occupy a lot of countries in the region. No, but you say, hey, the Putin regime's authoritarian. True again. Then again, many of your trade partners are as well.
That never stopped you. But still, in the name of values, you said, no, no diplomacy with Russia, no negotiations, but sanctions, arms for Ukraine, sanctions that also hit European workers and industries hard, by the way. But okay. And what do you do now in the name of these values? You invite the Taliban to Brussels, red carpet, and you want to offer them on a silver plate Afghan refugees that ran away from them.
That is playing with their lives. So let me get this straight. No negotiations with Russia on peace and security for our citizens, but negotiations with the Taliban to offer them refugees and let them do whatever they want with it. Never again claim that your foreign policy is based on values.
Thank you. Next speaker, Muriel Laurent.
Murielle Laurent
Merci, Monsieur le Président, Madame la Commissaire, chers collègues. Le nouveau code pénal afghan consacre l'apartheid de genre déjà en œuvre depuis le retour des talibans au pouvoir en 2021. L'hypocrisie des États européens qui dénoncent le contenu effroyable de ce code pénal tout en discutant avec les talibans pour assurer des retours vers ce pays est purement scandaleuse. Ce code pénal accorde moins de valeur aux femmes qu'aux animaux. La parole des femmes ne doit pas être entendue en public.
Que dire ? Les dirigeants européens feraient mieux de mettre autant d'énergie à faire pression sur les talibans pour qu'ils cessent ces violations des droits les plus basiques des femmes plutôt que de leur faire la cour pour qu'ils reprennent quelques-uns de leurs ressortissants.
Thank you. Next speaker, Anna Strolenberg.
Thank you, Chair. The wind in your hair, the sun on your face, and laughing with your friends while listening to stories. This is all possible in Afghanistan, but not for women.
Anna Strolenberg
And we often call them prisoners, but prisoners are still allowed to speak. Prisoners know that one day they will be free, and prisoners are still considered human. In Afghanistan, the Taliban consider women possessions. These are the men that Ursula von der Leyen is inviting to Brussels to discuss migration. These are the men she's rolling out the red carpet for, and they are not welcome here.
Until the strong, resilient women of Afghanistan can be free and can be heard, the Taliban is welcome in The Hague, but they are not welcome here.
Thank you, colleagues, we are closing catch-the-eye procedure, and now I would like to take the floor for the Commission, Executive Vice-President Menzato, floor is yours.
Roxana Mînzatu
Thank you so much for this debate and for the many calls that you that you have made, which I have heard and I I acknowledge here. Indeed, step by step, decree by decree, women and girls in Afghanistan are being pushed further out of public life, out of education, out of employment, and now increasingly out of access to justice itself. The introduction of the criminal procedure code for courts is yet another stark reminder of the direction Afghanistan is taking under the Taliban rule, with provisions that risk further weakening protections for women, including in cases of domestic violence, while further restricting their freedom of movement and participation in legal proceedings. Of course, for Afghan women, this is not simply a legal issue. It is about whether they can seek protection, whether they can be heard, whether they can exercise even the most basic of their rights.
Afghanistan today remains the only country in the world where girls are banned from secondary and higher education, with nearly 2.2 million girls currently denied schooling beyond primary level. At the same time, more than half of the population depends on humanitarian assistance for survival. No country can build stability or prosperity while systematically including half of its population. The impact will not stop at Afghanistan's borders. Continued repression, economic collapse, and lack of opportunities risk fueling displacement, irregular migration, and instability across the region.
They also create an environment that can be exploited by extremist and terrorist groups. The rights of women and girls are therefore not separate from questions of security and stability, they are actually central to them. The European Union will continue to stand with the Afghan people. The European Union and its member states remain among the leading providers of humanitarian, basic needs, and livelihood assistance to Afghanistan, while continuing to support civil society and human rights defenders, including women human rights defenders. Honorable members, the women and girls of Afghanistan continue to show extraordinary courage and resilience in the face of relentless restrictions.
And their determination deserves more than expressions of concern. It requires sustained international attention, and it requires principled engagement. The EU must continue to speak clearly and act consistently, as was also called in this house, in support of human dignity, in support of equality, and of the rights of all women's and girls everywhere. Thank you.
Thank you very much, Madame Vice-Presidente, Executive Vice-President. So, kolēģi, mums tagad debates ir slēgtas par šo jautājumu, un esmu saņēmis astoņus rezolūciju priekšlikumus.
Roberts Zīle
Un atgādinu, ka balsošana notiks rītdien. Nākamais darba kārtības punkts: lietas par cilvēktiesību un vides aizstāvjiem Andri Junusu un Muhamadu Rosidi Indonēzijā. Un sākšu ar autoru Idoia Mendia. Yeah, please. Floor is yours, yeah.
Idoia Mendia
Thank you, chair. Indonesia es un socio estratégico para la Unión Europea y queremos seguir construyendo una relación sólida, estable y de futuro con Indonesia y con ASEAN. Pero precisamente porque creemos en esa relación, hablamos con claridad: una asociación fuerte no puede basarse solo en intereses económicos o geopolíticos, debe apoyarse en principios compartidos. Los derechos humanos y la protección de quienes defienden las libertades debe ser uno de ellos. Andri Yunus fue atacado tras denunciar la expansión del poder militar, Muhammad Rosidi por enfrentarse a la minería ilegal de estaño.
Ambos casos reflejan una presión creciente contra los defensores de los derechos humanos, activistas medioambientales, periodistas y sindicatos. Pedimos investigaciones rápidas e independientes, en la jurisdicción civil, no en la militar, que no se queden solo en los autores materiales, sino que se investigue a quienes ordenaron o encubrieron estos ataques. Y en la Unión Europea valoramos muy positivamente el diálogo abierto con Indonesia sobre los derechos humanos y también pedimos a la Comisión Europea que controle las cadenas de suministro de las empresas europeas que operan allí. Cooperación y colaboración sí, pero sobre una base de valores compartidos. Gracias.
Małgorzata Gosiewska
Szanowni Państwo, sprawa Andriego Yunusa i Muhammada Rosidiego pokazuje, jak niebezpieczna jest sytuacja, gdy państwo zaczyna traktować aktywistów, dziennikarzy i opozycję jak wrogów. Europa ma podobne problemy i trzeba jasno powiedzieć: nie ma zgody na polityczną przemoc. Nie ma zgody na zastraszanie obywateli, instrumentalne używanie służb czy bezkarność tych, którzy stoją za atakami na ludzi broniących wolności słowa i praw obywatelskich przed zakusami eurokratów i lewicowych aktywistów. Parlament Europejski bardzo chętnie poucza inne państwa. Tymczasem w Polsce widzimy dziś działania budzące poważne obawy: wtargnięcia służb do domów dziennikarzy niezależnych mediów, presję wobec polityków opozycji i decyzje, które naruszają konstytucję oraz podstawowe zasady państwa prawa.
Nie można bronić wolności słowa w Dżakarcie, a milczeć, gdy zagrożona jest ona tu, w Europie, w Warszawie. Nie można potępiać represji wobec opozycji za granicą, a przymykać oczy na nadużycia władzy w jednym z większych krajów europejskich. Dlatego wzywam: brońmy praw człowieka konsekwentnie, w Indonezji, w Polsce i wszędzie tam, gdzie władza próbuje uciszyć tych, którzy patrzą jej na ręce.
Paldies. Vārds autorei Catarina Vieira.
Catarina Vieira
As the EU and Indonesia prepare to close on the CEPA agreement, we must remember that allies are more than just trade partners, they stand for the same core values. This Parliament raises today the cases of Andri Yunus and Muhammad Rosidi not as isolated incidents, but as symbolic of our greatest concerns when it comes to freedom, human rights and the rule of law in Indonesia.
Because today, those standing in the way of powerful extractive industries face intimidation, criminalization and attacks. Civic space is shrinking and new laws pose threats to freedom of expression and civil society's ability to operate. Nowhere are those concerns more visible than in Papua and West Papua where militarization is intensifying. Indigenous communities are being displaced from their ancestral lands, journalists and international observers are kept out and the majority of abuses go unaddressed and unpunished. We call on Indonesian authorities to do everything in their power to ensure the protection of human rights and environmental defenders, and we call on the EU to ensure human rights and environmental safeguards stay at the forefront of our priorities during the discussions and possible ratification of our trade agreement.
Our trade policy serves more than our economies, it's there also to promote our key values and principles. Human rights and the environment are inseparable from our trade decisions. Thank you very much.
Tomasz Froelich
Herr Präsident, Frau Kommissarin, die Säureanschläge auf die Aktivisten Andre Yunus und Muhammad Rosidi sind scharf zu verurteilen, beiden Opfern gilt unsere Solidarität. Dass Soldaten des indonesischen Militärgeheimdienstes darin verwickelt waren, ist ein schlechtes Zeichen, es zeigt offenbar hat Indonesien Defizite bei der Kontrolle seiner Sicherheitskräfte, das gehört klar benannt. Nun muss man fairerweise konzedieren, dass die Regierung in Jakarta sich diesen Problemen stellt. Die vier genannten Soldaten wurden angeklagt, der Behördenleiter trat zurück. Auch sonst macht Indonesien Fortschritte, das Menschenrechtsgesetz wird revidiert, das Justizwesen wird reformiert und gegen Kinderehen und weibliche Genitalverstümmelung wird vorgegangen.
Das verdient Anerkennung, selbst der Europäische Auswärtige Dienst findet lobende Worte, aber in der Resolution hierzu findet man kein Wort, das ist meiner Meinung nach unausgewogen und kontraproduktiv. Denn Indonesien ist ein Schlüsselland Südostasiens, es hat enormes Wirtschaftspotenzial und es wird immer stärker von Großmächten umworben. Wir sollten unsere Handelsbeziehungen und unseren Einfluss in der Region stärken, deshalb konstruktive Kritik ja, aber vor allem Dialog und Zusammenarbeit, keine Konfrontation, keine moralischen Belehrungen, sie bewirken nur das Gegenteil.
Thank you, colleagues, we have a nobody engaged eye procedure, that's why I would like to ask to take floor for the Commission, Executive Vice-President Minzato, floor is yours.
Roxana Mînzatu
Thank you, Chair, honorable members of the European Parliament, the European Union and Indonesia have had a comprehensive partnership since 2014. This means regular dialogue and broad cooperation, including systematically on human rights. They held the 11th round of consultations on human rights in February in the framework of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, allowing both sides to address concerns on fundamental freedoms, on governance and rule of law issues in an open and constructive manner. The attacks against human rights defender Andre Yunus and environmental activist Muhammad Rosidi that occurred this past February and March were very worrying both for the degree of violence with lasting health consequences on the two victims and for the involvement of members of state military agencies.
The EU has closely followed these cases and has noted the surge of civil society mobilization in pursuit of a full investigation, including of those who ordered the attacks, and transparent justice. These calls have been supported by the Indonesian National Human Rights Commission, testifying to its independence. As was the case before and during the last human rights dialogue, the EU continues its close consultations with civil society in Indonesia. Only last week, KontraS and Amnesty International briefed EU heads of mission in Jakarta on these specific cases. The EU also advocates for a stronger enabling environment for Indonesia's civil society and human rights defenders to pursue their work safely, and for authorities to maintain and strengthen inclusive consultation when designing policies.
Reliable rule of law with accountable state security apparatus is a shared commitment of both the EU and Indonesia under international conventions and agreements, but also an essential shared condition for unlocking crucial investments under our comprehensive economic partnership agreement. The European Union will continue to work with Indonesia to defend and to deliver on commitments to the protection and promotion of human rights, and this will also be the case as we move forwards towards the upgrade of relations to a strategic level later this year. Both sides have made binding international commitments, and it is for both sides to work tirelessly to meet them, and thus meet the expectations of our citizens. Thank you.
Roberts Zīle
Yeah, thanks very much, colleagues, we are closing the debate on this point in agenda. I received six proposals for resolutions and vote will take place tomorrow. Next point in agenda was to expect explanation of votes, but because nobody almost is here, so there is no explanation of votes, everything is explained. Thank you very much, Vice-President, Executive Vice-President Dombrovskis for your time. So, and then I just going to the final announcements.
Kolēģi, nākamā sēde sāksies rītdien, proti, ceturtdien, 2026. gada 21. maijā, pulksten 9:00. Darba kārtība ir publicēta un ir pieejama Eiropas Parlamenta tīmekļa vietnē. Šīs sēdes protokolu iesniegs Parlamentam apstiprināšanai rītdien pēcpusdienas sākumā, un šodienas sēde ir slēgta.
Mesdames et Messieurs, la séance est ouverte. Le procès-verbal de la séance d'hier a été distribué. Y a-t-il des observations ? Le procès-verbal est approuvé.
Ask anything about this video — I analyse its transcript to answer.