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PLENARY European Parliament
Follow its sittingsHadja Lahbib
With the current climate reality, the best way to fight extreme weather is by preventing and preparing. Reaction must remain our last line of defense.
And that is why the Commission will soon present the integrated framework for climate resilience. Specifically on wildfires, the Commission has already deepened our work and we will continue to do so. Less than six months ago, we adopted a communication addressing the entire wildfires cycle with a strategy that provides guidance to better prevent, prepare for, respond and recover from wildfires, including by proposing measures to strengthen risk governance. The message is very clear. All policy areas and all actors must work together in synergy and in European solidarity.
We have developed powerful tools such as the European Forest Fire Information System or the Copernicus satellite system with its European Droughts Observatory. Our Union Civil Protection Mechanism has once again responded with determination. The summer is not yet over, but I'm proud to know that so far in 2024, all requests for assistance were answered, ten times in Europe and twice outside Europe.
The Emergency Response Coordination Centre coordinated the deployment of 40 aerial means and 18 ground teams supported participating states through risk analysis and preparedness measures, prepositioning 777 firefighters from 14 European countries to key high-risk locations across the EU. Our rescEU fleet was again available this summer with 18 airplanes and 5 helicopters. This includes a first helicopter fully financed by the EU, which I had the pleasure, by the way, to visit last week in Romania. More broadly, nature protection and restoration activities are key to battling the consequences of extreme weather. At the same time, the creation of water-resilient landscapes is crucial along with modernising the water infrastructure in Europe.
In addition, cohesion policy is essential to address climate-related risks, providing 14.6 billion for disaster risk management and climate adaptation. To protect and preserve our agriculture, the common agricultural policy provides member states with a range of tools such as insurance schemes, mutual funds, and income stabilization instruments. These help farmers absorb climate shocks, reduce vulnerabilities, and strengthen their resilience. Honorable members, the EU has responded to this summer's extreme weather incident and demonstrated that we are on the right path to support our member states and protect our citizens. Solidarity remains one of our strongest foundations of stress.
I wish to thank once again all the countries and first responders who acted without hesitation to support each other in these very difficult circumstances. The next multiannual financial framework will be crucial when it comes to incentivizing and financing key prevention measures. Without proper prevention, costs for emergency response will only grow in the next years. We must ensure that we are prepared to handle the challenges we already face today and those we will face in the future. I count on the support of this house in doing so.
Thank you very much.
Thank you very much, Commissioner. Now we come to the first round of speakers on behalf of political groups, and the first speaker is Pascal Arimont on behalf of EPP. Please.
Pascal Arimont
Sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, Madame la Commissaire, es gab dieses Jahr verheerende Brände in Europa, nicht nur letztes Jahr, auch wieder dieses Jahr ganz viele verheerende Waldbrände, auch vor meiner Haustür in meiner Heimat, das Hohe Venn, eines der größten Hochmoore Europas, brannte bis auf die Wurzeln nieder. Schlimmeres konnte verhindert werden. Warum? Weil europäische Solidarität tatsächlich funktioniert hat. Feuerwehren aus Deutschland, den Niederlanden, Luxemburg waren sofort vor Ort und der europäische Zivilschutzmechanismus hat wirklich funktioniert.
Zwei Löschflugzeuge aus Schweden, sechs Helikopter aus drei verschiedenen Ländern waren vor Ort und haben das Feuer gelöscht. Ich möchte vier Lehren daraus ziehen, wenn wir über Katastrophenschutz reden.
Das erste ist, wir müssen diesen Zivilschutzmechanismus weiter ausbauen. Wir arbeiten zurzeit daran, aber Ziel muss sein, dass wir aus diesem Mechanismus eine europäische Hilfsflotte machen. Die zwölf gekauften Löschflugzeuge können dann nur ein Anfang sein. Zweitens, diese Flugzeuge oder dieses Material, das wir dann über Europa bestellen, sollte wahrscheinlich am besten auch in Europa hergestellt werden. Das macht uns unabhängiger, das macht uns schneller, das macht uns effizienter.
Ein dritter Punkt, extrem wichtig, das haben wir vor Ort auch mit der Kommissarin in Belgien festgestellt. Diese Feuer wären viel schlimmer gewesen, wenn so viele Freiwillige nicht da gewesen wären. Und da spreche ich von den Landwirten, von den Lohnunternehmern, die das Wasser hin zum Brand gebracht haben. Wir müssen diese Leute in unsere Krisenpläne mit einplanen. Die sind da, die kommen sofort und die verhindern das Schlimmste.
Und wir sollten sie nicht nur einplanen, wir sollten sie auch entschädigen. Und letzter Punkt, die freiwilligen Feuerwehrleute stehen an der Feuerfront, sie löschen das Feuer für uns, sie helfen uns. Sie brauchen aber unsere Hilfe, weil sie ein europäisches Sozialstatut brauchen. Deswegen sollten wir ihnen nicht nur danken, wir sollten ihnen helfen, denn wir werden ihre Hilfe dringend nötig haben. Vielen Dank.
Sabine Verheyen
Vielen Dank. Ich bitte trotzdem darum, dass die Kollegen die Redezeit bitte einhalten, weil wir haben eine lange, lange Rednerliste, müssen später mit den Abstimmungen pünktlich beginnen und deshalb meine große Bitte, die Redezeit einzuhalten. The next speaker on behalf of S&D is Christophe Clergeau.
Christophe Clergeau
Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, toutes et tous, nous pleurons les morts de cet été terrible. Les pompiers morts au feu, les forêts et les villages ravagés par les flammes. Parler c'est bien, agir c'est mieux. Et 0,1 degré de plus, ce sont des feux plus puissants et plus violents. Ce sont plus de morts et plus de ravages.
Ceux qui ralentissent notre action contre le changement climatique depuis tant d'années sont responsables. Nous devons agir. Nous devons agir dans les nouvelles technologies de lutte contre les incendies, dans les systèmes d'alerte, dans l'innovation. Nous devons aider les États à soutenir les pompiers et les volontaires, à moderniser leurs équipements pour mieux les protéger et mieux protéger les populations. Nous devons lancer un plan industriel pour produire en Europe les Canadairs dont nous avons besoin.
Nous devons identifier et réduire les vulnérabilités sociales et territoriales de nos villes et nos régions. Nous devons protéger les plus vulnérables qui sont toujours les premières victimes. Nous devons mieux préparer les citoyens et leur donner les outils pour réagir lorsque survient une catastrophe. Nous devons réparer les territoires dévastés qui sont trop souvent abandonnés à leur sort. Mais pour conclure, lutter contre le changement climatique et protéger les citoyens, ce ne sont pas deux chemins d'action, mais un seul et unique.
Ceux qui nous en détournent doivent désormais rendre des comptes.
Speaker 8
Merci Madame la Présidente. Cet été encore, l'Europe et tout particulièrement la France ont été durement frappées par les incendies. Près de 100 000 hectares sont partis en fumée. Un triste record tandis que des milliers de familles ont dû être évacuées. Je veux d'abord rendre hommage à nos sapeurs-pompiers.
Ils ont une nouvelle fois risqué leur vie pour sauver les nôtres. En France, quatre d'entre eux l'ont perdue dans l'exercice de leur mission. Ils méritent notre respect et notre reconnaissance et surtout des moyens à la hauteur des dangers auxquels ils font face. Car nous ne pouvons plus prétendre être surpris tous les ans. Chaque année, le même scénario se reproduit.
Les promesses se multiplient et l'inaction persiste. Où sont les nouveaux bombardiers d'eau, les moyens supplémentaires qui ont été promis ? Pourquoi ne pas entretenir davantage nos forêts ? La prévention commence sur le terrain. Gouverner, c'est prévoir.
Nous connaissons les risques, les périodes critiques et les territoires menacés. Nous n'avons donc plus l'excuse de la surprise. Le courage de nos pompiers ne peut pas éternellement compenser l'imprévoyance de l'État.
Lorsque les mêmes drames se répètent alors que les risques sont connus, l'imprévoyance devient une faute politique et morale à laquelle les responsables devront un jour ou l'autre répondre.
Antonella Sberna
Presidente, Commissario, colleghi, quest'estate incendi e siccità hanno colpito duramente l'Europa e il mio ringraziamento va a coloro che sono intervenuti in prima linea. In questa emergenza è stato determinante il contributo sussidiario dell'Unione europea attraverso il meccanismo unionale di protezione civile, dimostrando ancora una volta come la solidarietà tra Stati membri possa tradursi in una risposta concreta. L'Italia ha contribuito più volte a questo meccanismo, anche questa volta, e ha ispirato anche lo sviluppo con il suo efficace modello costruito da Giuseppe Zamberletti, padre della moderna protezione civile italiana, fondato sul coordinamento tra istituzioni, territori, competenze scientifiche e sulla straordinaria forza del volontariato.
In Parlamento stiamo discutendo la riforma del meccanismo unionale di protezione civile e a questo proposito credo che dovremmo rafforzare ciò che funziona: la riserva europea di mezzi, squadre e capacità che gli Stati membri mettono volontariamente a disposizione affinché si possa intervenire rapidamente dove l'emergenza lo richiede, la prevenzione e il centro di coordinamento della risposta alle emergenze che deve continuare ad essere il cuore del coordinamento operativo europeo in stretto raccordo con le autorità nazionali, perché nelle crisi l'Europa è più forte quando mette in rete le capacità dei suoi Stati, le coordina, le sostiene e non quando pretende di sostituirle. Grazie.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much. The next speaker on behalf of Renew is Grégory Allione.
Grégory Allione
Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, Monsieur le Ministre, chers collègues, je voudrais tout d'abord rendre hommage à mes camarades, ceux qui ont perdu la vie pour sauver celle des autres cet été. J'ai une pensée également pour nos concitoyens qui ont tout perdu. Et puis pour tous ces agriculteurs, bénévoles, voisins qui se sont mobilisés, engagés pour préserver ce qui est essentiel: la vie d'une part, mais aussi les biens. Leur courage, leur dévouement, leur engagement, leur sacrifice nous obligent. Ils nous obligent premièrement à ne pas oublier trop vite une fois que les températures baissent, d'oublier finalement ces feux dévastateurs, ces rivières asséchées, ces cultures dévastées et ces canicules répétées.
Ne pas oublier nous oblige aussi à reconnaître ces catastrophes qui sont les conséquences d'un dérèglement climatique, Monsieur Garraud, que vous avez trop souvent tendance à oublier voire nier. Nous oblige aussi à être ambitieux, Madame la Commissaire. Demain, il y aura un discours sur l'état de l'Union, il y aura également une proposition de loi d'adaptation face au climat. En fait, il y a de fortes attentes, de fortes attentes de notre intergroupe et de nos concitoyens. Des attentes sur cette directive que Pascal Arimont appelait de ses vœux pour permettre à nos sapeurs-pompiers de s'engager.
Une forte attente sur des avions bombardiers d'eau produits en Europe. Des fortes attentes que vous connaissez, que vous maîtrisez, mais que Ursula von der Leyen doit porter désormais dans sa politique publique du quotidien. Je vous remercie.
Sabine Verheyen
Merci. Die nächste Rednerin auf unserer Liste stellvertretend für die Grünen ist Lena Schilling, bitteschön.
Lena Schilling
Dear colleagues, in 24 hours Ursula von der Leyen will stand exactly here and speak about the state of our Union. Imagine what her speech would sound like if Europe treated the summer as the emergency it is. She would not start with competitiveness, no roadmaps, no empty slogans. She would begin by acknowledging what happened. 35,000 Europeans died.
She would say there is no more business as usual. She would call an emergency climate summit with all the leaders in the European Union, something that maybe should have happened already in the summer. She would put an European climate resilience plan on the table with money attached. There would be a heat plan. There would be a strengthening of the policies that would also already been in place like the ETS.
She would put a date on the end of fossil fuels, a concrete date. She would say what she said before. We owe it to our children, but we also owe it to the 35,000 people that already died this summer. So tomorrow, Ursula von der Leyen, you have the choice. You can give Europe another fancy speech or you can declare the climate emergency we are living in.
There will be no backtracking anymore. And she would do something even bolder.
We owe it to them and we owe them more than condolences, we owe them action. This climate crisis is here and what we have seen this summer is the consequence of the actions of the past years. So let's change them, let's show boldness. Thank you.
Madame la Commissaire, est-ce une plaisanterie ? Est-ce qu'on est vraiment ici dans cet hémicycle à discuter, je cite, des conséquences à tirer de l'été 2023 en ce qui concerne la canicule, les sécheresses et les incendies en Europe ?
Emma Fourreau
Mais de quelles leçons parlons-nous ? Quel enseignement n'avez-vous pas déjà tiré de la canicule de 2025, des inondations de 2024 ou des sécheresses de 2023 ? On aurait déjà pu se retrouver ici en 1972 pour un débat sur quel enseignement tirer du rapport Meadows qui prévoyait déjà tous les drames que nous vivons aujourd'hui. Moi, je n'étais pas né, mais vos amis les libéraux qui mènent aujourd'hui une politique capitaliste incendiaire à la tête de l'Union européenne étaient déjà au pouvoir. Il n'y a pas de « qui aurait pu prédire ».
Ici même tous les jours les scientifiques partagent leurs travaux et nous alertent. Mais vous ne les écoutez pas car ils ne sont pas PDG de TotalEnergies. Que vous faut-il de plus ? Il y a déjà des morts, des personnes qui ont tout perdu, des pompiers qui ont risqué leur vie, des paysans qui ont perdu leurs récoltes. En vérité, vous ne voulez pas tirer les leçons de ces épisodes car elles vous inviteraient à revoir de fond en comble votre politique.
Eh bien soit, les prochaines leçons ce seront les peuples qui vous les donneront. Je vous remercie.
Thank you, Madam President. I will speak French. Tout d'abord, beaucoup d'entre vous ont commencé par parler des volontaires qui au risque de leur vie ont répondu aux incendies cet été.
Hadja Lahbib
Je voudrais à mon tour, comme je l'ai fait à plusieurs reprises en me rendant sur le terrain, leur rendre hommage et exprimer aussi toute notre gratitude. J'étais dans la Gironde quand deux pompiers sont décédés et ils n'ont même pas pu être enterrés en temps utile. Les funérailles n'ont pas eu lieu parce que tout le corps des pompiers luttait contre les incendies. Je pense vraiment à eux et à leurs familles. Leur statut, effectivement, doit être au cœur d'une harmonisation, mais vous le savez, c'est un sujet extrêmement délicat puisqu'il dépend des États qui sont souverains.
80 % dans certains pays des pompiers sont faits de volontaires. Nous avons commencé un travail de fond en les rassemblant, par exemple cet été, tous les jeunes volontaires de l'Union européenne.
pour former justement un corps européen et harmoniser à la fois les connaissances, les pratiques, échanger les expertises et aller vers des pompiers européens qui non seulement se rencontrent l'été comme on le fait déjà en les prépositionnant, vous le savez, 777 d'entre eux ont été prépositionnés cet été dans 14 pays, dans six pays en venant de 14 pays. C'est bien, mais on peut faire certainement mieux en termes de préparation. Pourquoi pas 27 pays qui contribueraient au prépositionnement de pompiers la saison prochaine ? C'est le souhait en tout cas que j'émets devant vous. D'autres comme Pascal Arimont ont parlé d'augmenter un petit peu, de revoir notre réserve stratégique RescEU qui est déjà assez riche.
Il ne faut pas oublier que quand on a commencé cette réserve, c'était seulement des pompes à eau et quelques camions. Aujourd'hui, on a une flotte de 18 avions avec en plus cinq hélicoptères. On en attend d'autres, quatre vont être en livraison, 12 Canadairs aussi. On ne cesse d'augmenter, mais c'est clair qu'on va travailler et on est déjà occupés à travailler sur un plan pour aller plus loin puisque aujourd'hui on fait notamment face à des vagues de chaleur qui tuent, qui ont provoqué la mort non seulement de personnes fragiles mais de personnes qui tout simplement vivent dans des conditions, des appartements qui ne sont absolument pas faits pour faire face à ces vagues de chaleur. Alors produire des Canadairs en Europe, oui, j'en parle régulièrement.
Alors produire des Canadairs en Europe, oui, j'en parle régulièrement, il faut absolument que nos entreprises, nos forces économiques s'emparent de ce défi en sachant qu'il ne s'agit pas là d'une seule réponse, c'est une réponse a posteriori et comme vous le savez, je suis commissaire à l'état de préparation, mon objectif est d'avoir une réponse anticipée pour prévenir et avoir donc une approche qui permette d'éviter les incendies et non plus d'y répondre. Donner les outils aux citoyens, Monsieur Clergeau, bien sûr, c'est pourquoi d'ailleurs nous avons parlé d'un des piliers majeurs dans la stratégie que nous avons présentée en mars 2025, à savoir inclure les citoyens. Lutter contre les incendies, contre le réchauffement climatique, ce n'est pas l'affaire ni des gouvernements, ni des entreprises, ni des pouvoirs publics, c'est notre affaire à tous. Nous sommes tous impactés par ces vagues de chaleur, nous devons tous avoir les moyens d'y répondre et donc, par exemple, les 72 heures de résilience, c'était aussi à destination et principalement d'ailleurs des citoyens. Et les citoyens que j'ai rencontrés cet été, malheureusement, ont dû partir pour beaucoup d'entre eux en quittant leur maison de façon précipitée sans savoir que prendre.
Ça veut dire que nous avons encore à communiquer, à éduquer nos citoyens en tenant compte aussi du fait que vous le savez 90, 96 même pour cent des feux sont d'origine activité humaine, provoqués par l'activité humaine. Donc il faut absolument éduquer. Donc nous n'avons pas été pris par surprise. On ne peut pas dire ça. Nous avions prépositionné des soldats du feu dans plusieurs pays.
Nous avons déployé notre stratégie il y a déjà un an et demi. Nous avons prévenu les États membres grâce à nos systèmes satellitaires Copernicus. J'ai fait moi-même une conférence de presse dans notre centre de crise le 22 juillet, le jour d'ailleurs où la France a activé le mécanisme avec des observations satellitaires Copernicus pour leur dire attention l'Europe va brûler. Nous étions déjà face à une sécheresse extrêmement grave. Donc nous avions tous les paramètres.
Maintenant il faut vraiment nous adapter avec des politiques sur le long terme. Et c'est pourquoi nous travaillons pour l'instant à une stratégie avec le commissaire Hoekstra, avec les autres commissaires parce qu'il s'agit d'inclure aussi l'agriculture, la résilience de la nature, d'avoir une approche holistique qu'on vous présentera à l'automne. Et oui l'attente est très importante, elle est énorme mais je pense que nous ne pouvons pas nous permettre le luxe de ne pas donner une réponse qui soit à la hauteur. Je vous remercie.
Sabine Verheyen
Merci beaucoup.
And now we come to the speakers list back again and I give the floor to Carmen Crespo Díaz.
Carmen Crespo Díaz
Muchas gracias. En primer lugar, el cambio climático está agudizando los incendios. Ya han llegado los de sexta generación y quiero lamentar los fallecidos y por supuesto darle la enhorabuena a los bomberos y los que han trabajado en todo esto este verano. Pero España es el 47 % de la superficie de Europa y queremos dar las gracias por el fondo de solidaridad, por el marco financiero que acaba de decir nuestra comisaria y por supuesto por el refuerzo del RescEU. Pero necesitamos más.
En este momento investigación. Tenemos un centro de investigación en Sevilla de Europa y necesitamos meter allí la investigación de los incendios de sexta generación. Y además de ello, volver antaño. Sobreproteger es abandonar. Hay que proteger, pero no sobreproteger.
Las zonas rurales necesitan silvicultura, necesitan pastoreo conducido, necesitan caza sostenible y lobos echados del monte. Por tanto, hay que cambiar las leyes, la ley de monte, flexibilizar la directiva europea que no permiten dar autorizaciones para prevención en los montes. Y además esto no se resuelve con impuestos, con más impuestos. Hemos visto como el Next Generation en mi país no ha dado lugar a renovar 10 aviones o utilizar solo un 1 % de la prevención para incendios.
Por tanto, hay que cambiar las políticas. ¿Por qué? Porque hay que conservar, claro, hay que proteger, pero no sobreproteger, porque no hay que considerar la conservación confundida con la inacción. Y esto es lo que ha ocurrido en el monte. Prevenir es fundamental y tener oportunidades para ello.
Cambiemos entre todos y es posible. Muchas gracias.
Leire Pajín
Señora comisaria, miembros del Consejo, todo lo que hemos sufrido este verano se había pronosticado antes por parte de la ciencia. El panel de expertos de Naciones Unidas lleva años alertándonos de las consecuencias de las altas temperaturas. Este año ya habla de elementos irreversibles. Y una vez más hemos sufrido cada vez más incendios más devastadores, más hectáreas que el año pasado, más víctimas, más pueblos desalojados, más pérdida de biodiversidad y de fauna. Quiero poner en valor la respuesta europea y desde luego la labor de los bomberos forestales y de los voluntarios.
Pero la mejor manera de responder ante ellos es dotándoles de los recursos necesarios, remunerándoles como merecen y sobre todo y lo más importante, mejorando el mecanismo de protección civil en su parte de anticipación, con mayores mecanismos para prever, para fortalecer y para anticiparnos ante lo que viene. Y en esta casa lo que tenemos que hacer de una vez por todas es decidir si vamos a ir de la mano de los negacionistas, de aquellos que cada año nos exponen más, o si de una vez por todas nos vamos a tomar en serio el cambio climático, la emergencia que vivimos, la anticipación y la prevención.
Silvia Sardone
I socialisti in Europa in questi giorni gridano: "Difendiamo il Green Deal". Dopo tutti i disastri e i fallimenti della Commissione, vogliono continuare a spingere misure che non funzionano. Nel 2000 la Cina emetteva circa 4 miliardi di tonnellate di anidride carbonica e l'Unione Europea emetteva più o meno la stessa cifra, eravamo pari. Dopo un quarto di secolo l'Europa è scesa a 3 miliardi, la Cina è salita a 12 miliardi. Anzi, oltre 12 miliardi.
Ha triplicato le emissioni bruciando tanto carbone che usa per produrre il nostro green, le nostre batterie, i nostri pannelli solari. Inquina per dare a voi l'illusione di salvare il pianeta.
Per inseguire i talebani green avete distrutto l'industria europea dell'auto, avete massacrato agricoltori e pescatori, avete messo in ginocchio famiglie e imprese, avete portato a massicce delocalizzazioni di fabbriche. Invece di continuare a devastare l'economia europea, rivolgete lo sguardo a chi inquina veramente, gli stessi che voi favorite con le vostre demenziali politiche. Grazie.
Speaker 21
There's a blue card from Mrs. Ohisalo and a blue card from Mr. Clergeau. Do you accept both?
Speaker 23
Madame Sardone, ma question... Sorry, first Mrs. Ohisalo. Excuse me? First Mrs. Ohisalo. She was first.
Ah, excuse me, excuse me.
Dear colleagues, Commission, I've tended to say that the biggest risks for the humankind are the climate crisis and the loss of biodiversity.
Maria Ohisalo
But unfortunately, during my soon 20 years in politics, I've come to understand that the biggest risks for the humankind are the politicians that do nothing when the house is on fire. Unfortunately, the politicians who get paid by the fossil fuel companies or who believe their message more than the science message. And my question to you, if you're not willing to stop climate change, are you willing to protect the people from the effects of it? At least the people working. Let's make binding legislation on protecting the workers from heat.
Silvia Sardone
Allora, qui in Europa sinceramente ho visto molti più politici finanziati da ONG green rispetto ad altre situazioni, glielo dico così giusto per riportare alla memoria quello che avviene qui. Io credo che a rovinare il pianeta, così come dice lei, siano piuttosto tutti quelli che si oppongono ai bacini idrici, a ripulire i fiumi e che poi portano ai disastri che purtroppo toccano anche terre come la mia, come la mia quando ci sono le alluvioni.
Perché chi è un talebano del clima per difendere il clima spesso lascia a casa le persone oppure devasta intere intere popolazioni.
Christophe Clergeau
Merci, ma question va être très simple, Madame Sardone, c'est on sort d'un été où des zones entières de l'Europe ont été ravagées, où des gens sont morts. Est-ce que vous pouvez m'expliquer pourquoi vous avez choisi d'utiliser votre minute d'intervention uniquement pour vous attaquer au Green Deal sans dire un mot de la protection civile, sans dire un mot de l'action concrète pour lutter contre les feux de forêt ?
Silvia Sardone
Guardi, io ringrazio la protezione civile e tutti gli operatori e volontari che ogni volta intervengono quando ci sono disastri e ritengo anche che si debbano mettere più risorse su quello. Però non posso non collegare parte di quello che avviene anche a tutti quelli che si oppongono alla corretta manutenzione delle nostre terre. Perché finché voi guarderete i coltivatori come meri guardiani del clima, chi si prende cura della terra non avrà la giusta dignità, finché qualcuno penserà che ripulire i fiumi non sia giusto perché deve essere consentito di mantenere lì la biodiversità, ecco la ovvia conseguenza sarà che quegli stessi fiumi non essendo puliti prima o poi di fatto faranno i danni.
Sabine Verheyen
It's 30 seconds for questions and 30 seconds for answer, please respect the time limits.
I try to be fair, but that's too long. So the next speaker is Anna Zalewska.
Anna Zalewska
Pani Przewodnicząca, Pani Komisarz, wszyscy mamy obowiązek zacząć nie tylko od wyrazów współczucia dla rodzin ludzi, którzy zginęli i utracili swoje majątki. Wielkiego szacunku dla strażaków, uwaga, leśników i rolników, którzy wiedzą, jak sobie radzić z pożarem, jak chronić ludność. Ale ja mam takie wrażenie, że część osób jest zacietrzewiona ideologicznie. To wy jesteście największym zagrożeniem dla ziemi, bo zabieracie człowieka od ochrony tejże ziemi. Na dzisiaj, bo to debata, która powtarza się systematycznie co jakiś czas, potrzebne są pieniądze na odszkodowania.
Po drugie, plan odbudowy natury, odbudowy przyrody. Po trzecie, pieniądze na monitoring i zabezpieczenia. Po czwarte, na edukację. Tym państwo się zajmijcie.
Gerben-Jan Gerbrandy
Dank u wel, mevrouw de voorzitter, mevrouw de commissaris, meneer de minister, collega's. Deze zomer heeft ons een inkijkje gegeven in de toekomst. Tienduizenden doden, meer dan 600.000 hectare verbrand, dat is bijna drie keer het land Luxemburg, misogsten, uitgeschakelde kerncentrales en een economische schade die geschat wordt op 180 miljard euro. Dat is meer dan de drie Baltische staten jaarlijks verdienen. De levens van duizenden Europese burgers zijn verwoest.
Een inkijkje in de toekomst, want dit was misschien wel de koelste zomer van de rest van ons leven. Een inkijkje in de toekomst, zeg ik tegen diegenen in deze zaal die al jaren klimaatverandering ontkennen of bagatelliseren. De essentie van politiek is dat je mensen een betere toekomst probeert te geven. Maar we kunnen wel vaststellen dat klimaatontkenning of alleen maar meer airco's op geen enkele wijze de toekomst verbetert. Er is maar één weg vooruit: ambitieus klimaatbeleid en ons radicaal aanpassen aan de zomers die nog komen gaan.
Alleen dan nemen we de zorgen van onze kiezers serieus. Alleen dan doen we wat de politiek moet doen: mensen een betere toekomst geven. Dank u.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much. I have to close the catch the eye now because we have already 20 requests or more than 20 requests for catch the eye and I will not be able to take all of them so be aware that I will not take everyone. So the next speaker is Cristina Guarda.
Cristina Guarda
Non stiamo combattendo i combustibili fossili ma le emissioni prodotte dai combustibili fossili. Questo lo disse Ursula von der Leyen un anno fa, chiarendo la sua e vostra politica che non ferma chi causa la crisi climatica ma attende morti e danni per distribuire cerotti. I combustibili fossili sono la causa scientificamente accertata del collasso climatico. Causano loro le vittime e il mio pensiero va subito alle loro famiglie. Vedo, sento il vostro dolore e di fronte ai nostri inutili minuti di silenzio capisco chi si chiede: ma non si poteva fare nulla?
Sì. Non esiste scientificamente azione di prevenzione più efficace di abbandonare i combustibili fossili. Non farlo significa essere esplicitamente colpevoli dei 35.000 morti di caldo, di sforzi di una vita travolti d'acqua e fango, degli agricoltori in ginocchio senza acqua, dei 700.000 ettari andati a fuoco.
Avete cominciato a toccare con mano il futuro che avete creato per i nostri figli. Ci vivrete mai per davvero? Questi fenomeni estremi devastanti non possiamo controllarli, ma possiamo prenderci cura del nostro futuro pianificando e attuando immediatamente la transizione ecologica. Dobbiamo consegnare un futuro che non faccia più paura. Manca solo la vostra volontà politica.
Grazie.
Sabine Verheyen
The next speaker, there is a blue card from Madame Guarda, here's a blue card from Mr. Nevado del Campo, or Mrs. Sorry.
Elena Nevado del Campo
Señora Guarda, ¿fallos en el cambio climático o nulo efecto del Pacto Verde? Porque incendios terribles como los que han ocurrido este verano en mi tierra, en Las Hurdes, en Extremadura, son un ejemplo de que Europa está en llamas. Y Europa no se ha quedado solo en palabras, ha tenido que activar el mecanismo de protección europeo con 22 aviones, 5 helicópteros, 777 bomberos, 21 equipos de 12 países. Los incendios no entienden de fronteras.
¿Puede responderme a esta pregunta? Gracias.
Cristina Guarda
I didn't catch the question, I'm so sorry, Ms. Nevado del Campo. Can you repeat precisely the question? And I'm so deeply sorry about what is leaving your place, also mine was under the attack of fire.
Elena Nevado del Campo
Usted ha dicho que hay fallos en el cambio climático en su intervención, pero yo le pregunto si considera que lo que está sucediendo responde al cambio climático o también tiene los efectos el pacto verde con su nulo resultado.
Cristina Guarda
Grazie, Ms. Nevado del Campo, collega. È una bella domanda, perché in realtà la risposta è molto semplice anche.
Vediamo che la situazione, anche il mondo scientifico delle università, anche della mia nazione, ci stanno raccontando come l'azione post e l'attività della protezione civile non sarà mai sufficiente rispetto alla grandezza e all'impatto dei grandi incendi che avvengono e vengono facilitati proprio a causa dell'estremizzazione climatica che stiamo vivendo. Le altissime temperature, la siccità, il terreno completamente secco, l'ambiente completamente secco facilitano questo percorso e quindi sì, la responsabilità non sta soltanto nell'azione ex post, ma soprattutto nell'attività di prevenzione. Grazie di combattere con noi per questo d'ora in poi.
Estrella Galán
Gracias, presidenta. Imaginen por un momento que hubiese ardido todo el país de Luxemburgo. Imaginen por un momento que hubiese ardido toda la isla de Malta. Sumen esas superficies y aun así no alcanzarán a representar lo que ha ardido este verano en mi país, en España. ¿Qué estaría haciendo la Unión Europea si dos de sus países hubiesen sido reducidos a cenizas?
No se hablaría de otra cosa y no faltarían los medios para prevenir que volviese a suceder. Estoy segura que los bomberos forestales de esos países no tendrían que malvivir en condiciones precarias. No serían despedidos cada invierno y no estarían bajo subcontratas privadas como sucede en mi país bajo los gobiernos de las comunidades autónomas del Partido Popular.
Seguro que se buscarían científicamente las causas, no se daría tregua a quienes niegan el cambio climático y se blindaría el Pacto Verde Europeo. Sin embargo, como lo que se ha quemado son las Castillas, Extremadura, Galicia y tantos y tantos territorios rurales abandonados a su suerte, ustedes, los negacionistas, aprietan el botón del aire acondicionado y se quedan tan tranquilos. De todas formas, con su aire acondicionado, este será el verano más fresco de todos los que vienen por delante.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you. Thank you, speaking time is over. The next speaker is Maria Zacharia.
Maria Zacharia
Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, Συμβούλιο, χθες μέσα σε αυτή την Ολομέλεια σηκωθήκαμε όρθιοι και χειροκροτήσαμε τους πυροσβέστες της Ευρώπης. Τα χειροκροτήματα όμως δεν πληρώνουν λογαριασμούς εποχικών πυροσβεστών όλο το χρόνο. Η Ευρώπη παραδέχεται ότι η κλιματική αλλαγή είναι όλο το χρόνο παρούσα. Η Ισπανία νομοθέτησε ήδη ετοιμότητα 365 μέρες το χρόνο. Στην Ελλάδα την 1η Νοεμβρίου 2,5 χιλιάδες εποχικοί πυροσβέστες πετιούνται ξανά στην ανεργία.
Τους χρειαζόμαστε στις φωτιές, στις πλημμύρες, στους σεισμούς, στις διασώσεις, στην πρόληψη, τους εμπιστευόμαστε με τη ζωή μας, αλλά λόγω ηλικιακών ορίων τους αποκλείουμε και από μια σταθερή θέση. Χρειαζόμαστε πρόληψη όλο το χρόνο και χρηματοδότηση για συντήρηση του πεπαλαιωμένου ηλεκτρικού δικτύου, έλεγχο του αντιπυρικού, προστασία των δασών.
Η Πλεύση Ελευθερίας καταθέτουμε στην ελληνική Βουλή νομοσχέδιο για 12μηνη πολιτική προστασία και δασοπροστασία και 12μηνη εργασία για τους εποχικούς πυροσβέστες. Θα τους καλέσω εδώ στο Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο να σας τα πουν οι ίδιοι, γιατί δεν γίνεται το καλοκαίρι να είναι ήρωες και το χειμώνα άνεργοι. Ευχαριστώ.
Isabelle Le Callennec
Merci, Madame la Présidente. L'Europe brûle et il ne faudrait pas regarder ailleurs. Cet été, ce sont près de 700 000 hectares qui ont brûlé. Derrière ces chiffres, des massifs forestiers partis en fumée, des logements détruits, plusieurs centaines de milliers de personnes évacuées, des agriculteurs mobilisés et impactés et des sapeurs-pompiers décédés en intervention. Face à cette épreuve inédite, l'Europe a répondu présent en complétant les moyens des États membres grâce au mécanisme européen de protection civile et à RescEU.
Nul doute, Madame la Commissaire, que le dispositif Restore sera également sollicité.
En France, les pompiers sont en grève et maintiennent la pression pour que l'été serve de leçon. Sans perdre de temps, nous devons en France adopter une stratégie nationale de résilience, en Europe produire nos propres bombardiers d'eau, dans nos pays respectifs mieux préparer nos collectivités et nos populations, mais aussi, et vous l'avez dit, protéger le statut de nos sapeurs-pompiers volontaires. Enfin, consacrer des moyens financiers à la hauteur dès 2027 et dans le prochain budget européen 2028-2034. Je vous remercie.
Annalisa Corrado
180 miliardi di euro sono stati bruciati in questi mesi di caldo atroce, l'estate più calda mai vista, la più fredda delle prossime. 180 miliardi di euro è un punto percentuale del PIL europeo ed è lo stesso valore del bilancio dell'Unione Europea, quella con cui in un anno si sostiene la PAC, i fondi di coesione, la ricerca e l'innovazione. Bruciati, letteralmente bruciata la crescita prevista per l'Unione nel prossimo anno. E questo perché? Perché non stiamo facendo abbastanza, non abbiamo fatto abbastanza.
E possono dire quello che vogliono i climapiattisti anche in quest'aula, ma la colpa è nostra perché non stiamo facendo abbastanza.
Chiedetelo alle persone che sono rimaste blindate in casa come se ci fosse il lockdown perché troppo fragili per uscire, le persone anziane, i bambini, le persone sole. Nelle carceri abbiamo realizzato dei veri e propri forni. E qui ancora si continuano a sentire cose che non stanno né in cielo né in terra. Sapete una cosa? La storia vi giudicherà.
Roman Haider
Das Global Wildfire Information System ist eine Initiative der Gemeinsamen Forschungsstelle der Europäischen Kommission von Geo, Copernicus, NASA und ESA. Und dieses Global Wildfire Information System sagt, die Anzahl der Waldbrände sinkt jährlich. Europa hat heuer bis jetzt mit rund 5,4 Millionen Hektar betroffener Flächen einen neuen Tiefststand. Und weltweit sieht's nicht anders aus. Bis zur 31. Kalenderwoche waren weltweit rund 120 Millionen Hektar betroffen, der niedrigste Wert seit 2012 und 41% weniger als im Durchschnitt der Vergleichsjahre.
Das sagen Satellitendaten und nicht Klimafanatiker. Und sie sagen auch, dass der bei weitem überwiegende Teil der Waldbrände durch Brandstiftung und Fahrlässigkeit verursacht wird.
Und es ist daher absolut unredlich, entgegen diesen wissenschaftlichen Fakten Waldbrände, Hitzewellen, Dürren eines einzigen heißen Sommers hysterisch zu einem Cocktail der Angst und des Klimawahns zu vermischen. Diese ganze Debatte hier ist unredlich. Sie ist aber leider ein Sittenbild der EU, einer EU im hysterischen Klimawahn.
Sabine Verheyen
Hier sind mehrere Blue Cards. Akzeptieren Sie die? Nein. Dann kommen wir zu... Entschuldigung, gibt's ein Problem?
Also man akzeptiert oder man akzeptiert nicht. Die Blue Cards wurden nicht akzeptiert vom Redner. Wir können ihn nicht zwingen. Das ist die Regel. Das ist ein Angebot, aber kein Muss.
Wenn ich als Redner eine Blue Card nicht akzeptiere, muss ich das als Fragender auch akzeptieren. Das möchte ich an der Stelle noch mal erklären. Man kann dazu seine Meinung haben, aber bitte in Ruhe. The next speaker is Veronika Vrecionová.
Požáry, sucho a vlny veder, které letos zasáhly Evropu, nám znovu připomněly, že na podobné situace nestačí reagovat až ve chvíli, kdy přijde krize. Základem musí být prevence, konkrétní opatření v přírodě a ne jen hezké plány. Důležitou roli mají samozřejmě zemědělci. Ti nesmí mít ale ruce zahlcené papíry a svázané šílenou byrokracií.
Veronika Vrecionová
Musíme podporovat ty, kdo dělají vše pro zadržování vody v krajině, živou půdu, sází odolné lesy a připravují naše regiony a občany na období sucha i vysokých teplot. Neexistuje žádné univerzální řešení. Opatření musí vycházet ze specifických podmínek každého regionu. Naším úkolem proto musí být podpora členských států a regionů v tomto úsilí. Na závěr bych chtěla velice moc poděkovat všem hasičům, záchranářům a dobrovolníkům za jejich práci a neskutečné nasazení.
Děkuji.
Sabine Verheyen
Mrs. Vrecionová, there is a blue card from Mr. Gerbrandy, do you accept it?
Yes, please, Mr. Gerbrandy. Just a second, but I have to change language, I don't know.
Thank you, Madam Chair. I fully agree what you're saying about the importance of farmers, but at the same time farmers are the biggest victims of climate change. Do you agree with me that if we want to protect farmers, the most important thing is that we try to avoid future climate change and that we need ambitious climate policies in order to protect these same farmers? Thank you.
Veronika Vrecionová
Já budu odpovídat česky. Já naprosto souhlasím, že zemědělci jsou ti klíčoví, nicméně jsem přesvědčena, že ta práce právě spočívá v těch spousty drobných opatření. Že pokud my budeme zemědělce svazovat různými zákazy, příkazy, nastavenými tady odsud, bez ohledu na to, jaká je různorodost regionů, tak si myslím, že ničeho nedosáhneme, protože se velmi obávám, že tady spíše vlastně jde o ideologii. A myslím si, že je nesmírně důležité pomoci jim v jejich praktické práci. Děkuji.
Pascal Canfin
Merci beaucoup, Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire. J'espère sincèrement qu'il y aura un avant et un après été 2026. Nous ne pouvons plus continuer comme avant. Nous ne pouvons plus continuer à être aveugles, à ne pas savoir si nos infrastructures énergétiques, nos voies ferrées, nos routes, nos ports sont capables de survivre, d'opérer dans un monde et une Europe qui se réchauffe de plus en plus.
Nous devons pour cela, et c'est un des enjeux du texte européen qui va venir dans quelques semaines, mettre en place des tests de résilience, savoir comment nos grandes infrastructures stratégiques vont opérer et les adapter. C'est un enjeu majeur pour notre économie. Nous devons le faire, nous aurions dû le faire il y a des années, il n'est jamais trop tard. Et puis politiquement, j'espère, je crains que non, mais j'espère qu'enfin tous ceux qui s'opposent à droite et surtout à l'extrême droite aux politiques climatiques que nous menons sur l'énergie, sur les forêts, sur l'agriculture vont enfin arrêter de mettre des obstacles qui font que nous n'arrivons pas à avancer assez vite. J'espère que vous allez changer.
Malheureusement, ce débat me montre que vous avez encore beaucoup à apprendre, mais nous, nous ne lâcherons rien.
The next speaker is Kai Tegethoff.
Climate change will manifest as a series of disasters viewed on your phone, with footage getting closer to where you live until you're the one filming it. You know that quote. From Navalvillar de Pela to Frontignan or Neufchâteau, climate change is no longer at the doorstep.
Kai Tegethoff
Yet, as the flames are getting closer, the right doubles down on fake culture wars to keep you distracted. The reality: we lost 36,000 Europeans and 180 billion euros in damage in one single summer. If you think fighting climate crisis is expensive, losing that fight will cost us everything. We demand binding climate checks on all EU spending and dedicated adaptation budgets. Public money needs to protect people, not polluters.
While conservative governments mock adaptation as green lunacy, everyday people were out there saving their elderly neighbors and standing shoulder to shoulder with exhausted firefighters. Citizens showed courage. That's what we owe them now.
Elena Kountoura
Ευχαριστώ πολύ, κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, κύριοι συνάδελφοι. Είναι η έβδομη χρονιά που είμαι ευρωβουλευτής και μετά από κάθε καλοκαίρι συζητάμε τα ίδια φαινόμενα σαν να είναι η πρώτη φορά. Οι καταστροφικές πυρκαγιές, οι καύσωνες και η ξηρασία χτύπησαν σκληρά την Ευρώπη. Επιβεβαίωσαν τις ολοένα αυξανόμενες συνέπειες της κλιματικής κρίσης που βιώνουμε κάθε χρόνο και τη συνεχιζόμενη ανεπάρκεια των ευρωπαϊκών και εθνικών πολιτικών για την πρόληψη και την αντιμετώπισή τους.
Μόνο φέτος περισσότερα από 655.000 εκτάρια έχουν καεί σε ολόκληρη την Ευρώπη. Στην Ελλάδα θρηνούμε νεκρούς συμπολίτες μας, κατεστραμμένες περιουσίες, εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες στρέμματα και ολόκληρα οικοσυστήματα καμένα. Χρειαζόμαστε άμεσα ισχυρότερη πρόληψη με συστηματική χαρτογράφηση κινδύνων, έγκαιρη προειδοποίηση και αντιπυρική διαχείριση δασών. Ενισχυμένα κονδύλια στον επόμενο προϋπολογισμό για όλο τον κύκλο των φαινομένων από την πρόληψη στην αντιμετώπιση, την αποκατάσταση. Και τέλος, ενίσχυση του ευρωπαϊκού μηχανισμού πολιτικής προστασίας και ετοιμότητα όλο το χρόνο με επένδυση σε ανθεκτικές υποδομές, εξοπλισμό και ανθρώπινο δυναμικό.
Σας ευχαριστώ πολύ.
Sabine Verheyen
There is a blue card, Ms. Kountoura, there is a blue card from Mrs. Grapini, do you accept? No. Then the next speaker is Fredi Beleris.
Ευχαριστώ Πρόεδρε, αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι. Το καλοκαίρι του 2024 αρκετές ευρωπαϊκές χώρες δοκιμάστηκαν από μεγάλες πυρκαγιές με συνέπεια να χαθούν ανθρώπινες ζωές, να καταστραφούν περιουσίες και μεγάλες δασικές εκτάσεις. Απέναντι σε τέτοια φαινόμενα που γίνονται όλο και πιο συχνά και πιο έντονα, χρειάζεται συντονισμός, αποτελεσματική πρόληψη και αποκατάσταση.
Fredis Beleris
Η πολιτική προστασία, το προσωπικό, οι δήμοι και οι περιφέρειες πρέπει να αυξήσουν την ετοιμότητά τους και το επίπεδο συνεργασίας. Υποχρέωσή μας είναι να τους υποστηρίξουμε με πόρους και νέα τεχνολογία. Τέλος, για να μπορέσουμε να περιορίσουμε ουσιαστικά τις καταστροφές, χρειαζόμαστε έναν πιο ισχυρό ευρωπαϊκό μηχανισμό πολιτικής προστασίας και ένα ευρωπαϊκό ταμείο αντιμετώπισης φυσικών καταστροφών με εξασφαλισμένους επαρκείς πόρους για την προστασία των δασών, την ενίσχυση των υποδομών και την άμεση στήριξη των πολιτών σε πληγείσες περιοχές. Είναι βέβαιο ότι όλοι μαζί θα είμαστε πιο αποτελεσματικοί για να πετύχουμε όλα αυτά. Ευχαριστώ.
Mr. Beleris, there is a blue card from Mrs. Grapini, do you accept it? Yes, Mrs. Grapini, and there is also from Tijs Reuten a blue card. So first Mrs. Grapini.
Maria Grapini
O să vorbesc în română, dacă vă puneți casca. Apreciez ceea ce ați spus dumneavoastră și faptul că ați venit cu niște propuneri concrete: să întărim mecanismul european de protecție civilă, o gestiune mai bună. Problema este ce trebuie să facă Comisia, ce trebuie să facem noi, pentru că foarte multe lucruri țin de subsidiaritate, încât într-adevăr să fim pregătiți și să și prevenim, pentru că multe din incendii, știm bine, au fost puse, n-au fost create natural.
Deci cum vedeți o mai bună cooperare și dacă bugetul ar trebui să crească pentru întărirea infrastructurii? Mulțumesc.
Fredis Beleris
Ευχαριστώ πάρα πολύ. Πράγματι, πολύ πολλές από τις πυρκαγιές είναι εμπρησμοί. Πρέπει να αυστηροποιήσουμε το νομικό πλαίσιο έτσι ώστε να τιμωρούνται αυστηρά αυτοί που σκοπίμως κάνουν αυτές τις καταστροφές και βάζουν τις φωτιές. Και επίσης θα πρέπει να βάλουμε πιο πολλά χρήματα. Αλλά πιο πολλά χρήματα ζητάνε οι αγρότες, ζητάει η άμυνα, ζητάει η παιδεία, η υγεία.
Πρέπει να σκεφτούμε από πού θα πάρουμε αυτά τα χρήματα. Άρα πιστεύω ότι θέλει μεγαλύτερο συντονισμό και μεγαλύτερη προσπάθεια από όλους μαζί. Ευχαριστώ.
Sabine Verheyen
There was a second blue card from Mr. Takketov. There was a second blue card from Mr. Takketov.
I just heard you call for additional funding for infrastructure. So my question is very simple: will you let action follow those words? Will you be there to also protect our budget from being used efficiently?
Will you protect the do no significant harm principle in the MFF? Will you be there to implement climate adaptation mainstreaming in our EU spending and will you be there to actually also put money behind those demands? You and your group need to be there and really let those words follow action.
Θεωρώ ότι η ομάδα μου πρωταγωνιστεί στην πολιτική προστασία και στην αντιμετώπιση της κλιματικής αλλαγής. Δεν ξέρω και από πού βγάλατε το συμπέρασμα ότι λείπουνε λεφτά από την πολιτική προστασία.
Sakis Arnaoutoglou
Κύριοι συνάδελφοι, πρώτα απ' όλα θέλω να απευθυνθώ στην ακροδεξιά η οποία μας κουνάει συνεχώς το δάχτυλο λέγοντας ότι δεν υπάρχει κλιματική αλλαγή και ότι τα αφήνουμε όλα για χάρη της κλιματικής αλλαγής κλπ. Μπορείτε να μεταφέρετε σας παρακαλώ ένα μήνυμα στον κύριο Τραμπ διότι να τον ρωτήσετε τελικά γιατί άρχισε ο κύριος Τραμπ να ενδιαφέρεται για τη Γροιλανδία την ώρα που το λιώσιμο των πάγων αυξάνει τη γεωπολιτική και οικονομική τους αξία;
Δεν είναι λίγο περίεργο αυτό και δεν έρχεται σε αντίθεση με αυτά που συμβαίνουν; Από το '19 λοιπόν μέχρι φέτος έχει καεί σχεδόν η μισή έκταση των δασών στην Αττική, στην περιοχή της Αθήνας στην Ελλάδα. Ναι, έχουμε πολλά δάση στην Ελλάδα, δεν είναι μόνο νησιά στον νότο. Και αναρωτιέμαι, πόσα ακόμα δάση πρέπει να καούν για να γίνει η πρόληψη προτεραιότητα; Και η Επιτροπή λέει ότι διαθέτει δισεκατομμύρια.
Πού πηγαίνουν αυτά; Ζητώ δημόσιο απολογισμό. Πώς φτάνουν τελικά στην πρόληψη; Ποια έργα ολοκληρώθηκαν και ποιος τους λογοδοτεί στην τελική φάση; Η απορρόφηση κονδυλίων δεν αποδεικνύει προστασία των πολιτών.
Χρειαζόμαστε στελεχωμένες δασικές υπηρεσίες με περισσότερες αρμοδιότητες, διαχείριση καύσιμης ύλης, στήριξη της υπαίθρου και ελέγχους πυρασφάλειας στα ηλεκτρικά δίκτυα. Όποιος αγνοεί την επιστήμη πριν από την καταστροφή, δεν δικαιούται σε καμία περίπτωση να επικαλείται την κλιματική κρίση μετά. Και απορώ για την ακροδεξιά, δεν ενδιαφέρονται καθόλου για τα παιδιά τους και τις επόμενες γενιές; Σας ευχαριστώ.
Sabine Verheyen
Sorry, I check... no, it's okay because I had to check the catch-the-eye list. Mireia Borrás Pabón, Mireia Borrás Pabón, sorry.
Sí, muchas gracias, presidente.
Mireia Borrás Pabón
Señorías, hoy vienen aquí a hablarnos de lecciones del verano 2023, pero señorías, saben que las lecciones no solo se dan, también se aprenden. Y la primera lección que deben aprender es que un incendio no comienza cuando vemos las llamas, sino muchos meses antes, cuando un ganadero cierra su explotación y desaparece el rebaño que limpiaba el monte. Empieza cuando su regulación del Partido Popular y el Partido Socialista, su regulación climática, prohíbe directamente al agricultor quemar sus rastrojos. Empieza cuando sus directivas de hábitats y aves convierten un cortafuegos en año y medio de prohibiciones y papeleos. Y empieza, por supuesto, cuando hablan de restaurar la naturaleza, pero en realidad lo que hacen es demonizar la gestión forestal que habría evitado la tragedia.
Este año solamente en mi país, en España, ha ardido más territorio que Madrid, Berlín y Roma juntas. Y mientras un agricultor sale desesperado con su tractor a tratar de apagar las llamas, ustedes aquí, mientras, lo multan por el cortafuegos que no le dejaron abrir. Así que, ¿cómo pueden, señorías, cómo no se les cae la cara de vergüenza de no asumir ninguna responsabilidad tras haber aprobado en bloque en esta cámara el Pacto Verde Europeo? La lección principal que no he escuchado hoy aquí es que deben abandonar inmediatamente el Pacto Verde Europeo, recuperar el sentido común y defender de una vez por todas a nuestra gente del campo. Muchas gracias.
Jessika van Leeuwen
Thank you very much chair, commissioner, dear colleagues, nearly 660,000 hectares of land have burned across the EU this year. And I pay my respect to all those affected. Fires and drought threaten our harvest and food security. So we need to be extra protective of our farmland. Yet just before summer, the Dutch minority government presented plans to reduce nitrogen deposition, decreasing livestock numbers up to 40%.
This doesn't only jeopardize our food security and that of our neighboring countries, but it also places a bomb under the very livelihood of our farmers and everyone that works in the production chain. So far for European solidarity. It clearly violates the principles stated at Article 39 of the Treaty of the Functioning of the Union, where we all agreed to stimulate agricultural production, ensure a fair income for farmers and keep food affordable for our citizens. So I stand here and I call on the Commission: stop the nitrogen madness and call upon the Dutch government to protect food security, respect our farmers and to comply with Article 39. As Commissioner Hansen said, we cannot build a continent on an empty stomach.
And that is exactly where we're heading unless you stop it. Thank you.
Sabine Verheyen
Mrs. van Leuven, there are two blue cards from Mr. Waitz and Mr. Gerbrandy, do you accept them?
Please, Mr. Waitz first.
Sure.
Thomas Waitz
Danke Vorsitzender, Frau Kollegin van Leuven. Wie Sie richtig gesagt haben, quer durch Europa sind Ernten vertrocknet, Tiere mussten notgeschlachtet werden, weil einfach kein Futter mehr da war, und unsere Wälder sind abgebrannt. Tausende von Landwirten sind betroffen von den Folgen der Klimakrise. Stimmen Sie mir zu, dass wir unser Steuergeld vor allem dafür verwenden müssen, europäische Landwirte und Landwirtinnen in der Anpassung an den Klimawandel zu unterstützen, in Renaturierung der Natur zu investieren, damit das Wasser am Land bleibt, das wir dringend brauchen werden, um überhaupt noch Lebensmittel zu erzeugen? Stimmen Sie mir zu, dass wir dafür vor allem Agrargeld verwenden sollten, hier so unsere Landwirte zu unterstützen, ja oder nein?
Dankeschön.
Jessika van Leeuwen
Thank you very much for your question. You want a yes or a no, so my answer is no, I don't agree with you. Thank you.
Dank u mevrouw de voorzitter.
Mevrouw van Leeuwen, u misbruikt een debat over vreselijke droogte, bosbranden, tienduizenden doden, noem maar op in Europa om uw beklag te doen over het Nederlandse stikstofbeleid. Maar bent u met mij eens dat de grootste bedreiging van de boerenstand in Europa klimaatverandering zelf is? En dat het dus zaak is dat we daar met z'n allen wat aan doen? Bent u dat met mij eens?
Jessika van Leeuwen
U hartelijk voor deze vraag. Deze vraag heeft u zojuist ook aan mijn collega Fresnova gesteld. Het is denk ik exact dezelfde vraag. Allereerst denk ik niet dat ik deze vraag of deze spreektijd misbruik. Het is totaal aan elkaar gelinkt.
Als wij zien dat onze oogsten in het zuiden van Europa minder zijn vanwege klimaatverandering, moeten wij dan niet, en dat zou uw partij D66 toch echt met mij eens moeten zijn, solidair zijn met andere landen in Europa en zorgen dat waar wij nog heel goed, efficiënt en schoon, want let wel, de kleinste voetafdruk per geproduceerde eenheid hebben wij in Nederland, moeten wij er dan niet voor zorgen dat we die volledig in stand houden zodat we in Europa voldoende voedselzekerheid houden? Dank u.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much. I cannot take your blue card Mr. Tinkinn because you didn't ask for the blue card during the first speech of the speaker. I again explain the rules.
You have to ask for a blue card during the first, the original speech of the speakers. You cannot jump in during the debate that is coming up through the blue cards. So that is the rule. So please respect that and sorry for that. And as we are already running out of time, I have to close now the possibility for blue cards because otherwise our speakers have not the possibility to speak.
So I now give the floor to Michal Wiezik.
Michal Wiezik
Ďakujem. Leto 2024 bolo letom klimatickej krízy a bolo hrozné. Určite však nie je to najhoršie, ktoré ešte zažijeme. Bolo by logické zobrať si z neho lekciu, ponaučiť sa, no úprimne musím povedať, že nemám ten pocit, že je to prípad tohto parlamentu. Posledné tri roky v tomto parlamente sa nesú v duchu útokov na Green Deal.
Len si spomeňme, ako tento parlament doslova zarezal zákon o monitoringu lesov. Myslím si, že práve v prípade požiarov európskych lesov by sa nám toto nariadenie veľmi zišlo. Stále pre pravú stranu tohto parlamentu je legitímnym cieľom zrušenie Green Dealu. Takže aká je moja lekcia z tohto leta? Moja lekcia je, že nepotrebujeme menej klimatickej politiky, ale naopak, potrebujeme jej viac a potrebujeme jej dôsledné uplatnenie v teréne, pretože klimatická kríza nie je krízou diplomatickou, nedá sa vyrokovať za rokovacím stolom, treba ju vyriešiť priamo v teréne.
Bavíme sa o fyzike, nie diplomacii. Aká by mala byť lekcia pre ľudí, ktorí hlasujú za tých ľudí, ktorí tuná teraz bojujú aktívne proti Green Dealu, proti jedinému nástroju, ktorý máme na zabezpečenie našej dobrej budúcnosti, budúcnosti našich detí? Prosím, neposielajte ich už sem. Robia tu škodlivú prácu, oberajú vás o budúcnosť. Ide tu naozaj o život.
The next speaker is Sara Matthieu.
Sara Matthieu
I'm not trying to make a good harvest anymore, I'm just trying to make my plants survive. That's what Reinier, a farmer, told me a couple of days ago. And he really saw firsthand what heat can do. He witnessed Belgium's biggest wildfire ever. He drove up there with his tractor for hours with water and he fought against the fire.
And when I asked him what still gave him hope after seeing that devastation, he said, people's solidarity and their action. Because so many neighbors, they brought food, people got out of their beds at 3 in the morning to help. And I have to say that the contrast with the deafening silence of our European leaders couldn't be bigger. We know what to do. We need to protect people against extreme temperatures.
We need mandatory climate adaptation plans with money for nature restoration. We need to tax the fossil fuel superprofits to make people help them install the cooling systems and the solar panels that they need. We need to stop climate change, we need to protect people and we need to protect our planet. Thank you.
Valentina Palmisano
Grazie, grazie Presidente. In alcune regioni d'Europa la situazione è drammatica, l'avete detto tutti: gli anziani, i soggetti fragili, moltissimi bambini hanno dovuto trascorrere l'estate rinchiusi in casa perché all'aperto non si poteva stare. Una volta le ondate di calore duravano al massimo una settimana, oggi durano ininterrottamente tre mesi e mettono a rischio la salute delle persone, dell'agricoltura e la nostra stessa vita. Eppure di fronte a questa drammatica realtà la destra, l'abbiamo ascoltato ora, ha scelto di ingaggiare una battaglia ideologica.
Anche la Commissione von der Leyen e il governo Meloni in Italia lavorano insieme per indebolire, rinviare, cancellare tutti quei provvedimenti nati proprio per contrastare la crisi climatica, alimentando una falsa visione, ovvero che ci siano due fronti opposti: da un lato la tutela degli imprenditori e dall'altro la tutela dell'ambiente. E invece no, siamo tutti dalla stessa parte, anche perché la lotta ai cambiamenti climatici è una priorità non solo sociale e sanitaria, ma anche economica, proprio a tutela di quelle imprese. Con noi al governo del 2027 l'Italia lo riconoscerà e farà di tutto per sostenere i cittadini e le imprese nella transizione ambientale. Grazie.
Sabine Verheyen
The next speaker is Peter Liese. I don't see him, so we go to the next. It's Delara Burkhardt.
Delara Burkhardt
Vielen Dank, Frau Präsidentin. Während auf der rechten Seite darüber philosophiert wird, ob das jetzt Wetter ist, ob es jetzt China ist, die mehr Emissionen haben oder der Green Deal verantwortlich ist, hat dieser einzige Hitzesommer viele Menschen an ihre Grenzen gebracht. So zum Beispiel auch Christine.
Sie arbeitet in meiner Heimat in Kiel mit Seniorinnen und sagte mir: "Die Älteren haben eigentlich schon ziemlich viel erlebt, aber diese extreme Hitze, die ist für uns alle neu." Also ob jetzt die Nachbarin, die allein in der verdunkelten Wohnung ausharrt, weil der Seniorentreff nicht der Hitze vorbereitet ist, oder die Pflegerin, die versucht irgendwie behelfsmäßig mit nassen Lappen die Patienten zu kühlen. Die Mutter, die irgendwo im Park versucht ein schattiges Plätzchen zu finden, damit das Kind ein bisschen Kind sein kann. Sie alle haben ein Recht auf Orte, die sie schützen. Christine hat mir gesagt, sie will auf den nächsten Hitzesommer besser vorbereitet sein.
Sie will Wasserspender, sie will Klimaanlagen für ihren Seniorentreff, gerade in den Stadtteilen, die besonders von Altersarmut betroffen sind. Dafür braucht es Fördermittel. Dafür braucht es einen ambitionierten Hitzeaktionsplan mit einem Haushalt, der genau an diesen Stellen nicht spart. Wir können so Städte und Gemeinde auch von der europäischen Ebene unterstützen, sich gegen die Hitze zu wappnen. Lassen Sie uns das doch machen.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you. The next speaker is Sergio Berlato and I still ask please to stick to the time.
Sergio Berlato
Signora Presidente, signora Commissaria, onorevoli colleghi. Nel ringraziare sentitamente i vigili del fuoco e la protezione civile per il lavoro svolto, evidenzio che le statistiche ufficiali ci ricordano che il 96% degli incendi boschivi che avvengono in Europa è causato dalle attività umane, sia in modo accidentale che in modo doloso.
La stragrande maggioranza degli incendi boschivi avviene o perché si lascia cadere sbadatamente un mozzicone di sigaretta, o perché non si spegne accuratamente un falò, oppure perché qualche criminale piromane appicca dolosamente il fuoco. L'Unione Europea dovrebbe utilizzare le risorse disponibili per investire nella prevenzione e nell'educazione dei cittadini a comportamenti responsabili, anziché sprecare fiumi di denaro in costose baggianate come il Green Deal, decisioni autolesioniste che rappresentano per i cittadini europei delle calamità molto più onerose rispetto ai costi patiti a causa delle calamità naturali. Grazie per la vostra attenzione.
Michael Bloss
Meine Damen und Herren, wir Menschen, wir sind die einzige Spezies, die Milliarden dafür ausgibt, was sie selbst umbringt. Wir zahlen 400 Milliarden Euro jährlich für den Ankauf von klimaschädlicher Kohle, Öl und Gas. Und was bekommen wir dafür? Der Rhein lag im Sommer brach. 6.000 Quadratkilometer sind abgebrannt.
Eine Fläche so groß wie Luxemburg. 180 Milliarden Euro wirtschaftlicher Schaden. Und ganz zu schweigen von den über 35.000 hitzebedingten Toten diesen Sommer.
Und jetzt steuern wir auf einen Winter zu mit Gaspreisen, die den Familien den Hals abschnüren. Wann realisieren wir hier in diesem Parlament endlich: Die, die um ihre Geliebten trauern, die entkräfteten Feuerwehrleute, die Ärztinnen und das Pflegepersonal in den Krankenhäusern und Altenheimen, die Familien, die drei Euro an der Tankstelle zahlen, all diese Menschen, die können sich Ihr Zurück beim Klimaschutz, die können sich Ihre verfehlte Politik einfach nicht mehr leisten.
Paulo do Nascimento Cabral
Senhor Presidente, o verão de 2024 deixou uma mensagem clara: ondas de calor, incêndios e secas já não são um problema apenas do sul da Europa. O calor extremo está associado a mais de 35 mil mortes no último ano, são comunidades e territórios destruídos, vidas perdidas. Agradeço aos bombeiros, forças de segurança e saúde, agricultores, voluntários e a todos os que estiveram e ainda estão em Portugal na linha da frente. Destaco também o papel fundamental dos agricultores e dos autarcas na prevenção e na gestão do território. Portugal conhece demasiado bem esta realidade.
A área ardida diminuiu 73,5% apesar de termos tido mais 6,7% de incêndios rurais até 31 de agosto do corrente ano. Por isso, pergunto à Comissão: o que é que vamos fazer diferente amanhã? Precisamos de mais investimento na prevenção através de um fundo próprio que tenha em conta a gestão da água, floresta e proteção civil e de meios europeus rapidamente mobilizáveis, fixos também na nossa fronteira do Atlântico, Açores, Madeira e Canárias. E reitero o que pedi há um ano: temos de recuperar o sucesso do RescEU. 2026 seja o ponto de viragem: menos reação, mais prevenção.
Mas este verão mostrou que a prevenção, estratégia e capacidade de resposta atempada fazem a diferença.
É o que os cidadãos europeus esperam de nós. Muito obrigado.
Eric Sargiacomo
Madame la Présidente, Madame la Commissaire, 50 000 hectares de forêt brûlés, plus de 400 maisons ou bâtiments partis en fumée, 260 000 personnes déplacées, Bordeaux menacée par les flammes, c'est le bilan dans ma région. C'est aussi une extraordinaire chaîne de solidarité, en premier lieu évidemment les pompiers volontaires. Je pense aussi aux 70 pompiers ukrainiens venus prêter main-forte. Quel courage ! Je n'en dirai pas autant des bancs de cette assemblée.
Souvenez-vous, l'année dernière la droite et l'extrême droite ont rejeté le règlement sur le suivi des forêts qui aurait permis de faire progresser la coopération en Europe, prévoir et anticiper les crises. Vous versez des larmes mais ce sont des larmes de crocodile. Et les mêmes demandent aujourd'hui moins d'argent pour le budget européen. N'avez-vous pas honte ? On ne fera pas plus avec moins.
Oui, il faut plus de moyens pour lutter mais aussi pour anticiper ces changements qui seront demain notre quotidien. Je compte sur la Commission européenne pour faire de nouvelles propositions à la hauteur des enjeux.
Nikolina Brnjac
Hvala predsjednice, povjereniče. Ovog ljeta ponovo smo vidjeli koliko razorne posljedice mogu imati požari, suše i ekstremne vrućine. A u Hrvatskoj ta borba još uvijek traje. Veliki požar na otoku Braču i dalje je aktivan. Vatra je proteklih dana ugrožavala kuće, naselja, oko 700 ljudi je evakuirano, a prema prvim procjenama izgorjelo je oko 4500 hektara.
U katastrofalnom požaru na području Omiša šteta premašuje 110 milijuna eura, a ovim putem izražavam sućut svim ljudskim žrtvama. Zato prije svega želim zahvaliti našim vatrogascima, HGSS-u, civilnoj zaštiti, ali i svima koji su na terenu štitili živote, domove i infrastrukturu. Ovo ljeto pokazalo je da moramo graditi europsku otpornost upravo kroz jačanje njihovih kapaciteta.
I zato pozivam Europsku komisiju na veća ulaganja, izmjenu legislative i koordinirani pristup u prevenciji, upravljanju vodama, protupožarne kapacitete, otpornu infrastrukturu i prilagodbu klimatskim rizicima. Hvala.
Matjaž Nemec
Spoštovani. Podnebna kriza nam vsako leto izstavi večji račun. Uničujoči večkratni toplotni valovi, grozoviti gozdni požari in suša so pustili v Evropi globoke rane. In nekateri tudi v tej hiši še vedno zanikajo vplive podnebnih sprememb in spodkopavajo prizadevanja za zeleni prehod. Vročina je letos zahtevala rekordno število življenj, v požarih so izginila celotna skupnosti.
Kmetijska zemljišča in lokalna skupnosti in gospodarstva bodo potrebovala leta, da si opomorejo. Vseeno pa se solidarnost ne sme končati, ko so plameni pogašeni. Evropska enotnost mora obsegati celoten cikel nesreče, od preprečevanja, okrevanja in seveda obnove. Stopiti moramo skupaj, zlasti v najbolj ogroženih regijah. Plameni so tisti, ki dejansko izpostavljajo nas kot Evropejke in Evropejce.
Čezmejno regionalno povezovanje mora postati pravilo na odzivanje na krize. Regija Alpe-Adria je v tem zgled, torej Italija, Avstrija, Slovenija in Hrvaška. Naj bo leto 2024 prelomno. Ob tem ne gre spregledati reševalcev in gasilcev.
Hvala vam za vaša prizadevanja.
The next speaker is Dragoș Benea.
Dragoş Benea
Stimată doamnă președintă, doamnă comisar, dragi colegi, dezastrele naturale nu mai sunt o amenințare pentru viitor, ci realitatea care lovește Europa an de an. Seceta, incendiile și nivelurile extrem de scăzute ale râurilor au afectat numeroase state membre, inclusiv România. Nivelul scăzut al Dunării a avut consecințe grave asupra agriculturii, producției de energie și transporturilor, iar seceta a pus o presiune tot mai mare asupra resurselor de apă. Răspunsul european trebuie să fie ferm și eficient, prin măsuri concrete de prevenție și intervenție, viitorul CFM trebuind să investească într-o capacitate europeană de protecție civilă mai puternică, într-un fond pentru prevenirea incendiilor, într-un sistem european de avertizare timpurie și în extinderea instrumentului RescEU. Orașele și regiunile sunt în prima linie.
Trebuie să le oferim resurse pentru servicii de urgență, avertizare timpurie, evacuare și infrastructură rezilientă. Apa trebuie tratată nu doar ca o resursă esențială, ci și ca o infrastructură strategică. Să investim în stocare, reutilizare, rețele moderne și gestionarea bazinelor hidrografice, inclusiv al Dunării. Nu putem controla clima, dar putem controla cât de pregătită este Europa, de la Gironde la Galiția, de la Attica la Pavia și Broșteni, Suceava, de la Rin la Dunăre, prin prevenție, investiții și capacitate imediată de intervenție.
Thank you very much. The next speaker now on catch the eye is Sunčana Glavak. One minute.
Sunčana Glavak
Hvala vam lijepa, kolegice i kolege. Hrvatska je bila među teško pogođenim državama članicama. Katastrofalni požar koji je izbio u Omišu zahvatio je oko 1000 hektara, odnio tri života i ozlijeđeno je više od 40 ljudi. Evakuirano je oko 2500 stanovnika, izgorjeli su deseci kuća i vozila. Materijalna šteta 110 milijuna eura.
Ovim putem želim još jednom izraziti zahvalnost našim vatrogascima, pilotima kanadera, HGSS-u. Međutim, istodobno su hrvatske vlasti istraživale i niz namjerno izazvanih požara. Na zadarskom području četvero osumnjičenih povezano je s podmetanjem požara na 10 lokacija. Pokrenut je i postupak protiv osoba osumnjičenih za namjerno izazivanje požara. Kolegice i kolege, ti slučajevi dodatno otvaraju pitanje zaštite Hrvatske i drugih država članica od namjernog izazivanja katastrofa u razdobljima ekstremnog požarnog rizika.
I na kraju želim uputiti pitanje Komisiji.
Vidjeli smo kolike su štete, koliki su gubici. Hoće li 10,7 milijardi eura zajedničkih sredstava biti...
Romana Jerković
Hvala, predsjedavajuća. U Hrvatskoj imamo izreku, kaže, ne vidjeti pored zdravih očiju. Ta upravo tako danas možemo opisati one koji dok Europa doslovce gori, dok se suočavamo s rekordnim vrućinama i sušama, i dalje zatvaraju oči pred posljedicama klimatskih promjena. Dolazim iz zemlje koja je i ovog ljeta bila pogođena razornim požarima, zemlje u kojoj se trenutno borimo s vatrom na jednom od naših najljepših otoka. I upravo sada, kada su posljedice klimatskih promjena naša svakodnevica, neki obezvrjeđuju i razvodnjavaju ambicije europskog zelenog plana i tvrde da su ulaganja u klimatsku otpornost trošak koji si više ne možemo priuštiti.
Obzirom na novu stvarnost, ne možemo si priuštiti da ne ulažemo. Možemo mijenjati instrumente, razgovarati o tome kako zeleni plan učiniti učinkovitijim i pravednijim, ali od njegovog cilja ne smijemo odustati.
Jer kada nam posljedice jasno kao dan stoje pred očima, okrenuti glavu više nije neznanje, to je politički izbor i to pogrešan. Hvala.
Lukas Sieper
Diesen Sommer ist das Haus meiner Oma im Hürtgenwald fast abgebrannt. Diesen Sommer ist meine Taufkirche am Hohen Venn fast abgebrannt. Und ich könnte jetzt verzweifeln angesichts der Klimaleugner hier in diesem Saal, die zu verdammen sogar unser sonst unverbesserlicher Bundeskanzler sich herabgelassen hat. Aber ich verzweifle nicht. Denn ich habe nicht nur Polizistinnen und Soldaten, Försterinnen und Feuerwehrmänner, Landwirtinnen und freiwillige Helfer gemeinsam mit anderen anpacken sehen, als würde die deutsch-belgische Grenze überhaupt nicht mehr existieren.
Ich habe Löschflugzeuge aus den Niederlanden, spezialisierte Brandbekämpfungsteams aus Spanien und sogar Hubschrauber aus Norwegen gesehen und die sind nicht mal in der EU. Ich verzweifle nicht angesichts der Zehntausenden toten Europäer, denn in diesem Moment des Todes, des Leids, der Zerstörung hat Europa bewiesen, was es sein kann.
Speaker 75
Ein Kontinent, auf dem wir uns nicht fragen, woher du kommst, wenn dein Haus brennt, sondern wie wir helfen können. Dankeschön.
Katrin Langensiepen
Wie viele Beweise und Belege brauchen wir eigentlich noch? Die Fakten sind doch schon knallhart auf dem Boden aufgeschlagen. Wir können die Fridays belächeln, wir können die Klimakleber verurteilen und inhaftieren, ob das rechtsstaatlich justiziabel ist, ja oder nein, das sei dahingestellt. Es bleibt, es ist wie es ist. Menschen haben diesen Sommer ihr Zuhause verloren, ihre Wohnung verloren.
Sie sind gestorben in ihren eigenen Wohnungen. Ältere Menschen, obdachlose Menschen, Menschen, die von Armut betroffen sind, die trifft es am härtesten. Das ist alles Lüge, das ist einfach Ideologie, das kriegen wir seit Jahren, Jahrzehnten zu hören, es war nicht der letzte heiße Sommer, es wird auch, es war auch nicht der erste, es wird auch nicht der letzte sein. Was tun wir? Morgen hören wir Frau von der Leyen, da wird es wahrscheinlich wieder um Wettbewerbsfähigkeit gehen.
Wir werden nicht wettbewerbsfähig sein können, wenn wir den Klimawandel weiterhin ignorieren, wenn wir Arbeitnehmerinnen alleine lassen, wenn wir die Älteren alleine lassen, wenn wir die Menschen in der Europäischen Union alleine lassen in dieser dramatischen Situation, in der sich dieser Kontinent befindet. Herzlichen Dank.
Kostas Papadakis
Το εκμεταλλευτικό σας σύστημα, το εχθρικό για το λαό κράτος σας, στην εποχή της απογείωσης της τεχνητής νοημοσύνης και των επιστημονικών ανακαλύψεων, αφήνουν εκτεθειμένο το λαό να πεθαίνει μαζικά από κρύο το χειμώνα και από καύσωνα το καλοκαίρι, να πνίγεται το χειμώνα και να καίγεται το καλοκαίρι με νεκρούς και ακόμα και πυροσβέστες. Οι συνένοχες Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και κυβερνήσεις δήθεν παίρνουν μαθήματα από τις μεγάλες κατά σειρά τραγωδίες και προωθούν ακόμα πιο αντιδραστικούς μηχανισμούς και αντιλαϊκά μέτρα που προδιαγράφουν τις επόμενες. RescEU, ανακύκλωση προσωπικού με απογυμνωμένες υποδομές και υποστελεχωμένες υπηρεσίες σε κάθε κράτος μέλος. Υποκριτικές είναι και οι ανησυχίες σας για την υπερθέρμανση του πλανήτη, όταν εσείς οι ίδιοι πριμοδοτείτε τον νούμερο ένα παράγοντα επιδείνωσής του, τον ιμπεριαλιστικό πόλεμο. Στόχος σας να εδραιωθούν οι νέες business και πεδία επιχειρηματικής κερδοφορίας, ταυτόχρονα σε πολιτική προστασία και πολεμική προετοιμασία.
Τώρα απαιτούμε μέτρα ολοκληρωμένης προστασίας, προσλήψεις πυροσβεστών, αποζημίωση στο 100% της ζημιάς και καμία επιχειρηματική δράση.
Η πραγματικότητα βοά ότι το σάπιο καπιταλιστικό σας σύστημα χρεοκόπησε και ο σοσιαλισμός είναι η απάντηση στα αδιέξοδά του.
András Tivadar Kulja
Tisztelt Elnök asszony, tisztelt Biztos asszony, Miniszter úr, képviselőtársaim! A klímaváltozás átrajzolja Európa kockázati térképét. Mostanra Közép- és Kelet-Európát is elérték azok az összetett környezeti válságok, amikor a hőség, az aszály, a vízhiány, tüzek és egészségügyi kockázatok egyszerre vannak jelen. Ezek már nemcsak a mezőgazdaságot és a természeti élővilágot veszélyeztetik, hanem a kritikus infrastruktúráinkat és energiabiztonságunkat is. Hálával tartozunk a tűzoltóknak, vízügyi és energetikai szakembereknek és egészségügyi szakembereknek, akik egész nyáron erőn felül teljesítettek hazámban, Magyarországon és minden tagállamban.
A következő nyár azonban még ennél is rosszabb lehet.
Az elnökség pedig csak december végéig tart, ezért szeretném megkérdezni önt, biztos asszony, hogy mi az az öt megfogható és konkrét intézkedés, amit ön szeretne megvalósítani még a következő nyár előtt, hogy elkerüljük a még nagyobb katasztrófát? Köszönöm szépen.
Thomas Bajada
L-ebda ġenitur m'għandu jinkwieta jekk uliedu humiex sikuri fil-klassi. L-ebda ħaddiem m'għandu jkollu jagħżel bejn li jipproteġi saħħtu u li jaqla' biżżejjed biex jgħajjex il-familja tiegħu. L-ebda persuna m'għandha tibża' li ma ssibx ilma jew post fid-dell waqt sħana estrema. L-infermiera, il-pompiera u t-tobba ma jistgħux jibqgħu jerfgħu l-konsegwenzi tan-nuqqas ta' azzjoni tagħna. Il-klima ma tolqotx lil kulħadd l-istess.
L-inugwaljanza qed tħalli t-tolli. Infrastruttura antika qed tkun mhedda u n-nuqqas ta' tħejjija tagħna se tiddeċiedi min hu b'saħħtu biżżejjed li jiflaħ li jkun protett. Dan is-sajf uriena li għandna bżonn fond għar-reżiljenza klimatika biex nagħmlu skejjel, postijiet tax-xogħol u sptarijiet sikuri, ilma disponibbli fi spazji pubbliċi, bliet iddisinjati għas-sħana u l-maltempati, sistemi tal-enerġija u tal-ilma lesti għar-realtà l-ġdida. Kollegi, wasal iż-żmien li nagħmlu Ewropa b'komunitajiet lesti għall-klima l-ġdida. Grazzi.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much. I have to close the catch-the-eye now because we are already running out of time and I pass the floor to the Minister of State with responsibility for European Affairs and Defence, Mr. Thomas Byrne.
Thomas Byrne
Thank you very much and again let me stress once again the urgency of enhancing collective preparedness and resilience to major hazards and extreme events involving heatwaves, wildfires and droughts and again let us thank all our firefighters and our first responders who did amazing work during the summer and continue to do so, but also as well the victims of all of these extreme events during the summer. The events of the summer are yet another clear reminder that climate risks are not distant and they're not exceptional. We need to continue working together towards effective common solutions for all of our territories and all of our citizens. So the Council is acting on two fronts: mitigating greenhouse gas emissions and adapting to the impacts of climate change.
On mitigation, our priority in the years ahead is to ensure that climate measures strengthen and not undermine the competitiveness of our economy and that they contribute to sustainable growth. At the same time, of course, the costs of wildfires, heatwaves and floods reminds us that the costs of inaction are greater than the costs of timely climate response. On adaptation, we know there are still gaps between national adaptation plans and their implementation, so we look forward to the Commission's proposal for an EU framework for climate resilience this autumn. A major theme of our debate has been the demand for a stronger collective response. Whether at local, national or indeed Union level, the risks of these extreme events inevitably demands the deployment of greater resources to save lives, to safeguard our homes and businesses, and to protect our environment.
Our citizens know that our societies are better prepared and safer when we work jointly to strengthen our collective capacities, especially those of the Union Civil Protection Mechanism. The recent Council recommendation is an important step in the right direction, and the revision of the Union Civil Protection Mechanism, that's a pivotal opportunity to strengthen preparedness, resilience and response.
It's critical that we take immediate and decisive action and the Council is committed to working jointly with the Parliament on this common priority. Thank you.
Herzlichen Dank. Die Aussprache ist damit geschlossen und wir kommen zum nächsten Tagesordnungspunkt, das ist der Bericht von Herrn Tomas Tobé, Feststellungen und Empfehlungen des Sonderausschusses für den europäischen Schutzschild für die Demokratie. Und zuerst darf ich das Wort Herrn Berichterstatter Tobé erteilen. Bitte schön.
Tomas Tobé
Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, European democracy is under attack. We have seen several hostile attempts from foreign actors. But let us be clear. Russia is the main threat to our democratic security. Russia is not only waging a brutal war of aggression against Ukraine and it is not only trying to influence our elections in Europe, Russia is trying to weaken Europe itself.
We see it in foreign information manipulation and interference, in cyberattacks, sabotage and attacks against critical infrastructure.
We see it in attempts to create confusion, distrust, and division in our societies. Russia is using troll factories and bot networks and investing massively to try to destabilize our societies. At the same time, some of the biggest digital platforms provide the infrastructure through these campaigns can spread, and it's clear that they are not taking enough responsibility. This is a very dangerous cocktail. When foreign interference meets algorithms designed to maximize engagement, polarization, and outrage, the result can be quite powerful.
This report is not about regulating political opinions. Believe me, I come from Sweden. Protection of our freedom of expression is in our DNA. This report is about protecting democracy from foreign interference, and it's also setting a new red line when it comes to freedom of expression.
We make clear that Russian bots are not free speech. Foreign interference is not free speech, and manipulating our elections is certainly not free speech. Madam President, we also have political forces within Europe, whether they realize it or not, that are making the job of our enemies easier. Parts of the far right has made distrust in our democratic institution a key part of its message, portraying them as corrupt, out of touch, or not to be trusted. At the same times, we see, and I'm still quite surprised by this, that they sometimes can see Russia as an ally against the so-called European establishment.
And this is something that actually should concern all of us.
Because when political forces try to weaken democratic institutions from within, aligning themselves, deliberately or not, with the interest of hostile foreign power, they are playing a very dangerous game. Madam President, the European Democracy Shield is extremely important for Europe. I'm very thankful for the work that we have done together in the pro-European groups. We are with this report now sending a very clear message: we want a stronger European Democracy Shield, and we are ready to do what it can, what what we need, because we need to protect Europe, we need to protect our democracy. Thank you.
Katarina Barley
Vielen Dank. Für den Rat erhält nun das Wort Herr Staatsminister Byrne.
Thomas Byrne
President, honorable members, Commissioner McGrath, let me thank the Parliament for the opportunity to address you on what is an urgent matter and to thank you, MEP Tobé, for your work as rapporteur. This is a major priority for the Irish presidency indeed.
The special committee on the European democracy shield has done excellent work over the last 19 months and I admire its comprehensive findings and recommendations as to how to strengthen our democracies and indeed on behalf of the Council I look forward to meeting the committee I hope next month. I'm aware that the report of the special committee will only be voted on later today, but I think there's one finding we can all agree on, that our democracies are under threat from outside and indeed inside. Nobody can deny the hybrid threats by Russia and disinformation campaigns that extend beyond individual member states. As the report states, such attacks target the very essence of the European project and the core values enshrined in Article 2 of the Treaty. These values are the respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities.
Upholding these values is an indispensable foundation of our Union and indeed is one of the three pillars of the Irish presidency. When it comes to the protection of democracy, this includes protecting free and fair elections, protecting freedom of speech and protecting the free and independent media. But all of our efforts can only be effective if we empower our citizens. They are the center of our democracies and our elections. And we must look beyond elections by increasing citizens' participation and engagement in general.
Citizens must know that they can influence real outcomes.
Especially marginalized groups of citizens are likely to perceive themselves as lacking political influence. Citizens' participation and engagement is a particular priority for our presidency because we can't ignore that there is democratic disengagement. The Irish presidency is working to achieve conclusions that would send a clear signal of the Council's support for citizens' inclusion in democracy as essential to European societal and community resilience. Moreover, we cannot ignore that such disengagement might also be linked to decreased trust in democratic institutions. It's our duty as elected politicians to work every day for democratic institutions that are transparent, accountable, inclusive, resilient, and genuinely responsive to our citizens' needs.
We also need to act against the threats and harassments of politicians and people active in politics that risk distorting our democracies. The Irish presidency organized a productive exchange with the member states at the margins of the last General Affairs Council on good practices in the area, and this yielded valuable contributions. Let me highlight one more duty that we have towards our citizens: their protection online.
So we need to address online disinformation, online criminality, and child safety in the online environment. In this context, the European Council back in March stressed the legal responsibility of online platforms in fighting the dissemination of disinformation and illegal content. When it comes to such dissemination, notably by foreign actors aiming at interfering in elections, member states have already stepped up significantly their efforts. But also malicious foreign actors have stepped up their efforts. A clear sign of escalation is the increased use of hybrid warfare.
So this is no longer just a threat to our democracy, but also to our very security. We are therefore thankful for the dedicated debate on hybrid attacks by Russia in the presence of the High Representative that will take place later today. The Irish presidency has also worked with member states on projects including on combating FIMI, being prepared with the European Center on Democratic Resilience, and we will host exchanges at an autumn council on onboarding candidate countries to this center. Let me assure this House that the Irish presidency continues the endeavors of previous presidencies in bringing member states together in their united efforts to strengthen democratic resilience and in supporting the European Commission and Commissioner McGrath in implementing the European Democracy Shield.
Thank you very much for your attention.
Herzlichen Dank, Herr Minister. Für die Kommission erhält nun das Wort Herr Kommissar McGrath.
Michael McGrath
Thank you very much, Madam President, dear Minister Byrne, honourable members. Let me first of all thank the special committee, in particular its chair, the rapporteur, the shadow rapporteurs, for their immense amount of work that has gone into the preparation of this report. The European Democracy Shield was presented some ten months ago against a backdrop of growing threats to democracy. Malign actors continue to adapt their tactics, seeking to interfere in elections, to erode trust in institutions, to deepen divisions and to instrumentalise conflicts. Threats evolve, but our preparedness, resilience and response tools are also getting stronger every day.
Europeans see democracy as an EU strength, so we must deliver for them and for our democracies. The European Democracy Shield is our strategic framework to strengthen and protect our democracies across three key priorities: safeguarding the integrity of the information space, strengthening democratic institutions, ensuring free and fair elections and free and independent media, and bolstering societal resilience and the engagement of our citizens. And we are turning these objectives together into actions. The European Centre for Democratic Resilience is operational since February. It enables Member States and institutions to strengthen cooperation and improve our collective resilience.
All Member States have joined the Centre, a clear testament, I believe, to its value. Soon also candidate and potential candidate countries will be associated to strengthen democratic resilience together. So let me give you some examples of projects led by Member States or through collective expertise under the Centre: a train-the-trainer program for upskilling government officials across Member States; a project on common concepts, methodologies and standards for detection, as well as the blueprint for countering FIMI and disinformation. A stakeholder platform is also being set up to support the Centre through the expertise of a range of independent stakeholders. We are working resolutely in all of the priority areas of the European Democracy Shield within the Centre, but also beyond.
We're making our elections more resilient, including by reinforcing the excellent work of the European Cooperation Network on Elections, and we're also strengthening the resilience of our media information environment through the ongoing implementation of the European Media Freedom Act, the anti-SLAPP EU framework, and the review of the Audiovisual Media Services Directive. The DSA, the AI Act, and the regulation on political advertising equally contribute to the protection of the information space. The European Digital Media Observatory is now covering also candidate countries. The European network of fact-checkers is being rolled out. We've updated the guidelines for teachers on how to tackle disinformation.
Looking ahead, we will present a package on safety in politics and guidance on the responsible use of AI in electoral processes. And under the leadership of the High Representative, the External Action Service is also strengthening our external response to foreign information manipulation and interference. For the next MFF, several proposed programs would support the objectives of the European Democracy Shield, notably Agora EU.
Our ambition to strengthen our democracies should be matched by an equally ambitious budget in my view. We will continue to take forward the European Democracy Shield as well as to embed protection of our democracies in other policy areas. And I want to assure the members that your recommendations will provide very valuable insights to inform our work and I look forward to the contribution of all of the honorable members today. Thank you very much.
Katarina Barley
Herzlichen Dank, Herr Kommissar. Wir kommen nun zu den Sprecherinnen und Sprechern der politischen Fraktionen und es beginnt für die EPP-Fraktion der Kollege Altsola.
Mika Aaltola
Madam President, dear colleagues, for the recent months Russia has changed radically its playbook. It's no longer only spreads lies using AI-enabled bot networks across all main platforms. It sabotages cables, blows up weapons factories, threatens assassinations and carries them out as well, jams aviation, flies drones over our airports, pushes migrants across our borders and pays criminals inside our Union to do its dirty work. Arson for hire, interference by proxy.
This is not propaganda anymore, it is operational and it is active. Testing, probing and finding routes to escalate its war beyond Ukraine. The democracy shield must answer in kind. Awareness is not enough, we need enforcement, we need resources. That means updating mandates.
Europol must be able to investigate foreign hybrid operations proactively, not only assist afterwards. Eurojust needs the tools to prosecute state-directed sabotage across borders as what it is: organized crime in service of a hostile power. And Frontex must be empowered to counter instrumentalization of migrants as weapons, not only to manage things but proactively as it happens. Thank you very much.
Katarina Barley
Danke schön. Für die S&D-Fraktion spricht nun die Kollegin Mendesh.
Ana Catarina Mendes
Muito obrigada, senhora presidente, senhor comissário, caros colegas. Eu julgo que é particularmente oportuna a discussão deste relatório no Dia Internacional da Democracia.
E este não é um dia apenas para celebrarmos, mas sim para continuarmos a aprofundar e a defender as nossas democracias. E num momento em que as democracias enfrentam vários desafios, como a desinformação, a manipulação, a ingerência estrangeira, os ataques digitais cada vez mais sofisticados com o recurso à inteligência artificial, o relatório que apresentamos, num compromisso que eu quero saudar o papel do relator pelo compromisso alcançado, é particularmente relevante em quatro pontos. O primeiro, porque determina uma melhor coordenação entre as instituições europeias, os Estados-Membros e as autoridades nacionais na resposta europeia à ingerência estrangeira através da criação do Centro Europeu de Resiliência Democrática. Em segundo lugar, uma maior capacidade europeia para responder às campanhas de manipulação de informação, de reforço da integridade do espaço informativo. Em terceiro lugar, a defesa de uma imprensa livre, independente e plural, que também tenha a segurança dos jornalistas.
E por último, uma sociedade civil mais forte, mais robusta e mais participativa junto dos poderes de decisão. Proteger a democracia é proteger a liberdade, a verdade e a dignidade dos cidadãos europeus, promovendo uma democracia mais forte, mais participativa e mais transparente.
E eu espero que este relatório seja esse contributo, porque eu venho de um país que teve uma ditadura de 48 anos e é bom viver em democracia há 52 anos. Celebremos a democracia. Muito obrigado.
Dankeschön. Nächste Rednerin ist für die PPE-Fraktion der Kollege De Meo.
Csaba Dömötör
A demokráciapajzs program elvileg a külső beavatkozások elleni védelemről szól, mindezt úgy, hogyha a Bizottságnak nem tetsző kormány van egy tagállamban, akkor folyamatosak a beavatkozások. És ez nem minden. Magyarországon az új kormány eltávolította a köztársasági elnököt és több alkotmánybírót. Eltiltották az újraindulástól az ellenzék vezetőjét. Egy 12 éves mandátumkorlátozás miatt az ellenzéki képviselők nagy része egyszerűen nem indulhat el a következő választáson.
Hogyha itt ebben a házban ilyen szabályt vezetnének be, akkor önök közül 164-en nem indulhatnának újra. Hol van ilyenkor a híres demokráciapajzsuk? Egyetlen szavuk nincs. A további csend egy valaminek lenne a bizonyítéka, annak, hogy pont nem a demokrácia érdekli az itteni nagykoalíciót, hanem az, hogy cseléd módjára engedelmes kormányok legyenek a tagállamokban. Jogállamisági biztos úr, McGrath úr, két hónapja ön azt mondta nekünk, hogy monitorozzák ezeket a lépéseket.
Szóval kérdezzük önt, mire jutott? Belefér ez? Belefér, hogy kizárják az ellenzék jelentős részét a következő választásról?
Mindezt egy uniós tagállamban? Belefér ez? Várjuk szíves válaszát. Köszönöm.
Danke schön. Für die EKR-Fraktion spricht nun die Kollegin Szydło.
Beata Szydło
Pani Przewodnicząca, Szanowny Panie Komisarzu, Szanowni Państwo. Bardzo chciałabym poprzeć to sprawozdanie, ponieważ zawiera ono szereg bardzo trafnych diagnoz, szczególnie tych dotyczących wpływów i ingerencji ze strony Rosji, wpływów chińskich czy białoruskich na to, co dzieje się i procesy demokratyczne w Unii Europejskiej. Chciałabym je poprzeć, ale nie mogę. Mamy bowiem w Unii doświadczenia, kiedy pod osłoną szlachetnych wartości i wzniosłych haseł podejmowano działania niemające z tymi wartościami wiele wspólnego. Tak było chociażby z mechanizmem praworządności, który w przypadku Polski stał się narzędziem politycznego nacisku, blokowania należnych nam funduszy oraz wymuszania zmiany rządu.
Dlatego mamy podstawy obawiać się, że dzisiejszy raport może jutro stać się wytrychem otwierającym drogę do ingerencji instytucji europejskich w suwerenne wybory państw członkowskich.
Przypomnijmy sobie chociażby to, co wydarzyło się po pierwszej turze wyborów w Rumunii. Dlatego, szanowni państwo, muszę zadać pytanie: kto będzie pilnował strażników demokracji? Musimy bronić Europy przed rosyjską dezinformacją, cyberatakami i obcą ingerencją, ale odpowiedzią na ingerencję z Moskwy czy Pekinu nie może być stworzenie możliwości ingerencji z Brukseli. Demokracji nie obroni się poprzez ograniczenie demokratycznego wyboru. Grupa EKR nie będzie mogła zatem poprzeć tego sprawozdania.
Dziękuję bardzo.
Helmut Brandstätter
Danke, sehr geehrte Frau Präsidentin, sehr geehrter Herr Kommissar, sehr geehrter Herr Minister, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Ja, eineinhalb Jahre haben wir gearbeitet an diesem Schutz für unsere Demokratie, und wir müssen eingestehen, in diesen eineinhalb Jahren sind die Herausforderungen noch viel größer geworden. Wir haben gesehen, ja, Putins Desinformation wird schlimmer. Wir haben aber auch gesehen: mehr Cyberattacken und zuletzt in Leipzig einen Terroranschlag Putins gegen Menschen in Europa. Das sind die Fakten.
Was wir in dem Bericht auch haben: Migration wird auch als Waffe verwendet, und auch Islamismus ist eine Gefahr für unsere Demokratie. Putin will die Destabilisierung. Er kann seinem Land nichts anderes bieten.
Er ist ein KGB-Mann. Er will die Zerstörung unserer Demokratie, unserer freien Gesellschaft. Und das Traurige ist, hier sitzen Rechtsextreme, die das gemeinsam mit ihm machen, wo wir sehen in den amerikanischen Plattformen, wo dieselben Botschaften zum Teil von Rechtsextremen kommen, zum Teil von Putin kommen. Und auch ein interessanter Satz, den wir gehört haben, das Ziel der amerikanischen Plattformen ist die Verbreitung von Hass. So funktionieren diese Algorithmen.
Und wir wissen auch manche in Amerika, manche Denkfabriken, wie es so schön heißt, wollen die EU zerstören, weil wir einfach so stark sind. Jetzt müssen wir was tun, Herr Kommissar. Das Resilience Center muss arbeiten. Da ist viel zu tun. Wir müssen die Aufklärung haben und wir müssen auch Medien, freie Medien stärken.
Das können wir, das können wir nur gemeinsam und so retten wir unsere Demokratie. Danke schön.
Katarina Barley
Danke schön. Als Nächstes spricht für die Grünen-Fraktion die Kollegin van Sparrentak.
Colleagues, social media algorithms are turning the mere existence of refugees, queers, migrants, religious minorities and women into rage bait.
Kim Van Sparrentak
And political actors who want to erode our democracies are using it. We saw it ten years ago around Brexit, we saw it a year ago in Romania, we saw it recently in Ceuta and we saw it last week in Sachsen-Anhalt. And today the Parliament agrees on what many Europeans already know: social media in its current form is a threat to democracy. The rage-baiting algorithms of social media turn us into toys of Putin and the far right. And tech bros like Musk and Zuckerberg keep you hooked to your phone and fill their pockets with the spread of disinformation.
Divisive messages top our timelines. Then they seep through to our media, our politics and to our dinner tables. But finally now we have a majority for action. We will limit polarizing algorithms so people can see what connects us, not what divides us. And we will move away from these anti-European companies.
We will take our democracy out of the hands of Elon Musk, Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin and put it back in the hands of the people and our democratic institutions. Thank you.
Katarina Barley
Danke schön. Für die Linksfraktion spricht nun der Kollege Della Valle.
Danilo Della Valle
Grazie, Presidente.
L'elefante ha partorito un topolino perché le conclusioni di questa commissione speciale dovrebbero essere studiate come esempio dell'utilizzo di doppi standard. Invece di uno studio sui rischi reali per le nostre democrazie siamo dinanzi sempre alla solita al solito schema. Da una parte i paesi come Russia, Cina, Iran, Corea del Nord eccetera eccetera che sono le principali minacce minacce e dobbiamo riarmarci contro il pericolo imminente. Però mentre parliamo e cerchiamo queste questi attacchi ibridi veri o presunti alcuni e queste cyberminacce da parte di questi paesi chiudiamo gli occhi chiudete gli occhi per l'ennesima volta verso le ingerenze già note all'opinione pubblica che provengono da quelli che dovrebbero essere i nostri alleati perché quando l'ex premier della Slovenia Golob chiedeva l'applicazione di uno scudo democratico contro le ingerenze nelle elezioni slovene da parte di una società gestita da ex agenti dei servizi segreti israeliani del Mossad quale è stata la vostra risposta? Assolutamente nessuna.
Siamo totalmente dipendenti dalle infrastrutture tecnologiche statunitensi e siamo esposti alla loro sorveglianza costante ma la cosa più preoccupante è il proliferare di spyware di fabbricazione israeliana che hanno più volte spiato giornalisti, politici, cittadini dell'Unione Europea illegalmente con l'intento palese di destabilizzare l'opinione pubblica.
Ecco, la parola Israele non viene citata nemmeno una volta in questo report. State sottovalutando il vero pericolo perché quello che è successo a Ceuta contro la Spagna è solo l'anteprima di ciò che potrebbe succedere e succederà ai paesi che scelgono di non allinearsi alla politica estera di Washington o Tel Aviv. Questa commissione è servita solo per giustificare nuove censure e altre spese militari, mentre sanità e istruzione muoiono. Altro che scudo per la democrazia, questo è lo scudo della vostra ipocrisia, grazie.
Katarina Barley
Dankeschön, für die ECR-Fraktion spricht nun die Kollegin Anderson.
Christine Anderson
Thank you. What a dangerous report. You call it a democracy shield. A shield? It's a declaration of war on two fronts.
First, abroad. You demand offensive abilities. Against whom? And on whose authority? This Parliament recklessly picks fights.
And when, not if, this escalation backfires, the citizens will have to pay the price. Second, at home. You invoke freedom of expression, but you're building a machinery to restrict, monitor, steer, and manipulate domestic public debate. Your Orwellian language fools no one.
Your defense is an attack, and your freedom is in fact totalitarian control. A shield is meant to protect, but you're not building a shield. You are building a weapon pointed at the very people that you were elected to protect. Shame on you. Shame on you.
Thank you.
Katarina Barley
Damit endet die Runde der Sprecherinnen und Sprecher der Fraktion, und ich werde jetzt in Zukunft wieder deutlich strikter mit der Zeit sein, Sie kennen das. Es folgt nun als nächster Redner der Kollege Zdechovský.
Tomáš Zdechovský
Vážené kolegyně, vážení kolegové, nejprve mi dovolte poděkovat všem, kteří se na této práci podíleli. Je fakt jako dobrá a musím říct, že silná a jasná. Ale mám jednu velikánskou výhradu, a to k odstavci 27. Promiňte. Ta se týká transparentnosti na sociálních sítích a boji proti falešným účtům a trollím farmám.
Ve dvou částech se ale zároveň prosazuje údajné právo na anonymitu online.
Vážení kolegové, proč mají trollové, kteří podporují AfD nebo kteří pocházejí z Ruska a Číny, kteří tam vytvářejí obsah desetitisíce falešných účtů, proč mají právo na anonymitu? Myslíte si, že trollí farmy v Rusku nebo v Číně jsou, jsou demokraticky řízené? Myslíte si, že občané v Rusku a v Číně si můžou říkat, co chtějí? Proč mají mít tito lidé stejný názor jako vy nebo já? Proč lidé, kteří ničí demokracii, chodí nám každý den vyhrožovat smrtí a našim dětem, mají být v anonymitě?
Zbláznili jsme se? Kolegové, kamarádi, přátelé, opravdu nechci, aby fašisté a nacisté vyhrávali další volby. Pojďme udělat něco s anonymitou internetu a pojďme jednou říct provždy: demokracie je dobrá v momentě, kdy ji umíme chránit. Jinak tento boj prohrajeme. Děkuji.
Katarina Barley
Dankeschön und ich schließe jetzt das Catch-the-eye-Verfahren, wir haben 14 Meldungen, mal sehen, ob wir die alle nehmen können. Das Wort erhält nun die Kollegin Schaldemose.
Christel Schaldemose
Tak. Demokrati er den grundsten, vi har bygget hele det europæiske samarbejde på, og lige nu er det under angreb.
Der er krig på vores kontinent, udenlandske magter forsøger at skabe frygt og splittelse, og gamle allierede er ikke længere de sikre venner, vi engang kunne regne med. Og truslen, den har fået nye våben. Desinformation, kunstig intelligens og algoritmer bliver brugt til at manipulere vores offentlige debat, påvirke valg og splitte vores samfund. Og derfor skal vi stå fast på vores europæiske regler og demokratiske institutioner. Tech-giganterne skal leve op til deres ansvar, og vi skal behandle det europæiske demokrati som det, det er, nemlig kritisk infrastruktur, og det skal beskyttes.
Når demokratiet bliver angrebet på tværs af vores grænser, så skal vi også forsvare det på tværs af vores grænser. Derfor skal vi sikre et stærkt og effektivt demokratiskjold med et europæisk center for demokratisk modstandsdygtighed. Det kan være med til at styrke vores fælles forsvar mod udenlandsk indblanding. Demokratiet forsvarer ikke sig selv, men det gør vi. Tak.
Děkuji za slovo, vážené kolegyně, vážení kolegové, pane komisaři, pane ministře. Já souhlasím s tím, že demokracii je potřeba chránit. A já souhlasím s tím, že musíme bojovat proti vměšování se do našich záležitostí, bojovat proti dezinformacím.
Jaroslav Bžoch
V čem se ale neshodnu, je to, jakým způsobem to budeme dělat. Tato zpráva, a i to, když představila Komise svoji část toho štítu pro demokracii, tak jsem byl velmi skeptický. Protože pokud my se budeme zaměřovat na to, že budeme centralizovat, jakým způsobem budeme podporovat občanskou společnost, média, u kterých dnes nemáme ani jasnou tu informaci o tom, jakým způsobem jsou financovány. Pokud budeme podporovat fact-checking, který už několikrát selhal, a pokud se budeme snažit i řídit volby v členských státech. To si myslím, že není ta správná cesta.
Centralizace takovéto moci spíše dává nebezpečí pro naši demokracii. Musíme také chránit naše hodnoty, a to i v rámci boje například proti migraci, protože hodnoty naše díky migraci dostávají na frak. Já bych chtěl žít ve svobodné, kriticky myslící a vzdělané společnosti, ale ne v orwellovském světě.
Danke. Nächster Redner ist der Kollege Cavazzini.
Stefano Cavedagna
Grazie, Presidente.
Credo che tutti qua siamo convinti del fatto che bisogna evitare qualsiasi forma di interferenza esterna e penso che le nazioni europee siano assolutamente in grado di farlo. Certo, ognuno con le sue modalità, ognuno con la sua sovranità, ma quello che non possiamo accettare è che quello che ci state proponendo qua con questo scudo europeo per la democrazia è di costituire un centro che andrà a violare la sovranità dei singoli paesi dicendogli quanto sono democratici. Ora, nell'anno prossimo avremo le elezioni in Italia, avremo le elezioni in Spagna, avremo le elezioni in Francia e in tanti altri paesi fondamentali della nostra Europa. Ci sarà un centro comandato da Bruxelles che andrà a giudicare quello che accade in ogni singola nazione? Beh no, questo noi non possiamo accettarlo perché purtroppo abbiamo avuto una pessima esperienza in passato quando l'Europa cercava di violare la sovranità delle nazioni e guarda caso sempre di attaccare qualche governo di destra o qualche formazione politica che a qualcuno di Bruxelles non piaceva.
Grazie.
Nathalie Loiseau
Nous votons aujourd'hui le rapport de la commission spéciale que je préside sur le bouclier démocratique européen. Je voudrais remercier le rapporteur Tomáš Zdechovský pour son travail et pour proposer à notre Parlement un texte qui fait un bilan honnête des attaques que subissent nos démocraties comme des moyens d'y répondre. Je voudrais aussi saluer l'esprit de responsabilité dans lequel les groupes politiques attachés à la démocratie dans notre assemblée ont su travailler ensemble. Ce n'est malheureusement pas toujours le cas sur d'autres sujets. Il est heureux que sur la défense de la démocratie nous ayons su nous retrouver.
Il est tout de même malheureux qu'il faille qu'elle soit à ce point prise d'assaut pour que nous nous souvenions de ce qui nous rassemble. Il est encore plus malheureux qu'à l'extrême droite de cette chambre on ait cessé de considérer que le Parlement n'avait pas à s'y intéresser, que les ingérences n'étaient pas une menace, qu'il fallait renoncer à lutter contre le mensonge et à réguler ce qui aide à le propager. C'est malheureux mais c'est ainsi et chacun jugera. Ce qui est certain c'est que la protection de la démocratie ne s'arrêtera pas avec le vote de ce rapport. Ce qui est avéré c'est que les mesures proposées et mises en place par la Commission sont insuffisantes, insuffisamment mises en œuvre, trop peu appliquées par nos gouvernements.
Ces mesures sont pourtant le strict nécessaire et sur ce plan-là le compte n'y est pas.
Katarina Barley
Merci. Madame Loiseau, acceptez-vous un blue card du collègue Dömötör ?
Avec plaisir.
Tisztelt elnök asszony, az elmúlt években számtalan alkalommal állást foglalt a magyar demokrácia állapotáról. Ön egyben a demokrácia pajzs bizottság elnöke is, tehát úgy is mondhatom, hogy szakértője a témának. Egy aktuális kérdésről kérdezném a véleményét.
Csaba Dömötör
A magyar kormány, illetve a kormánytöbbség döntése alapján az ellenzéki képviselők jelentős része nem indulhat el a következő választáson Magyarországon. Ha lenne ilyen döntés itt ebben a házban, 164 európai parlamenti képviselő nem indulhatna 2029-ben. Szóval azt szeretném Öntől kérdezni, hogy belefér-e ez Ön szerint, erre vonatkozik-e a Demokrácia Pajzs? Köszönöm.
Nathalie Loiseau
Monsieur Demeter veut faire de la politique intérieure hongroise, et bien allons-y. Rappelons-nous que dans le gouvernement précédent, celui du parti auquel il appartient, la Hongrie a fait l'objet de sanctions de l'Union européenne pour non-respect de l'État de droit. Je crois qu'il n'y a rien d'autre à dire. Merci.
Petar Volgin
Уважаеми колеги, Европа има нужда от защита. Тя трябва не просто да отразява ударите на всички онези, които искат да отнемат на европейските граждани свободата да мислят и говорят различно, да действат според собствените си убеждения, а не според нарежданията, спускани от официозните говорители. Ние, европейците, трябва да се борим активно, за да съхраним най-висшите постижения на европейската цивилизация. А кой всъщност е нашият противник? Не, не са руснаците.
Не са иранците, нито който и да било друг от нарочените за врагове. Хората, които искат да унищожат уникалността на Европа, са тук. Това са ръководителите на Европейския съюз, разположили се удобно ето тук, в луксозните си офиси в Брюксел и Страсбург, и се изживяват като абсолютни монарси, чиито заповеди всички трябва безпрекословно да изпълняваме. Да, Европа има нужда от щит, подобен на онзи, който бог Хефест изковава за Ахил в Омировата Илиада. Трябва ѝ обаче и копие, като това, с което Ахил срази враговете си.
Не са китайците.
Само така Европа може да победи евроначалниците, които похитиха европейската идея. Благодаря.
Dear colleague, do you accept a blue card? You have three, actually.
Katarina Barley
I think that we can take two because two are from the same group. So I would start with colleague Mularczyk.
Arkadiusz Mularczyk
Dziękuję, panie kolego, za twoje wystąpienie. I w tym duchu chciałem zapytać, kto obroni Unię Europejską przed obrońcami demokracji? Bo gdy spojrzymy na dotychczasowe wybory w krajach Unii Europejskiej, czy to w Polsce, czy na Węgrzech, widzieliśmy ingerencję nie Rosji, nie Chin, ale ingerencję Unii Europejskiej. Powstaje zatem pytanie zasadnicze, czy ta tarcza demokracji ma służyć do obrony przed wpływem Chin czy Rosji, czy też przed tym, że wyborcy w Unii Europejskiej wybiorą nie te rządy, które chciałaby Bruksela i establishment brukselski czy pani von der Leyen? Dziękuję bardzo.
Petar Volgin
Европа има нужда от защита на Европейския съюз. Трябва да правим тази разлика. Европа е нещо много повече. Европа е идея, Европа е концепция преди всичко за свободата, за свободата на мисълта, за свободата на действието. А това, което прави Европейският съюз, за съжаление, е да унищожи именно основополагащите неща, върху които се крепи нашата цивилизация.
И това, което всички ние като европейци трябва да направим, е да се опитваме да запазим Европа от Европейския съюз. Благодаря.
Katarina Barley
Danke schön. Es gibt noch eine Green Card, Blue Card, eine Blue Card von Kollegen Sieper.
Akzeptieren Sie die? Ja. 30 Sekunden.
Lukas Sieper
Thank you, colleague, that you have accepted the blue card. I could ask you if your office is as comfortable as mine or the people that you condemn here. But I want to ask you a different question: did you actually read the Iliad? Because you talked about Achilles and his spear. Are you aware of the fact that the story of Achilles in the Iliad is, if anything, then the story about a man who is consumed by his anger and his hatred and who later only finds forgiveness for the weakness of others?
And should this not be the lesson that we take from this great story of our European history?
Petar Volgin
Благодаря ви, колега, със сигурност офисите на еврокомисарите и на председателката на Европейския съюз са много по-луксозни от нашите, от моя със сигурност, за вашия не знам. А що се отнася за Илиада, съм я чел още в гимназията, където учихме Илиада и Одисея. Така че да, Ахил е изключително противоречива личност, личност, която си заслужава да бъде уважавана по много причини, най-вече за това, защото се опитва да въздаде справедливост. И това, което ние трябва да правим, е да въздаваме тази справедливост, доколкото сме способни, разбира се.
Malika Sorel
Chers collègues, nos démocraties sont attaquées sur tous les fronts : cyberattaques, désinformation, financements politiques hostiles, instrumentalisation des migrations comme récemment en Espagne à Ceuta. L'objectif est clair : déstabiliser nos sociétés. Face à ces menaces, nous devons adopter une vigilance à 360 degrés. Se focaliser sur une seule menace serait une erreur stratégique. Notre dépendance technologique nous fragilise.
Trop souvent, les plateformes numériques deviennent des auxiliaires passifs des déstabilisations. Nous devons les confronter à leurs responsabilités. Chers collègues, une part de réponse passe par la fin de l'anonymat en ligne. Ayons le courage de franchir ce pas. Mais notre exemplarité est essentielle : pluralisme politique, médias libres, liberté d'expression, protection des communications privées des citoyens sont des impératifs.
Enfin, aucune démocratie ne peut résister si ses élus sont intimidés, manipulés ou espionnés. C'est pourquoi les logiciels espions doivent devenir leur suppression, pardon, doit devenir une priorité absolue.
Je vous remercie.
Katarina Barley
Chers collègues, est-ce que vous acceptez une blue card du collègue Jóncza ?
Très bien.
Bogdan Rzońca
Dziękuję bardzo. I will speak in Polish, please take your cans. Pani, czy mogę już mówić? Can I speak? You understand?
Yes, okay. Pani reprezentuje w Parlamencie Europejskim niezależność, bo jest pani posłem niezależnym w pewnym sensie. Chciałem panią zapytać, bo wygooglowałem w tej chwili, wiele organizacji pozarządowych europejskich jest przeciwko temu, o czym dzisiaj rozmawiamy. Czy pani zna opinię tych organizacji pozarządowych? Czy pani potrafi wymienić nazwy tych organizacji pozarządowych, które krytykują to, o czym dzisiaj tu rozmawiamy, czyli tą tarczę?
Euh, on a combien de temps ? Une minute, dix minutes, trois heures ? Beaucoup, beaucoup d'acteurs critiquent, y compris l'Union européenne, y compris dans cet hémicycle. Donc faire cette liste serait, je pense que nous y passerions des jours.
C'est pour ça, il est important, même si c'est imparfait, ce rapport, ce bouclier de démocratie répond et coche beaucoup de cases. Nous devons le soutenir et je suis d'accord avec vous, mais est-ce que faire une liste exhaustive et s'y tenir serait la solution ? Je ne suis pas sûr. Je pense qu'il faut être plutôt dynamique, ce que je disais, il faut qu'on observe à 360 degrés les menaces, comme dans le domaine militaire, ne jamais rester focalisé sur une seule cible. Je vous remercie.
Dankeschön. Nächste Rednerin ist die Kollegin Lakos.
Eszter Lakos
Thank you, Chair. Köszönöm szépen. Először is szeretnék gratulálni Thomas Tobé képviselőtársamnak a munkájához a jelentésen. A Ház egy ambiciózusabb javaslatot tett le az asztalra a Bizottságéhoz képest, és pontosan erre volt most szükségünk. A hibrid fenyegetések ugyanis valósak, egyre gyakoribbak és egyre súlyosabbak.
A külföldi információmanipuláció mára a demokráciánk gyengítésének állandó eszközévé vált. Ezek a narratívák azonban nem mindig kívülről érkeznek, a hazai szereplők is terjeszthetik, finanszírozhatják és felerősíthetik őket. Éppen ezért a belföldi manipulációt sem szabad elhanyagolni.
Ugyan betilthatjuk a Kreml által irányított műsorszolgáltatókat, de az üzenetük akkor is eljut a polgárokhoz, ha a hazai csatornák továbbítják és felerősítik azt. Ezért is üdvözlöm, hogy a társadalmi ellenállóképesség és a médiatudatosság a jelentés középpontjában állnak. Egy manipulációs gépezet ellen a leghatékonyabb védelem ugyanis az a közvélemény, amely képes megkülönböztetni az igazságot a hazugságtól. Magyarországon az elmúlt 16 évben az erőforrásokat leginkább a hazugságok terjesztésére fordították, nem pedig arra, hogy az embereket segítsék a szabad és önálló döntéshozatalban. Ezen változtatunk most.
Hadd fogalmazzak nagyon egyértelműen arról, amit szorgalmazunk. Nem akarjuk megmondani az európaiaknak, hogy mit gondoljanak. Vitát és kritikus gondolkodást akarunk, vagyis demokráciát.
Vasile Dîncu
Domnule raportor, felicitări pentru modalitatea în care ați valorificat atât lucrările comisiei, cât și colaborarea cu ceilalți raportori din umbră. Într-adevăr, cu toții am reușit să aducem prin acest raport un lucru fundamental: recunoaștem că apărarea democrației se află în centrul securității, a sistemului de securitate al Europei.
Într-adevăr, acest raport are multe merite, acordă un rol important presei independente, societății civile, educației media și participării cetățenilor. Susține și reducerea dependențelor tehnologice față de exterior, care limitează autonomia Europei în acest moment. Am contribuit la aceste direcții prin amendamente privind controlul parlamentar al centrului, reprezentarea tuturor statelor, autonomia digitală, responsabilitatea platformelor și pregătirea întregii societăți. Putem însă în viitor să fim și mai ambițioși. Sper că în viitor vom face asta.
Europa va deveni însă mai rezilientă nu doar prin centre, instituții și reglementări, ci mai ales în momentul în care cetățenii au încredere, competențe și motive concrete să considere că sistemul democratic îi reprezintă. Mulțumesc.
Dankeschön. Ich bitte um Verständnis, wir haben um 12 Uhr Votes, dass ich Blue Cards von Kollegen, die schon eine Blue Card hatten, jetzt nicht noch mal nehmen werde, weil sonst schaffen wir es nicht bis 12 Uhr und rufe deswegen den nächsten Redner, Herrn Kollegen Terheş, auf.
Hermann Tertsch
Bueno, pues parece oyendo lo que se ha oído aquí, hay que decir que qué peligrosa es la libertad para la democracia.
Y ahora sacamos este informe que, como la Comisión, tiene un nombre enormemente sarcástico de Escudo Democrático, cuando lo que es es un instrumento de una mayoría que ya solo existe aquí, que solo existe ya en este Parlamento, para criminalizar a una oposición conservadora y patriota que gobernará pronto en muchas naciones europeas y que será mayoría aquí también en el 2029. La lucha legítima contra las amenazas híbridas y la injerencia de potencias hostiles se convierte en pretexto para centralizar competencias, cercenar derechos y liquidar libertades. Instrumentaliza el miedo a Rusia y a China, pero calla injerencias y corrupción como el Qatargate o la bien pagada protección a Marruecos, ese agresor que ha invadido parte de España en Ceuta. El Centro de la Resiliencia Democrática es un Ministerio de Verdad orwelliano, un monstruo hiperburocrático diseñado para desviar aún más dinero público a sus propias redes clientelares de ONGs, medios y censores. Termino.
Este informe huele a miedo. Ustedes saben que su tiempo ha acabado. Su batería de armas antidemocráticas contra las fuerzas patriotas no podrán evitarlo.
Katarina Barley
Danke schön.
Wir machen das nachher. Nein, ich möchte jetzt nicht, denn der nächste Redner ist der Kollege Herr Kamiński. Genau, ich habe alle... Lieber Herr Terheş, ich habe... Ich habe alle Fraktionsredner alle...
Ich habe alle Fraktionsredner ausreden lassen und bei allen danach habe ich gesagt, und Sie verstehen Deutsch, dass ich danach strikter werden werde, und das habe ich bei allen gemacht. Und jetzt fahren wir fort, damit wir nicht noch mehr Zeit verlieren. Der nächste Redner ist der Kollege Kamiński. Der nächste Redner. Doch.
Mariusz Kamiński
Szanowni państwo, zagrożenia, jakie płyną ze strony autorytarnego reżimu Putina i komunistycznych Chin, są realne. Trzeba im się przeciwstawiać zdecydowanie, gdyż dotyczą one sfery bezpieczeństwa narodowego i uderzają w istotę demokracji. Trzeba w tym zakresie rozwijać jednak i wzmacniać kompetencje państw członkowskich. Nie jest właściwą odpowiedzią na wrogie działania Chin i Rosji tworzenie niejasnego, chaotycznego instrumentu unijnego, nazywanego pretensjonalnie tarczą demokracji. To, czego się obawiamy, to możliwość manipulacji tym instrumentem ze strony unijnego polityczno-urzędniczego establishmentu.
Za publiczne pieniądze ma zostać stworzona sieć organizacji mających pilnować politycznej poprawności w przestrzeni publicznej.
Nie chcemy, aby pod szczytnymi hasłami obrony demokracji ograniczano pluralizm polityczny i wolność słowa. Nie chcemy, aby powstał nietransparentny mechanizm, który może być wykorzystany do ingerencji zewnętrznej w wybory krajowe. Tak właśnie w wyniku takiej zewnętrznej ingerencji establishmentu brukselskiego w Polsce rządzi dziś w naszym kraju reżim Tuska.
Sophie Wilmès
Thank you. Alors, quand j'entends certaines interventions de nos collègues, surtout à l'extrême droite, j'hésite à y voir une naïveté confondante ou une complaisance coupable. Car ne nous trompons pas. L'Europe est sous la pression extrême des ingérences et des attaques hybrides de la part d'organisations, voire même de puissances étrangères, et parmi celles-ci, en haut de la liste, pas seulement, mais en haut de la liste, se trouve la Russie.
Et c'est vrai que le Kremlin n'a pas besoin d'avoir des chars postés sur le rond-point Schuman pour utiliser tous les moyens en sa possession pour nous intimider, pour tenter de nous influencer, nous tester aussi, tester notre défense, tester notre résilience et tester aussi nos acquis démocratiques. Demain, j'ai bon espoir qu'une majorité lucide dans ce Parlement vote les recommandations présentées pour renforcer la stratégie du bouclier démocratique car l'autonomie stratégique de l'Europe que j'appelle de mes vœux, ce n'est pas seulement le soutien de nos champions industriels, notre indépendance énergétique, c'est avant toute chose notre capacité à faire notre propre choix démocratique en toute indépendance et surtout en toute liberté. Merci.
Katarina Barley
On a, chers collègues, deux blue cards. One is from a colleague who already had a blue card and the other one is from colleague László who is also on the catch-the-eye list. Do you want a blue card or the catch-the-eye? There's no blue card for those who already had a blue card. You're not accepting anyway.
Okay. Dann ist die nächste Rednerin die Kollegin Borvendég.
Zsuzsanna Borvendég
Az orwelli újbeszél nyelvében a háború béke, a szabadság szolgaság, a tudatlanság erő. A Bizottság továbbfejlesztette ezt. A demokrácia diktatúra, a cenzúra szólásszabadság, az önkény európai érték. A demokrácia pajzsa a valós külső fenyegetések elhárítása helyett a belső politikai pluralizmus felszámolását célozza.
Függetlennek nevezett fizetett cenzorokkal építenek véleménymonopóliumot, és minden olyan kezdeményezést, amely szembemegy a Bizottság elképzeléseivel, hibrid fenyegetésnek vagy dezinformációnak bélyegeznek. Demokratikus választások eredményét kérdőjelezik meg külső befolyásra hivatkozva akkor, ha a választópolgárok önök szerint nem jól döntöttek. De a jogállami keretek felszámolásához is asszisztálnak, ha azt EU-barát kormányzat teszi. Hagyjuk az újbeszélt, és mondjuk ki nyíltan: a pajzs az önök hatalmát védi az európai polgárok véleményével szemben.
Katarina Barley
Dear colleague, do you accept the blue card by colleague Brandstätter? Yeah. 30 seconds, please.
Helmut Brandstätter
Ja, vielen Dank, Frau Kollegin. Ihr Fraktionskollege Wolgin hat während unserer Ausschusssitzung einmal einen Vergleich zwischen den Medien und Goebbels gezogen. Ja, also dass Goebbels das quasi kontrollieren würde. Sehen Sie das auch so, oder würden Sie die Chance jetzt nutzen, um ihm auszurichten, dass das ein unfassbarer Unsinn ist? Und meine zweite Frage: Was würden Sie denn gerne sagen, was Sie nicht sagen dürfen, weil angeblich Zensur ist?
Zsuzsanna Borvendég
Köszönöm a kérdését. Ott voltam azon a szakbizottsági ülésen, ahol a kollégám Goebbelshez, illetve az ő diktátor véleménymonopóliumához hasonlította az EU készülő tervezetét. Az a helyzet, hogy bármilyen diktátor vagy bármilyen olyan totalitárius rendszert nézünk, ami a 20. században kisajátította a véleményt, akár a kommunizmust, akár a hitleri Németországot, igen, nagyon hasonló eszközöket használnak önök is, mindez elítélendő.
Danke. Nächster Redner ist der Kollege Sinkiewicz.
Speaker 118
Hey, hey, hey, was ist denn das? Lassen Sie mich! Lassen Sie mich! Das ist nicht, was Herr Brandstätter macht. Er kann nicht sagen, sind Sie von uns und so machen, das geht nicht.
Ja, wir werden das, wir werden das, wir werden das, ja, wir werden das, wir werden, ich werde das der Präsidentin, ich werde das der Präsidentin rückmelden und dann werden wir das prüfen. Bitte sehr.
Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz
Szanowni państwo, szanowna pani przewodnicząca. Sprawozdanie Tarcze Demokracji mówi wprost, ile Rosja dziś ma na nas sposobów i jak eskaluje we wszystkich możliwych domenach.
Ale to sprawozdanie Parlamentu Europejskiego odpowiada na propozycję Komisji i tym samym dziedziczy wszystkie jej ograniczenia. Zakłada zbudowanie nowego centrum koordynacyjnego i to, które poświęci najbliższy rok na budowanie planu działania. Logika działania Komisji Europejskiej jest zbyt wolna i nieadekwatna do sytuacji. W niedzielę dwa drony rosyjskie uderzyły w pociąg Kijów-Warszawa. Wczoraj polskie wojsko wyłowiło drona z Bałtyku rosyjskiego, a duński helikopter został ostrzelany przez Rosjan na Bałtyku.
NATO sparaliżowane przez Trumpa odpowiada na to strategią, którą jeden z dyplomatów bardzo trafnie określił: keep calm and carry on. I właśnie to jest sednem problemu. My w Europie, w Unii Europejskiej wciąż budujemy struktury, a potrzebujemy decyzji. Centrum koordynacji to nie jest odpowiedź polityczna, lecz administracyjna. Putin nie boi się kolejnego organu unijnego.
Putin boi się konsekwencji, które przychodzą dziś, a nie za dwa lata. Dobrze, że zajęliśmy się ochroną demokracji w Unii Europejskiej, ale to nie rozwiązuje problemu toczącej się wojny wypowiedzianej Europie przez Moskwę. To nie struktury, ale decyzje polityczne rozstrzygną tę wojnę.
Dankeschön.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Danke Frau Präsidentin, Commissioner McGrath. Estamos de acuerdo en que la idea europea de democracia requiere de una ciudadanía libremente informada, capaz de deliberar racionalmente, libre de interferencias extranjeras, desinformación y la manipulación de los algoritmos adictivos en manos de plataformas tecnológicas. Estamos de acuerdo en que eso puede hacer muchísimo daño como hemos visto en Ceuta donde actores estatales y no estatales han utilizado la mentira en las redes sociales para intentar debilitar la convivencia e incluso la integridad de la Unión Europea y de un Estado miembro como es España. Estamos de acuerdo en que hemos puesto en vigor algunas leyes muy importantes y decisivas como son el Reglamento de Libertad de Medios, la Ley de Servicios Digitales, la Ley de Mercado Digital y la Ley de la Inteligencia Artificial precisamente para disciplinar esas plataformas tecnológicas porque no solamente hacen falta reglas sólidas e instituciones fuertes sino también una ciudadanía capaz de defenderse frente a sus amenazas.
Pues bien, este informe de Democracy Shield es el producto de años de trabajo muy serio para intentar fortalecer esa idea europea de democracia frente a sus amenazas. Ahora hace falta que la Comisión sea capaz de tomar las iniciativas para que cada una de las decisiones de este informe de Democracy Shield sea correctamente ejecutada en el futuro. Gracias.
Nächster Redner ist der Kollege Leggeri.
Fabrice Leggeri
Merci Madame la Présidente. Le rapport de Thomas Tobé sur le bouclier européen de la démocratie est une vaste blague. Sous prétexte de protéger la démocratie, il encourage en réalité une dérive profondément orwellienne et dessine les contours d'un véritable ministère européen de la vérité. Car au nom de la lutte contre la désinformation, la Commission veut contrôler toujours davantage notre espace informationnel avec les fameux fact-checkers et des ONG privées qu'elle gave de millions d'euros d'argent public. Vous êtes entrés dans un délire qui menace directement la liberté d'expression de dizaines de millions d'Européens.
Et après l'annulation de l'élection présidentielle en Roumanie, nous savons jusqu'où cette logique peut conduire. Demain en France, en Pologne, en Espagne ou en Italie, que se passera-t-il si les électeurs placent en tête des patriotes, des conservateurs, des souverainistes ou des eurosceptiques ? Abraham Lincoln disait que le bulletin de vote est plus fort que la balle. Il serait temps que vous vous en souveniez. La démocratie commence par le respect du bulletin de vote même lorsqu'il vous déplaît.
Merci Madame la Présidente.
Katarina Barley
Dankeschön. Als nächster Redner, nächster Redner ist der Kollege Terheş.
Cristian Terheş
Thank you. Dragi colegi, raportul Comisiei speciale pentru scutul european pentru democrație putea fi un raport de referință făcut profesionist și echilibrat, însă nu e. Raportul are multe părți bune, însă per ansamblu este extrem de ideologizat și ignoră chestiuni foarte serioase, cum e controlul reflexiv și războiul cognitiv deja operat de Rusia împotriva Europei. Sub pretextul apărării democrației, raportul propune conferirea Comisiei Europene puteri de influențare a alegerilor, ceea ce nu este democratic. Europa nu are nevoie de un minister sau comisar al adevărului, ci de idei în dezbatere și pragmatism.
Europa nu are nevoie de mai multă cenzură, birocrație și centralism. Europa are nevoie de mai multă libertate, transparență și protecția drepturilor fundamentale. Libertatea de exprimare nu este un privilegiu conferit europenilor de către Comisia Europeană, ci un drept fundamental al tuturor europenilor.
De aceea, apărarea democrației nu este făcută prin cenzură, ci prin deciziile bune luate de politicieni în favoarea oamenilor. Mulțumesc.
Speaker 125
Dear colleague, do you accept the blue card by Mrs. Iovanovici-Șoșoacă?
Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă
Se aude? Mulțumesc. Nu vi se pare, domnule Terheș, că ei acuma legalizează ceea ce au folosit experimental în România? 5 octombrie 2024, la solicitarea Comisiei Europene, Curtea Constituțională îmi interzice să candidez la președinția României, ceea ce Curtea Constituțională nu putea să facă. Ulterior, precedentul a folosit pentru anularea alegerilor în România.
Democrația aceasta europeană a făcut ca în pandemie să fie omorâți 65.000 de români și aruncați în saci negri de plastic și achiziționarea unor vaccinuri experimentale. Democrația dumneavoastră a scos în stradă zeci de mii de oameni astăzi pentru că nu sunt de acord cu federalismul dumneavoastră.
Da, mulțumesc pentru întrebare. Într-adevăr, întrebările ridicate de către doamna Șoșoacă sunt extrem de serioase și necesită răspunsuri în societatea românească, atât din partea instituțiilor statului român, cât și din partea Comisiei Europene.
Cristian Terheş
Și pentru că tot vorbim despre Comisia Europeană, avem aici un comisar prezent. Ce ați discutat, domnule comisar, cu actualul premier demis al României cu privire la suspendarea fondurilor europene alocate României? Acestea sunt chestiunile pe care românii le ridică și de la care așteaptă răspuns din partea dumneavoastră. Mulțumesc.
Bart Groothuis
Thank you, Chair, dear Commissioner, dear Minister. Russian intelligence officers move in and out of Europe with ease to sabotage trains and airplanes, to murder, or to influence our democracies. They swap passports the way we change our clothes. But Russian assassins and Russian spies cannot change their fingerprints, they cannot change their iris scans, and they cannot change their faces. So, mandatory biometric checks for all Russians at the EU border.
Now, not next year, now.
This is the sixth year I've called on the European Commission and the Council to do this. So close the loophole. Secure Europe with biometrics. Secure Europe by keeping Putin's assassins out. Thank you.
Ivan David
Vážená paní předsedající, je to drzost, když unijní instituce a jejich představitelé si berou do úst slovo demokracie, tedy vláda lidu, zatímco nerespektují zájmy lidu jednotlivých zemí, které se musí podřizovat manipulacím zásadně narušujícím demokratickou soutěž. Jestliže podporují špehování občanů a cenzuru a na druhé straně financují politicky jednostranné sdělovací prostředky a parazitní takzvané neziskové organizace. Jestliže sankcionují země, které si zvolily jinou cestu než tu nařízenou z Bruselu, a to podle gumových kritérií takzvaných evropských hodnot. Jestliže podporují ukrajinský režim, který zakázal všechny opoziční strany a drží za zdmi 20 000 politických vězňů a oslavuje nacistické pachatele genocidy, staví jim pomníky a pojmenovává po nich ulice a vojenské útvary. Toto chcete chránit?
Nakonec vám to nebude nic platné.
Andrey Kovatchev
Danke, nächster Redner ist der Kollege Kovatchev.
Два са основните проблема в цифровите платформи. Това е бизнес алгоритмите на големите компании, насърчаващи негативните емоции и конспирациите, и другото е анонимността. Руската пропаганда използва и двата проблема изключително умело, за да може не само с оръжие да завладява територии, но да окупира душите и сърцата на милиони европейски граждани и да ги прави техни последователи. Основният принцип на Закона за цифровите услуги е, че всичко, което е незаконно в реалния свят офлайн, трябва да бъде незаконно и онлайн. Но как може да прилагаме този принцип, ако не знаем кой стои зад даден профил или група в социалните мрежи, без дори да сме сигурни дали това наистина е човек?
Благодаря, госпожо председател, господин комисар, господин министър, уважаеми колеги.
Andrey Kovatchev
Нито една конституция в Европейския съюз или закон не признава право на анонимност онлайн. Имаме право на личен живот, защита на личните данни и свобода на словото, но тези права не означават право да нарушаваш закона и да се криеш зад анонимен профил. Както нямаш право напълно маскиран да вървиш по улицата и да разпространяваш лъжи, обиди и конспирации, така и нямаш право да имаш тази привилегия онлайн. Както в реалния живот, така и онлайн трябва да носим отговорност за действията си. Ако някой онлайн разпространява незаконно съдържание, сее омраза, заплашва или извършва престъпление, трябва да можем да установим кой е този, който седи зад този профил.
Затова се нуждаем от надлежна верификация на самоличността в социалните мрежи, основана на европейските платформи за потвърждаване на самоличност. Не можем да позволим анонимността да се превърне в щит за руската пропаганда, престъпни мрежи, които искат да манипулират обществото, да разпространяват омраза и да влияят върху изборите в демократичните държави. Благодаря ви.
Speaker 131
Amikor létrehoztuk a Demokrácia-pajzs Bizottságot, azt azért tettük meg, mert már akkor sem volt hiány fenyegetésekből. Oroszország, külföldi beavatkozások, álhírek, közösségi média algoritmusai, dezinformációs kampányok, szóval volt dolgunk bőven. Aztán mostanában valami egészen új, egészen rémisztő jön szembe: a mesterséges intelligencia. Mielőtt legyintenénk, hogy ó, ez is csak egy újabb technológia, érdemes feltennünk a kérdést, hogy mi történik akkor, hogyha valaki már nem ezer embert tud félrevezetni, hanem százmilliót? Nem egy álhírt gyárt, hanem minden embernek egy-egy külön neki szánt hazugságot.
Éppen ezért most már új feladatunk van: közös európai szabályozást kell alkotnunk.
Azonnal le kell állítani a mesterséges szuperintelligencia fejlesztését, és a jelenlegi AI fejlesztéseket pedig érdemben lassítani kell egészen addig, amíg ki nem dolgozzuk közös a védelmi rendszereket. Mert az AI rossz kezekben veszélyt jelent a biztonságunkra és veszélyt jelenthet a demokráciánkra is, sőt, hogyha elszabadul, ha elveszítjük felette az irányítást, akkor veszélyt jelenthet akár az életünkre is.
Marieke Ehlers
Commissioner, during the last debate on the EU democracy shield, I gave you a copy of 1984, not as a manual, but as a warning. And today I remind you again: free citizens do not need permission to think for themselves. People have the right to impart information and to decide for themselves whether that information is true, foolish, or credible. They also have the right to challenge information, to debate it, and even to ridicule it. Because free speech is not the freedom to hear only what someone in authority has decided is true.
I do not want to live in a democracy that is frightened of its own citizens. I am not interested in freedom of speech with an asterisk attached.
And I do not accept that democracy is somehow strengthened by giving authorities even greater influence over what people say, read, or believe. Democracy is sometimes noisy, offensive, inconvenient. Good. That is what freedom sounds like, and that is the freedom we patriots will continue to defend whether the Commission likes it or not. Thank you.
Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez
Muchas gracias, presidenta. Hoy damos un paso muy importante con el escudo europeo de la democracia para combatir la desinformación, responder a las injerencias extranjeras y protegernos frente a los ataques híbridos. Herramientas que habrían sido muy útiles en mi país, en Ceuta, cuando cerca de 80.000 personas asaltaron en apenas una hora la frontera. Pero de poco sirven las herramientas si no hay voluntad política para utilizarlas. La frontera se desbordó no porque España o Europa carecieran de medios, sino por falta de previsión y determinación.
El ataque híbrido no tuvo éxito porque quien lo promovió fuera más fuerte que España o Europa, sino porque comprobó que podría actuar prácticamente sin consecuencia. El escudo es un buen primer paso, pero solo eso.
Ahora hay que pasar del papel a la acción. Europa tiene medios suficientes para dejar claro que atacar o presionar a un Estado miembro tiene un coste muy elevado. Debemos asegurarnos de que todos nuestros vecinos sean conscientes de ello. Europa no debe permitir que una invasión como esta que se acaba de hacer en Ceuta vuelva a repetirse. Muchas gracias.
Vielen Dank. Wir kommen nun zum Catch-the-eye-Verfahren. Wir können das bis etwa fünf vor zwölf fortsetzen, damit wir noch die Kommission und den Berichterstatter danach hören. Ich werde die jetzt einfach aufrufen, solange wir Zeit haben, und bitte wirklich alle dringend, sich sehr an die Zeit zu halten. Es beginnt der Kollege Vavrikiévich, bereitmachen kann sich der Kollege Rotolo.
Michał Wawrykiewicz
Thank you, Madam President. I truly cannot understand, watching at you, right side of this House, how can you be against this report and all of the findings and recommendations of the European Democracy Shield? Who are you protecting? Tell us. Europe needs efficient shield against modern and extremely dangerous measures of attacking our democracy, its institutions and values.
Our citizens need a protection, efficient protection. We are at war with those who want to destroy our democracy, with those who are interested in our weakness, our division, and finally destruction of the single market and our Union. This is the critical moment for us. Russian totalitarian regime not only fights in a hybrid and cyber way, they are at our borders. Russian drone has just struck a passenger train on the Polish border.
Don't you know that? Who are you protecting?
Sandro Ruotolo
Abbiamo bisogno di regole, di vigilanza, di scudo per combattere disinformazione, attacchi ibridi e interferenze. La difesa della democrazia è la difesa dell'Europa. Con l'avvento delle piattaforme digitali, miliardi di persone vengono escluse dal flusso informativo in base a decisioni di un ristretto gruppo di tecnocrati. Chi decide cosa vediamo, cosa leggiamo, cosa diventa virale?
Un algoritmo, e quell'algoritmo non è neutrale. È opaco. Ecco perché non basta rincorrere ogni singola fake news. Dobbiamo avere il coraggio di intervenire sui meccanismi che consentono alla disinformazione e alle interferenze straniere di diffondersi su scala industriale. La sfida democratica del ventunesimo secolo si gioca qui.
Per questo servono sovranità digitale europea, trasparenza degli algoritmi, piattaforme più responsabili. Grazie.
Katarina Barley
Dankeschön. Das Wort erhält nun der Kollege Smit und bereitmachen kann sich der Kollege Laszlo.
Sander Smit
Voorzitter, commissaris, beschermen wij onze democratie tegen echte buitenlandse dreigingen: cyberaanvallen uit Rusland en China en aanvallen op onze kritieke infrastructuur. Juist daarom mogen we onze democratie niet uithollen onder het mom van bescherming. Dit rapport gaat een grens over. EU-factcheckers, een Europees centrum voor democratische weerbaarheid met eigen personeel, budget en monitoringsmacht. Brussel schuift zo steeds dichter naar controle over het vrije debat en over onze nationale verkiezingen.
Samenwerking tegen buitenlandse inmenging: ja. EU-inmenging in nationale verkiezingsdebatten en nog meer EU-uitgaven: nee. Verzwak onze parlementaire democratie niet van binnenuit.
Democratie wordt weerbaar door te luisteren naar kiezers, niet door extra Brusselse regels en geldstromen. Nationale verkiezingen blijven een soevereine nationale bevoegdheid.
Danke schön. Jetzt hält das Wort der Kollege László, bereitmachen kann sich der Kollege Gozi.
András László
Az Európai Néppárt és baloldali szövetségeseik mindent megtesznek azért, hogy a nemzeti választásokba való brüsszeli beavatkozást intézményesítsék. Ezt hívják önök cinikusan demokrácia pajzsnak. Az önök terve a demokratikus értékek legfontosabb pontját hagyta ki, és nem véletlenül, hogy hogyan biztosítanák a szólásszabadságot és a véleménypluralizmust. Helyette több milliárd eurót terveztek be a következő uniós költségvetésbe, ebből tömik majd tovább a balliberális sajtót és erősítik tovább a már létrehozott európai cenzúrahálózatot, amelynek a működése homályos, fellebbezésnek pedig nincsen helye. Józan ésszel mindenki számára világos, hogy ez mélyen antidemokratikus és ellentétes az európai értékekkel is.
Ez valójában egy dologról szól, a brüsszeli globalista elit kritikusainak elhallgattatásáról.
Ha tényleg meg akarnák védeni a demokráciát, akkor nyilvánosságra hoznák az EU-s NGO és médiatámogatási szerződéseket. Erről is szavazni fogunk.
Katarina Barley
Danke. Das Wort erhält nun der Kollege Gozi, bereitmachen kann sich der Kollege Asens Llodrà.
Sandro Gozi
Thank you. Thank you, President. Democracy cannot defend itself if we leave its digital infrastructure in the hands of private interests without transparency or accountability. This is why the regulation on political advertising must be firmly enforced, Commissioner. It tells citizens who is trying to influence them, who is paying for the advert, and how their personal data are used to target them.
These are not bureaucratic details. These are democratic safeguards. Protecting personal data is not an obstacle to political debate. It protects citizens from domestic manipulation and foreign interferences. And we should say it very clear to Meta and other big tech companies, Commissioner, those who come also to your office, that lobbying against these rules is totally unacceptable.
European democracy is not negotiable, so no retreat, no regulatory blackmail, our rules, our democracy, our sovereignty. Thank you.
Katarina Barley
Dankeschön. Das Wort erhält nun der Kollege Asens Llodrà, bereitmachen kann sich der Kollege Jungbluth.
Jaume Asens Llodrà
Señor comisario, usted nos habla de Rusia como amenaza a nuestra democracia, estamos de acuerdo. Pero ¿qué pasa con la amenaza de la internacional reaccionaria dirigida por Trump y Netanyahu? Fue Trump quien amenazó con invadirnos en Groenlandia y es Trump y Netanyahu quien tiene un aparato digital de desinformación. ¿Cuántas elecciones aquí y fuera se han decidido bajo la influencia de esa máquina de desinformación? ¿Cuántos de los escaños de los ultras que están ahí se habrían conseguido sin esa máquina de desinformación?
Hemos visto el caso de Cerimedo, detenido por intentar asesinar a su mujer, y todas las granjas de Vox que trabajan por los ultras que están ahí. ¿Cuántas personas que están ahí no habrían estado? Por eso nos hablan del totalitarismo, porque ellos quieren el totalitarismo de Putin, de Trump y de Netanyahu. Antes lograban el poder con golpes de Estado, Bolsonaro y Trump lo intentaron. Ahora, ahora con la máquina de desinformación y lo estamos viendo en Ceuta, cómo la internacional reaccionaria intenta derribar al único gobierno de izquierdas que queda en Europa y que les planta cara.
Gracias.
Katarina Barley
Dankeschön. Das Wort erhält der Kollege Jungbluth, und bereitmachen kann sich die Kollegin Konečná.
Alexander Jungbluth
Es ist schön, wie groß die Einigkeit hier im Haus ist, dass Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit geschützt werden müssen.
Und ich sage Ihnen, wo sie am meisten Schutz braucht. Sie braucht am meisten Schutz in Deutschland, wo der Opposition fundamentale Rechte vorenthalten werden. Sie braucht Schutz in Ungarn, wo eine neue Regierung einen Unrechtsstaat sondergleichen initialisiert. Sie braucht Schutz in Frankreich, wo eine Präsidentschaftskandidatin unter fadenscheinigen Gründen eventuell einen Wahlkampf im Hausarrest machen muss. Die Demokratie in Europa muss geschützt werden.
Und sie muss vor allem geschützt werden gegen die Parteifreunde derjenigen, die glauben, uns hier etwas vom Schutz der Demokratie erzählen zu können.
Katarina Barley
Das Wort erhält nun die Kollegin Konečná, bereitmachen kann sich der Kollege Koulia.
Děkuji, paní předsedající. Kolegové, já se nestačím divit, co všechno jste někteří z vás byli schopni zahrnout do zjištění a doporučení zvláštního výboru pro evropský štít pro demokracii. Totiž vaše snahy omezovat veřejnou debatu jsou již dlouho známé. A že si tedy počtu o potřebě ještě víc cenzurovat, s tím jsem tak trochu počítala.
Kateřina Konečná
Ale že přijdete s tím, že musíme v kybernetické válce přejít do ofenzívy a podnikat hybridní akce proti některým státům, to tedy překvapilo i mě. Nebo tvrzení, že naše demokracie je ohrožena narativem, že se některé evropské země dopouštějí neokolonialismu v západní Africe, kterého se například Francie zcela očividně dopouští. Pokud chcete bránit demokracii, tak nepotřebujeme žádné středisko pro odolnost demokracie. Hlavní ohrožení pro demokracii neleží v zákeřných aktérech mimo EU a ochrana demokracie nepotřebuje být militarizována. Hlavní nebezpečí pro demokracii představují ti, kteří omezují svobodnou diskusi, kteří nechávají potlačit pokojné demonstrace a kteří se snaží nepohodlné politiky vyřadit z veřejného prostoru a samotný systém, kde miliardáři mají v pozadí větší vliv na běh státu než řada občanů.
Katarina Barley
Danke schön. Das Wort erhält nun der Kollege Kulyja, bereitmachen kann sich der Kollege Tynkkynen.
András Tivadar Kulja
Tisztelt képviselőtársaim! Ma felszólalt ebben a házban a Fidesz egyik képviselője, aki 2014 és 24 között az előző magyar kormányban dolgozott. 2015-től a legmagasabb szinten, a miniszterelnöki kabinetiroda államtitkáraként.
Egy olyan ember panaszkodik a demokrácia leépítése miatt, akinek a kormánya orosz módszerekkel üldözte a sajtót, orosz módon használta a titkosszolgálatokat az ellenzéki pártok megfigyelésére, a külügyminisztere pedig telefonon jelentett Szergej Lavrovnak az uniós egyeztetésekről. És csak egy plusz példa: amikor az orosz hekkerek feltörték a magyar külügyi szolgálatok összes szerverét, és hozzáfértek minden szenzitív információhoz, az akkori magyar külügyminiszter még csak be sem hívatta az orosz nagykövetet, miközben az orosz külső hírszerzés fiának adott letelepedési engedélyt, Szergej Nariskin fiának. Ne szolgálják az orosz érdekeket! A magyar emberek nem véletlenül zavarták el önöket. Szolgáljanak magyar érdeket, és az Európai Uniót is támogassák!
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Dear Speaker, the AfD won almost 44% of the vote in a German state election. This is democracy. Before you liberals and lefties go around demonizing hundreds of thousands of people for voting, I want to ask you a few questions. Could it be that Europeans are simply sick and tired of horrendous migration policies? Please tell me, is it far-right to not want Islamic terrorists driving cars into Christmas markets?
Is it racist to notice that in Europe, migrants from the Middle East and Africa are vastly overrepresented in sexual crime? Is it Islamophobic to not want to get a knife in your neck while someone shouts Allahu Akbar? No, it is not. It's about wanting to get Europe back. Thank you.
Michael McNamara
Thank you very much, Vice-President. Colleagues, this report worries me. It rightly condemns American sanctions on a former commissioner for lack of any process, for merely punishing him for merely doing his job. It rightly condemns Russia's blacklist of MEPs, officials and others as arbitrary and a breach of mutual respect between our jurisdictions. But it also goes on to ask us to sanction EU politicians and lobbyists adjudged to be to be working for other countries without any mention of any process, no rule of law, no process whatsoever.
And the Council has already begun sanctioning the European Union's own citizens without any process, without any recourse to courts. No charge, no trial, no hearing, accounts frozen, including a spouse's, travel bans, livelihood gone, Amore-Seville. I agree, colleagues, that our democracy is under threat, but if we become that which we criticize and that which we oppose, then those threats have won.
We lose our way if we adopt the policies and the way of our enemies. We must be resolute in defense of the rule of law and not adopt this willy-nilly sanction approach.
Katarina Barley
Danke schön. Danke schön. Nein, ich muss jetzt wirklich aufhören. Danke. Das Wort erhält nun für die Kommission Herr Kommissar McGrath.
Speaker 145
Thank you very much, Madam President. And again, can I thank the rapporteur, Thomas Tobé, and all of the colleagues who contributed to the work of this report.
Katarina Barley
And I ask the colleagues entering now please to enter quietly. Thank you.
Michael McGrath
Thank you, Madam President. And again, can I thank the rapporteur, Thomas Tobé, and all of the colleagues who contributed to the work of this report. Unsurprisingly, we have heard a diversity of opinion and view, and that itself is the essence of democracy. And once this chamber comes to a democratic view in relation to this report, the Commission stands open to further engagement with the Parliament in relation to the recommendations. In relation to the democratic center that we have set up, participation by all of the member states, which we currently enjoy, is voluntary in nature.
We fully respect the allocation of competences. Can I say finally, Chair, we should not be naive to the reality that the European Union is facing a threat to its democracy because there are actors in the world who see our democracy as a threat to their authoritarian regimes and way of life. And yes, we want democracy to be noisy, to be vibrant, to be about debate and about disagreement, to be about diversity of thought and of opinion. But fundamentally, we need to ensure that all of our citizens in the EU enjoy the privilege of participating in free and fair elections that are free of any interference and disinformation. Thank you very much for your consideration of this report.
Katarina Barley
Herzlichen Dank, Herr Kommissar, und zum Abschluss erhält das Wort Herr Berichterstatter Tobé. I would again ask the colleagues to enter quietly, please, we have one more speaker.
Tomas Tobé
Thank you, President, colleagues, let me conclude with one simple point. The threats to our democracies are not going away. Russia will continue to test our resilience, other hostile actors will continue to look for weaknesses, and technology will continue to give them ways to exploit divisions in our societies.
We must be better prepared. We need the political will to protect our elections. We need the capacity to identify foreign interference. We need to protect critical infrastructure and strengthen cooperation in Member States. And perhaps above all, we need to protect the trust in our democratic institutions.
I heard during the debate today that we are talking about freedom of expression. And let me be very clear. We shall have a vibrant political debate all over Europe, like we have just had in this plenary today. But let me be very clear. Russian troll factories, Russian bots are not free speech.
And the far right needs to answer the question: why is it so important to protect these Russian troll factories and bots? They are designed to try to influence Europe. It is extremely important that we remain open, but not naive.
We must remain democratic but not defenseless. So let's make sure now that European democracy is not only worth defending, but it should also be strong enough to defend itself. Thank you to all the pro-European groups. Today we send a clear signal: we will protect European democracy. Thank you.
Vielen Dank, die Aussprache ist damit geschlossen und die Abstimmung findet morgen statt, findet heute statt.
Victor Negrescu
Colleagues, please. Take your seats.
We'll be starting the voting session shortly. So, dear colleagues, the sitting is resumed. This being said, we now come to the vote. Please take your seats, and we will start directly with the vote due to the fact that we have a long voting session. So, the first vote: request by the ENVI Committee for urgent decision concerning the proposal on the EU Emissions Trading System heat and fuel benchmark values for 2026 and 2030.
So, we'll be voting by a raise of hands. So, the request for urgent decisions: in favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
The request for urgent decision is approved. The vote will take place in a later part-session. Report by Mr. Ilan Kyuchyuk on the request for the waiver of the immunity of Matjaž Nemec. Vote on the proposal for a decision: who's in favor? Who's against?
Abstentions? We check. By roll call, the vote is open. I said check.
The vote is closed. The vote is closed. Rejected. Report by Mr. David Cormand on the request for the waiver of the immunity of Afroditi Latinopoulou. Proposal for a decision.
Who's in favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Report by Ms. Pascal Piera on the request of the waiver of the immunity of Geert-Jan Brouwer.
Proposal for a decision. Vote, raise of hand. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. It was clear. Report by Mr. Dominik Tarczyński on the request for the waiver of the immunity of Francisco Assis. Proposal for a decision. Vote.
Who's in favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Report by Mr. Mohammed Chahim on the carbon border adjustment mechanism, extension of its scope to downstream goods and anti-circumvention measures.
So, amendments by the committee on responsible, block vote. Who's in favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Amendment seven in four parts. We start with the first part by roll call.
The vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Second part by roll call. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. Third part by raise of hands. In favor? Against?
Abstentions? Rejected. Fourth part by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
Adopted. Amendment 39 by raise of hands. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Amendment 58. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Amendment 65. Adopted. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
69. Adopted. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Amendment 74. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Amendment 80. Adopted. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Amendment 131. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Rejected. It was clear. Amendment 87 by roll call. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. 103 amendment by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 109 by raise of hands, in favor? Against? Abstentions? We check. We open the vote.
We close the vote. We close the vote. We close the vote, hopefully. Sorry for the technical issues, hope that... So adopted.
Amendment 36 is falls. Amendment 134, in favor? Against? Abstentions? Rejected.
We check. We open the vote. You need to raise your hands.
Close the vote. Adopted. Amendment 120 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 70 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. All the other amendment 122, 130, amendment 88, amendment 104, amendment 86, amendment 121 fall. Amendment 71.
In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Amendment 72.
In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Amendment 73.
In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Amendment 132.
In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Amendment 91.
In favor? Against? Abstentions? Rejected. We can check.
We open the vote. We close the vote. Adopted.
Amendment 126 by roll call: the vote is open. The vote is closed. Yeah, it's the second time if you don't raise the hands. Vote is closed - rejected. Amendment 89, 105, 108 by roll call: the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 128 by roll call: the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 82: in favor, against, abstentions - adopted. Amendment 127 by roll call: the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 83 CP1 in two parts: first part - in favor, against, abstentions - adopted.
Second part: in favor, against, abstentions - we check. We open the vote.
We close the vote. Rejected. Amendment 92 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. 107 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. 110 in favor, against, abstentions, adopted.
94 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. 129 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 83 CP2 in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. 135 in favor, against, abstentions, we check. We open the vote.
We close the vote. Adopted. 85 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. 96 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. 97, 113, 133 in favor, against, abstentions, adopted.
112, 136 in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment 98 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 2 in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment 99 by roll call, the vote is open. Amendment 99, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 114 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. 111 in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. 115 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. 116 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 24 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment 28 in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment 119 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 102 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
We vote on the Commission's proposal by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Now we'll give the floor to the rapporteur, Mr. Shahim. I give the floor to the rapporteur.
Mohammed Chahim
Hello, Chair, on based on Rule 64, I would like to refer this file back for to start the interinstitutional negotiations.
Victor Negrescu
I'd like to thank the rapporteur, and now we we vote on the referral back. In favor, against, abstentions, adopted. So the report is referred back to the committee for interinstitutional negotiations in accordance with Rule 60, paragraph 4. We move to the next report, report by Mr. Pascal Canfin, establishing the temporary decarbonization fund.
We start by voting on the amendments by the committee responsible with a block vote. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Amendment 11. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Amendment 12. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Amendment 22. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Amendment 24. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Amendment 31 in two parts. First part. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Second part. Adopted. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Amendment 34 in three parts. First part. In favor? 38, sorry, in three parts.
First part. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Second part. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Third part. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Amendment 39 in two parts. First part. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Second part by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Amendment 76 in two parts. First part, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Second part, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment 85, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 89, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected.
Amendment 90, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 34, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment 35 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Amendment 92, who's in favor, by raise of hands? Who's against? Abstentions? We check. We open the vote.
92, huh? The previous one fell. We close the vote. Rejected. Amendment 93 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. 94 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 95 by raise of hands. In favor? Against?
Abstentions? Rejected. Amendment 45. In favor? Against?
Abstentions? Adopted. Amendment 86 by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 46 by raise of hands. In favor? Abstentions? Against?
Adopted. Amendment 47, 49, 51. Who's in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Amendment 50. Who's in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Amendment 96 by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 97 by raise of hands. In favor? Against? Abstentions? Rejected.
Amendment 87 by roll call. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 48 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment 98 also by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 99 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected.
Amendment 100 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 101 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 102 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 103 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 104 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected.
Amendment 105 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 106 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 107 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 71 in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment 108 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected.
Amendment 83 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 1 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. The next one falls.
Amendment 88 by roll call vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 84 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 23, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. We vote on the Commission proposal by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
I give the floor to the rapporteur, Monsieur Canfin.
Pascal Canfin
Yes, it's working. Thank you. Thank you for the very wide support, dear colleagues, and I'm asking for the referral back to committee for the start of negotiations with the other institutions according to Rule 64a.
Victor Negrescu
Merci. Thank you. Now we vote on the referral back by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted.
The report is referred back to the committee for interinstitutional negotiations in accordance with Rule 60, paragraph 4. So, next report, report by Mr. Pierfrancesco Majorino on the market stability reserve for the EU emissions trading system, ceasing the invalidation of allowances. So we vote on the proposal to reject the Commission proposal, amendment 7. Who's in favor? Against?
Abstentions? Rejected. Now we move to the draft legislative act, amendment 1. In favor? Against?
Abstentions? Adopted. Amendment 2. In favor? Against?
Abstentions? Adopted. Amendment 3. In favor? Against?
Abstentions? Adopted. Amendment 4 by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
Adopted. Amendment 5 by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Amendment 6 by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 8 by raise of hands.
In favor? Against? Abstentions? We check. We open the vote.
We close the vote. Adopted. Amendment 9 falls, we vote on the Commission proposal by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is now closed. Adopted.
Now I give the floor to the rapporteur, Mr. Maro.
Pierfrancesco Majorino
Thank you, President. I would like to ask for a referral back to committee for interinstitutional negotiation in accordance with Rule 60.4 of the Rules of Procedure.
Victor Negrescu
Thank you. And now we vote on the referral back by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. The report is referred back to the committee for interinstitutional negotiations in accordance with Rule 60.4. I have to read this, huh, so. Report by Ms. Danuše Nerudová on the market stability reserve for the buildings, road transport and additional sectors.
I will give the floor to the rapporteur for two minutes. Colleague Rudová.
Danuše Nerudová
Dear colleagues, today's vote is not about whether or not to support ETS2. It is about protecting our citizens from its potential impacts as they are already facing high prices of energy. This legislation will lower the price of ETS2 allowances, but this will not be enough, which is why we agreed during the negotiations that the Commission will come forward with a general assessment of ETS2 next year and work on strengthening the social safeguards. Thank you for your support.
Victor Negrescu
Thank you, colleague. Now I will give the floor to Commissioner Brunner. Commissioner.
Magnus Brunner
Thank you, Chair. Honorable members, by October 2027, the Commission will assess the application of the system to the buildings, road transport, and additional sectors, taking into account the importance of all sectors contributing to emission reductions and assess the appropriateness of the current measures to protect vulnerable households. Thank you very much.
Victor Negrescu
Thank you, Commissioner. Now we start the vote, and we vote on the proposal to reject the Commission proposal with the amendment 32. By raise of hands, in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Rejected. Now we vote on the proposal to vote on amendments to the draft legislative act, procedural motion. By raise of hands, in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Rejected. Now we vote on the provisional agreement, amendment 30, by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
So the first reading of Parliament is closed. Move to the next report, report by Mr. Tomas Bajada on the implementation into Union law of measures adopted by regional fisheries management organizations. I'm giving the floor to the rapporteur for two minutes. Colleague Bajada.
Sur President, illum qed nivvutaw dwar regoli tas-sajd li ġew maqbulin reġjonalment biex nipproteġu l-baħar u niżguraw li s-sajjieda Ewropej jew mhumiex jimxu mal-istess regoli.
Thomas Bajada
Imma regoli mingħajr infurzar ma jagħtux protezzjoni. Għas-sajjied li jinsab waħdu f'nofs il-baħar, il-protezzjoni ma tistax tibqa' qiegħda fuq il-karta, irid jaraha u jrid iħossha. Iva, qed nimxu 'l quddiem fil-ħidma tagħna diplomatika u teknika f'dawn l-għaqdiet reġjonali. Imma nappella sabiex l-Ewropa ssaħħaħ is-sorveljanza tagħha, inkluż b'investiment f'użu permanenti ta' drones, biex bastimenti ta' pajjiżi terzi li qed jistadu illegalment jinqabdu fil-fatt qabel jaħarbu. Is-sajjieda tagħna jridu Ewropa li tinħass preżenti fuq il-baħar spalla ma' spalla magħhom.
Kollega, aħna m'aħniex qegħdin hawn biex nimponu liġijiet u multi biss, qegħdin hawn biex is-sajjieda tagħna ma jħossuhomx waħidhom quddiem kompetizzjoni inġusta. Ħbieb, ejja nkunu l-Ewropa li tiddefendi lil min qed jimxi mar-regoli, imma wkoll turi snienha kontra min jibqa' jiksirhom. Grazzi minn qalbi.
Victor Negrescu
Thank you, colleague. Now we vote on the provisional agreement, amendment 192, by roll call. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. So adopted, the first reading of Parliament is closed. Report by Ms Deliana Szofko on the General Fisheries Commission for the Mediterranean, fishing in the GFCM agreement area. So we vote on the provisional agreement, amendment 130, by roll call. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted, the first reading of Parliament is closed. Next vote, report by Mr Bogdan Andrzej Zdrojewski on temporary trade liberalisation measures applicable to Armenian products. I start by giving the floor to Commissioner Brunner for a short statement. Commissioner.
Thomas Bajada
I will ask our colleagues from the technical staff to help the Commissioner, eh?
Magnus Brunner
Now he's working. Okay, now, thank you very much, Chair, sorry for that delay. Honorable members, the Commission's proposal provides for the, for the granting of temporary and exceptional autonomous trade measures to Armenian imports into European Union for a two-year period. Should the Commission consider that extending the granting of autonomous trade measures to Armenian imports into the European Union beyond that two-year period is warranted in view of the situation at that point of time, the Commission will endeavor to submit to the European Parliament and the Council any proposal to that effect not later than six months before the end of the application of this regulation. Thank you.
Victor Negrescu
Thank you, Commissioner, also for your patience. We sometimes encounter similar issues. So now we vote on a single vote by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
The first reading of Parliament is closed. Next votes, report by Mr. Andrzej Halicki on the draft amending budget number 2 for 2024, update of revenue, own resources and adjustments to expenditure. We start with amendment 4 by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Paragraph 2, original text by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed. Amendment 6 by roll call.
The vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 1 by roll call. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Original text by roll call. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 7 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 8, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 9 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 10 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 11, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Paragraph 10, original text by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 12 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 13 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 3 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Citation 6, original text by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Citation 7, original text, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. We vote on the resolution as a whole by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. We move to the report by Ms. Aurore Lalucq on the appointment of the Chairperson of the European Securities and Markets Authority. We vote appointment of Carlo Comporti by secret ballot, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Adopted. Move to the report by Ms. Aurore Lalucq on the appointment of the Executive Director of the European Banking Authority. Again, we vote on the appointment of Thomas Steigstetter by secret vote, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Report by Mr. Tomas Tobé on findings and recommendations of the Special Committee on the European Democracy Shield. We start with amendment 27 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 2 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 28 by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 29 by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 88 by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 89 by raise of hands.
In favor? Against? Abstentions? Rejected. Amendment 30 by roll call.
The vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 13 by raise of hands. In favor?
Against? Abstentions? Rejected. Amendment 58 by roll call. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 59 by raise of hands. In favor? Against?
Abstentions? Rejected. Amendment 60 by roll call vote. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 61 by show of hands. In favor? Against?
Abstentions? Rejected. Paragraph 9 in two parts. First part by roll call. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. Second part by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
Adopted. Paragraph 12 original text by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Amendment 31 by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 31 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 62 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 63, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 64, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 65 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. We vote on paragraph 15, original text in two parts, first part by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, we check. Go open the vote. Close the vote. Adopted.
Second part by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Paragraph 17, original text by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 32 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. 33 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 90 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 34 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 91 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected.
Amendment 16 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 35 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Paragraph 27, original text in three parts by raise of hands, first part, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Second part, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Third part... We can check.
We open the vote. The vote is closed. Adopted. It was clear.
Third part in favor. Third part, who's in favor? Against. Abstentions adopted. Amendment 36 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 37 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Paragraph 30 original text by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Paragraph 32 original text in two parts, first part by raise of hands in favor. Against.
Abstentions adopted. Second part by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 17 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Paragraph 34 original text in two parts, first part by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions adopted. Second part by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Adopted. Amendment 3 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 18 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions rejected.
Amendment 38 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 66 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions rejected. Amendment 19 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 20 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Paragraph 47 original text by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. The next votes are by roll call, paragraph 48, amendment 92, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Original text, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Amendment 4 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 39 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 40 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 41 by roll call, the vote is open.
Vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 67 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Paragraph 50 original text in two parts, first part by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Second part by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted.
Amendment 5 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 42 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 43 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 44 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 45 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 21 by show of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 82 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 68 by show of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected.
Amendment 10, in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment 46 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 47 by roll call vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
48 by roll call vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. 49 by roll call vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. 50 by roll call vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Paragraph 80, amendment 51 in two parts.
First part by roll call vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Second part by roll call vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Original text in two parts. First part by raise of hands. In favor? Against?
Amendment 6 by roll call vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 52 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 22 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Paragraph 82 original text by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 23 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected.
24 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. 83 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. 93 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 94 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Amendment 95 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 53 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 84 by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Paragraph 101 original text in five parts by roll call all the five, first part by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. Second part, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Third part, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Fourth part, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Adopted. Fifth part, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 7 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 69 by raise of hands, in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Rejected. Amendment 70, in favor? Against? Rejected. Abstentions?
Amendment 8 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 9 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Amendment 54 by roll call, the vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected. Paragraph 108 original text by roll call, the vote is open. Vote is closed.
Rejected.
Adopted. Amendment 25 in two parts, first part by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Second part by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Paragraph 115, amendment 86 by roll call, the vote is open. Vote is closed. Rejected.
We move to the original text in two parts by raise of hands, first part in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Second part in favor, against, abstentions, adopted. Amendment 71 in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 55 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 26 by raise of hands, in favor? Against? Abstentions? Rejected. 85, in favor?
Against? Abstentions? Rejected. Amendment 72 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. 73 by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 11 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
We vote on the recital B original text by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 74 by raise of hands, in favor? Against? Abstentions? Rejected.
87, in favor? Against? Abstentions? Rejected. 75, in favor? Against? Abstentions? Rejected. Amendment 76, in favor?
Against? Abstentions? Rejected. We vote on recital G original text in two parts. First part again, in favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Second part by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. Recital O, original text in two parts, by raise of hands, first part, in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Second part, in favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted.
Recital R, original text in two parts, first part, in favor? Against? Adopted. Abstentions? Second part, in favor?
Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Amendment 1 by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Recital AU, original text, by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 77, by raise of hands, in favor?
Against? Abstentions? Rejected. Recital BK, original text in two parts, first part by raise of hands, in favor? Against?
Abstentions? Adopted. Second part, in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. Recital BT, amendment 12, in favor? Against? Abstentions? Rejected.
We vote on the original text in two parts, first part, in favor? Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Second part by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 56, by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Amendment 78, by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 79, by a raise of hands, in favor? Against?
Abstentions? Amendment 80, by roll call, the vote is open. Rejected. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 81, by a raise of hands, in favor? Against? Abstentions? Rejected. We vote on the resolution as a whole, by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. We vote on the report by Mr. Hristo Petrov on the implementation of the Council recommendation on a bridge to jobs, reinforcing the youth guarantee. We start with amendment 4, by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 11 by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
Adopted. We vote on paragraph 15 original text by raise of hands. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
Paragraph 33 original text. Rejected. In favor? Against? Abstentions?
We check. We open the vote. We close the vote. Adopted. Amendment 5 by roll call.
The vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 6, paragraph 54 by roll call. The vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. We vote on the original text in two parts by raise of hands. First part, in favor? Against?
Abstentions? Adopted. Second part, in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Adopted. We can check. Open the vote. You need to raise your hands as well.
Close the vote. Rejected. Amendment 3, by roll call. The vote is open. The vote is closed.
Adopted. Amendment 7, by roll call. The vote is open. Rejected. Paragraph 69, original text in two parts.
First part, by raise of hands, in favor? Against? Abstentions? Second part, in favor? Adopted.
Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Paragraph 72, original text in two parts. First part, who's in favor?
Against? Abstentions? Adopted. Second part, in favor? Against?
Abstentions? Rejected. Paragraph 74, amendment 1, in favor? Against? Abstentions?
We move to paragraph 75, amendment 2, by roll call. Adopted. The vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Paragraph 81, original text in two parts, by raise of hands.
First part, who's in favor? Against, abstentions, adopted. Second part, in favor? Against, abstentions, adopted. Paragraph 83, original text in three parts.
First part, by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Second part, by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Adopted. Third part, by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted. Amendment 9, by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 10, by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
We vote on the resolution as a whole, by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. We move to the next report by Ms Sabrina Repp on the EU Youth Strategy 2019-2027. I give the floor to the rapporteur for two minutes. Colleague Repp, you have the floor.
Sabrina Repp
Vielen Dank. Ja, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, ich höre schon leichtes Stöhnen, aber dann, wenn es um junge Menschen geht, dann sollten wir jedoch alle aufmerksam zuhören. Denn es ist der Europäischen Union nicht egal, wie es jungen Menschen geht. Zu oft habe ich persönlich gehört: Komm du erst mal in mein Alter, dann siehst du die Dinge schon ganz anders. Aber es geht nicht darum, dass junge Menschen erwachsen werden.
Es geht darum, dass junge Menschen in ihrer Lebensrealität ernst genommen werden, dass sie einen Platz an unserem Tisch verdient haben. Darum geht es heute und darum sollte es auch in der kommenden Jugendstrategie gehen. Wir sehen, dass viele junge Menschen das Vertrauen in Politik verloren haben und auch in unsere Demokratie. Das haben wir erst bei den jüngsten Wahlen in Sachsen-Anhalt gesehen, als eine rechtsextreme Partei von jungen Menschen massiv an Stimmenzuwachs bekommen hat. Und deswegen, deswegen brauchen wir eine starke Jugendstrategie, die die jungen Menschen ernst nimmt, die nicht polarisiert, die nicht Ängste schürt, sondern die ganz konkret ihre Herausforderungen angeht.
Es geht nämlich ganz konkret darum, um steigende Lebenshaltungskosten. Es geht darum, ob Kinder und Jugendliche eine gute Ausbildung erhalten, ob alle die gleichen Chancen haben. Darum geht es. Es geht nicht darum, Angst, Hass und Hetze zu schüren, sondern ganz konkret für junge Menschen an den Herausforderungen zu arbeiten. Und genau das werden wir mit der kommenden Jugendstrategie machen.
Wir haben evaluiert, wie die jetzige Jugendstrategie abläuft und wie wichtig es ist, dass wir genau diese neuen Herausforderungen angehen. Es ist aber auch wichtig, dass die Jugendstrategie nicht nur auf dem Papier besteht, sondern dass sie ganz konkrete Handlungsempfehlungen vorsieht, dass die Jugendstrategie tatsächlich diesen jungen Menschen eine Zukunftsperspektive eröffnet. Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, daran werden wir gemeinsam arbeiten und ich fordere die Kommission auf, diese Handlungsempfehlung auch entsprechend umzusetzen. Vielen Dank.
Victor Negrescu
Thank you. We move to the vote and please of course we should maintain the order in this house, huh? Amendment six. By roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 7, by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 8, by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 9, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 10, by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected.
Amendment 11, by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 12, by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 13, by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Rejected. Amendment 14, by raise of hands, in favor, against, abstentions, rejected. Amendment 16, by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed.
Rejected. Now I give the floor to Ms. Marion Maréchal to move an oral amendment to add a new paragraph after paragraph 51.
Colleague, you have the floor.
Chers collègues, je vous propose d'adopter l'amendement suivant : rappelle que les Frères musulmans développent une stratégie documentée d'entrisme dans les institutions européennes et d'influence auprès de la jeunesse ; demande que les Frères musulmans et leurs réseaux, en particulier leur organisation de jeunesse FEMYSO, soient interdits de tout financement européen et de toute participation à des événements financés par l'Union européenne.
Victor Negrescu
Is there any opposition to the oral amendment? So the oral amendment cannot be taken. We move to the next vote. Amendment 17 by show of hands, who's in favor? Against?
Abstentions? Amendment 1 in favor? Rejected. Against? Abstentions?
Rejected. Amendment 15 in favor? Against? Rejected. Abstentions?
Amendment 2 in favor? Against? Abstentions? We check. We open the vote.
We close the vote. Rejected. Amendment 3 in favor? Against? Abstentions?
Rejected. Amendment 18 in favor? Against? Rejected. Abstentions?
Amendment 19 in favor? Against? Abstentions rejected. Amendment four in favor? Against?
Abstentions rejected. Amendment five in favor? Against? Abstentions rejected. We vote on the resolution of the whole by roll call, the vote is open.
The vote is closed. Adopted. Congrats to the rapporteur. I would like to remind members who are on the speaker's list for the first debate in the afternoon to remain in the chamber as the debate will start immediately after the vote. So we have the last vote, report by Mr. Rasmus Andresen on the global role of the euro.
We vote on the resolution as a whole by roll call, the vote is open. The vote is closed. Adopted.
Antonella Sberna
Prego colleghi. Riprendiamo. L'ordine del giorno reca le dichiarazioni del Consiglio e della Commissione: i recenti attacchi ibridi e la strumentalizzazione dei migranti a Ceuta e la necessità di una risposta coordinata per proteggere le frontiere esterne dell'Unione Europea. Iniziamo a nome del Consiglio, prego il ministro Byrne. Prego.
Thomas Byrne
Honourable members, Commissioner, let me begin by extending my deepest condolences on behalf of the Council to the families of those who died trying to reach Ceuta on the 30th and 31st of July.
Those deaths are a stark reminder of the dangers of irregular journeys such as this. Loss of life at this scale is a human tragedy that we need to keep at the forefront of our thoughts. Faced with such an incredible tragedy, we must continue to work to address the root causes of irregular migration, dismantle smuggling networks and ensure safe, orderly and controlled migration management. The incident was also an extraordinary challenge for Spain and for the people of Ceuta. The Spanish authorities acted quickly to restore control and the vast majority of those who crossed irregularly returned to Morocco within 48 hours.
The European Union moved fast to offer support to Spain and to coordinate a unified response. The Presidency, under my colleague Jim O'Callaghan, the Irish Minister for Justice, has convened the Integrated Political Crisis Response roundtable, Coreper, and an informal video conference of Home Affairs Ministers.
The message that emerged was unambiguous: the European Union is united in solidarity with Spain and is committed to protecting our external borders against all threats. Ministers also agreed that we need to relentlessly continue fighting migrant smuggling networks, reinforcing returns, strengthening EU borders, building partnerships with third countries, and improving situational awareness. The presidency remains in close contact with Spain, with the Commission, with the EEAS and EU agencies to monitor the evolution of the situation on the ground. Ceuta and Melilla are under a special Schengen regime where Spain can maintain border controls and perform Schengen checks on exit. Spain has confirmed that none of those remaining in Ceuta after crossing irregularly have moved onward or been transferred to mainland Spain.
Spain also reinforced maritime barriers, deployed additional law enforcement officers, and strengthened reception, registration, and return capacity in Ceuta. In this context, we welcome the decision to mobilize EU emergency financial assistance and operational support from Frontex, the EU Asylum Agency, and Europol. This is European solidarity in action, not an abstract principle, but a reality on the ground.
Looking ahead, the JHA Council on the 1st of October will of course discuss the current situation in Ceuta, as well as the migration trends across the European Union over recent months, which, it should be noted, continue to indicate a decreasing number of irregular arrivals at our borders. Ministers will also focus on readmission cooperation with partner third countries and on enhancing the EU's shared situational awareness. This work will inform the European Council's strategic discussion on migration on the 15th of October. To conclude, the large-scale irregular border crossing in Ceuta tested not only one Member State or our common external border, but also our trust in one another. We saw external actors engaging in information manipulation and interference, trying to exploit the images to sow divisions among us, and we can't allow this to happen.
Our theme as Irish Presidency is the Irish phrase 'Ní neart go cur le chéile', which means in English 'strength in unity'. And this theme seems particularly apt in this context, and I look forward to the debate among Members of Parliament. Thank you.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie Ministro.
Ora a nome della Commissione, prego Commissario Brunner.
Magnus Brunner
Thank you, Chair, Minister, honorable members. The Spanish city of Ceuta has just over 80,000 inhabitants. And in the last two days of July, almost the same amount of people entered illegally from the other side of the border. And this was unprecedented, of course. It severely tested the resilience of the people of Ceuta, and I want to assure them of our respect and our sympathy also for the challenges they are facing.
And I also want to express my deepest condolences to the families and friends of those who lost their lives in the attempt to get to Ceuta. This tragic loss of life confirms again what we actually already know: smugglers kill people. And we must do everything we can to stop them. This was, of course, a stress test for our Union, for our system, for our resilience. But most of the people who entered Ceuta illegally went back to Morocco within a matter of hours.
And nobody, and this is important, nobody entered the Schengen area, so its integrity was of course preserved. This was the result of the action taken by the Spanish authorities, yes, and the cooperation also with Morocco. But of course there are many more challenges which are still ahead of us. First, thousands remain in Ceuta, including more than 2,000 unaccompanied minors. This brings of course high pressure and also public order challenges on a territory of less than 20 square kilometers.
And so of course a solution must be found as a matter of urgency also. For this, our priority is clear. All those who entered illegally and have no right to stay must swiftly return to Morocco. Morocco has made the commitment, which we of course very welcome, has made the commitment to take back all migrants that arrived illegally to Ceuta. And second, we need to step up our efforts to prevent this from happening again.
Before setting out the necessary next steps, let us recall also what our new approach to migration policy has actually achieved already. Building on the pact for migration and asylum, we have opened a new chapter with fair rules, but also firm rules, with the screening of people arriving illegally, the border procedure, new return rules, safe countries reforms, and other things. And we have an assertive migration diplomacy also, and also stronger external borders. So altogether, we have put our European house in order. And the results actually show that it works.
There is a significant decrease in illegal arrivals and also asylum applications across the European Union. In the last two years, illegal migration has decreased by more than 50 percent, and this year alone we are seeing a further reduction by more than another third already. And also, as a result of all that, asylum applications followed the same trend. In 2025, they were down by 20 percent, and there are a lot of examples across the European Union where the numbers are at a historic low.
Also our return system is of course working much better. Effective return rates are now close to 30%. It's not enough, but we are working on that and it's getting definitely better. This means that last year around 30,000 more people returned than the year before. So Europe has made significant progress in addressing illegal migration and also in getting control back.
But of course the events and the images from Ceuta show that we must double down on our efforts. Both the smugglers and illegal migrants must understand that our Union will step up defending itself. And most of all our citizens must be reassured that things are under control. So restoring control and providing support to Spain have been key objectives actually from day one of the crisis. I've been in close contact with Spain from the very first day and of course all along.
Tomorrow I will be in Madrid again to discuss with Ministers Torres, Grande-Marlaska and Saiz. I also had a very useful exchange with Mayor-President Vivas last week and we have now also a coordination mechanism with Spanish authorities and the EU agencies for regular exchanges so to assist Spain there as well. And the EU support got very concrete. Last week after Spain's request in late August, the Commission granted 114.7 million in emergency assistance. And I think this will of course reinforce border surveillance and protection, border security infrastructure as well as the deployment also of additional staff and equipment.
And it will also serve to set up facilities for the screening, also assistance for unaccompanied minors in the city and to support of course returns from Ceuta. And furthermore, Frontex, Europol, the Asylum Agency are also going to increase their operational support and presence as also requested by Spain in late August. And of course we won't and can't stop here. We will continue insisting on the full implementation of the Pact. And in addition we will work on key areas set out by President von der Leyen also, first of all to prevent illegal migration.
Migration diplomacy is key there, I think. We will reinforce our comprehensive approach using incentives, using leverages also, including funding, including trade, visa policy is very important there. And when it comes to Morocco, we are committed to continue working together on returns of those remaining in Ceuta. And more efforts of course have to be made when it comes to illegal departures, when it comes to fighting smuggling, ensuring effective returns and readmission of course. And in addition, we have been actively coordinating with major online platforms to combat disinformation related to the events in Ceuta.
Secondly, a second important point is that we will reinforce, of course, the external borders with a stronger Frontex to make it more agile and also to make it faster in anticipating events and also in responding to events. A third point, we will improve early warning and situational awareness with better monitoring what happens online, especially because, of course, the mobilization happens very fast and also there a strengthened Frontex will need to work on this too. And the fourth point, we will continue, of course, fighting against smugglers. We made a lot of progress already with the Global Alliance against Smuggling and now it is, I think, time to agree on new EU rules. So I call on you all to speed up the work on the anti-smuggling directive tabled already three years ago.
I think it's really time to get that done. And the last point, we will step up on returns, of course. This is important with the new return regulation which will be in force soon. Also there, the revision of Frontex, of the Frontex mandate, will be key. So let me be clear, Ceuta's borders and every member state's borders, of course, are European borders.
And the Commission is definitely ready to do everything possible to support member states in protecting those borders. We need to learn, of course, our lessons from Ceuta, close gaps, control our borders, preserve the Schengen area. Our work needs to continue to implement the pact rules, also the cooperation with our neighbors, of course, is important and always defending our interests. And we will also, of course, reinforce our toolbox so that we can deal with similar events more effectively and swiftly. And of course, also there, I count on the Parliament's support for the work ahead of us.
Thank you.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie, Commissario. Iniziamo il dibattito con gli oratori a nome dei gruppi. Prego, onorevole Lenaers per il gruppo del PPE.
Jeroen Lenaers
Yes, thank you very much, Madam Vice-President. For the EPP, today's debate is about a simple yet important message, and this is a message for the people of Ceuta. Ceuta is Spain, Ceuta is Europe, and we stand with you.
The sovereignty and territorial integrity of Member States are non-negotiable. Borders are non-negotiable. And order must be restored so that the people of Ceuta can return to their normal lives. Because when Europe's external border is breached at such an unprecedented scale, this is not simply a Spanish problem. It is a European security challenge.
And the warnings were there. The declassified documents make this very clear. Police and intelligence services did their job. The government failed to act. Now Prime Minister Sánchez is asking for solidarity in a crisis after continuously resisting the common tools needed to prevent one.
Opposing more effective measures at the European level like the returns regulation. Initiating unilateral mass regularisations even though agreements in Europe are there to not do so. It's an interesting approach. But let us be very clear: solidarity is needed. And our solidarity is first and foremost with the citizens of Ceuta.
And the European Commission did its part. It offered Spain support from day one. Yet it took weeks before the Spanish government formally requested that European support, which is quite frankly unbelievable. Now we've had experience, we've seen instrumentalisation and weaponisation before in Greece, in Poland, in the Baltic states and in Finland. But what is new is the scale and the fact that it is now happening on Europe's southern flank.
So what do we need to do? Three points. First, strengthen Frontex. Two, we need a genuine European emergency mechanism. Member states need exceptional tools to deal with exceptional situations.
And third, implement what we already agreed. The pact is there. Screening, border procedures, solidarity, effective returns. They must work in practice, not just on paper. Our goal is simple.
Instead of debating the next crisis after it happens, let us make sure we are ready to prevent it. Thank you.
Iratxe García Pérez
Gracias, presidenta. Quiero comenzar agradeciendo al Consejo y al comisario por su aportación constructiva a este debate. No así la posición de un Partido Popular Europeo que lleva más de un mes manoseando Ceuta con el único objetivo de atacar al Gobierno de España. Quiero comenzar mi intervención recordando a las más de ciento cincuenta personas que perdieron la vida en Ceuta y a sus familias, porque detrás de cada vida hay una historia y hay un dolor. Y hoy quiero decir algo muy claro también.
Ceuta no está sola.
Ceuta es España. Ceuta es Europa. Y cuando una frontera está bajo presión, Europa debe de responder con solidaridad, no con división. Y por eso resulta tan difícil escuchar lecciones de algunos, lecciones de quienes suspenden Schengen con España. ¿Qué lecciones puede dar la señora Meloni sobre gestión de fronteras?
¿Y qué lecciones puede dar sobre humanidad después de que Europa se volcara con Italia en la crisis de Lampedusa? Europa también estuvo con Polonia y Lituania frente a la instrumentalización de la migración por el régimen de Lukashenko. La solidaridad europea no puede depender de quién gobierna ni de qué país sufre la crisis. Y quiero ser igualmente clara con el Partido Popular y con Vox: pedir expulsiones que incumplen la ley del menor, la ley de extranjería y la legislación europea e internacional es violar el Estado de derecho.
Y hablar de invasores o de invasión solo alimenta la desinformación y la xenofobia. Y ya sabemos lo que ocurre cuando se alimenta la desinformación y la xenofobia. Unos alimentan estas crisis y otros recogen los resultados. Si de verdad les importa Ceuta, participen en el reparto de menores en las comunidades autónomas donde gobiernan. Europa debe estar con Ceuta, con Frontex, Europol y la Agencia de Asilo y con todos los recursos financieros necesarios.
Frente al odio y al miedo, la sociedad ceutí nos ha demostrado con sus valores la convivencia y la paz. Si para defender Europa nos piden que nos convirtamos en bárbaros, que pisotean y destrozan los derechos de quien no reza como nosotros o quien no tiene nuestro color de piel, no cuenten con nosotros. Nosotros defenderemos la Europa que cuida y protege a sus ciudadanos, la Europa que no se arrodilla ante los más poderosos y la Europa que respeta la humanidad. Muchas gracias.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie. Grazie, onorevole. Prego, onorevole Buxadé Villalba. Prego.
Jorge Buxadé Villalba
Gracias, presidente. Miren, la invasión de Ceuta no es un caso de entrada ilegal ni una invasión inmigratoria. Es un acto de invasión territorial, ocupación ilegal y violenta de una parte de España que lo es desde 1580, antes de que existiera el Reino de Marruecos, 500 años antes, y que seguirá siendo española a pesar de Pedro Sánchez.
Después de siete años aún se siguen creyendo las mentiras de Sánchez. Ni entraron 80.000 ni se han vuelto todos, al contrario, hay 15.000 invasores aún deambulando y produciendo inseguridad, miedo y terror en las calles de Ceuta. Y señor comisario, hable con el que le hace los papeles, porque Ceuta y Melilla son España y Ceuta y Melilla están en Schengen, y ahora mismo hay 15.000 extranjeros ilegalmente en Schengen. Si el Gobierno de España calla es porque Pedro Sánchez se comporta como un agente de Marruecos y el Partido Socialista su quinta columna. Quien actúa como un traidor y habla como un traidor es un traidor.
Y si ustedes aceptan como normal que un Estado que se presenta como amigo y socio reivindique y trate de usurpar partes integrantes del territorio español, ustedes también son ya parte del problema y el pueblo español les despreciará para siempre.
Usted ha propuesto varias medidas, yo le propongo otras: la verdadera solidaridad europea, condenar la invasión territorial de la ciudad de Ceuta y las ilegítimas reivindicaciones de Marruecos, considerarlo un acto genuino de guerra híbrida, suspender el acuerdo de asociación con Marruecos y todos los acuerdos internacionales con Marruecos, salvo, obviamente, los de retorno y expulsión de los marroquíes, suspender todos los pagos pendientes a Marruecos, la expedición de visados de entrada de nacionales marroquíes, la concesión de permisos de residencia. Eso es defender España. Eso es defender Europa y lo demás es contribuir al negocio de las mafias. A propósito, no he oído ni una sola palabra de las niñas y adolescentes violadas sistemáticamente por los invasores en Ceuta en un acto genuino de guerra híbrida. Muchas gracias.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie, onorevole, vi chiedo di rimanere nei tempi. Prego, onorevole Solier.
Diego Solier
Gracias, presidenta. Abandono, abandono es lo que sienten los ceutíes, igual que sentimos los valencianos hace casi ya dos años. Abandono de un Gobierno que mira más por ellos que por los ciudadanos. Y quería hacer una pregunta muy sencilla: ¿qué pasa cuando un ciudadano o una empresa no cumple con las leyes? Pasa algo, ¿verdad?, tiene consecuencias.
¿Qué pasa cuando un Gobierno no cumple con la legislación de extranjería? Lo mismo. Tenemos que defender Europa defendiendo nuestras fronteras en el sur. Necesitamos identificación y controles de seguridad para quienes han entrado ilegalmente. Necesitamos más medios para nuestras Fuerzas y Cuerpos de Seguridad del Estado.
Necesitamos protección para quien realmente lo tenga y lo necesite. Y quienes no tengan derecho a permanecer en España deben ser retornados con las garantías legales y sin demoras innecesarias. Me gustaría invitarles a todos al evento que tenemos a continuación de este debate donde van a poder, comisario, ver pruebas reales de lo que está pasando en Ceuta ahora mismo. Tenemos pruebas de que hay gente que pasó la frontera y que están en Francia y en Bélgica. Si quiere venir, se las podemos mostrar a continuación.
Pero quiero mirar al futuro porque no podemos limitarnos solamente a proteger Ceuta y Melilla cuando pasa esto. Tenemos que hacerles más fuertes. ¿Cómo? Con inversión, con empresas, con empleo y con oportunidades, convirtiéndolos en dos polos estratégicos de inversión española y europea. Porque Ceuta y Melilla son España.
Ceuta no se vende, Ceuta se defiende. Gracias.
Veronika Cifrová Ostrihoňová
Colleagues, sometimes we only need to look at our own families, at our grandparents, parents, where they come from, to realize what migration is and that it is a part of our lives. Ceuta was a tragedy.
More than 140 people died, so my solidarity is also with the people of Ceuta who faced fear, unprecedented situations and unimaginable scenes. However, turning migration into political weapon doesn't bring about answers, it only brings more mess. Slogans cannot replace real serious policy. We need sustained effort and we need fair and firm management of migration. And here I want to contribute by improving early warning and situational awareness.
In Ceuta we saw how an online spark provoked a devastating wildfire with devastating consequences. And we already have the tools, we have the Digital Services Act that we can use and I urge all of us to use it earlier and more effectively, because the people of Ceuta deserve this, but we all deserve it. We cannot afford to be unprepared again. Thank you.
Erik Marquardt
Liebe Kolleginnen, Kollegen, 141 Menschen sind gestorben, 141 Leben sind nicht mehr da, Familien, die einen Sohn, eine Tochter verloren haben, die eine Schwester verloren haben.
Und Europa, wir haben panisch auf diese Situation reagiert, und zwar nicht aus Mitleid mit den Verstorbenen, sondern weil so viele angekommen sind, überlebt haben. 22 Regierungschefs haben Spanien die Schuld gegeben, Parteien zeigen aufeinander, wir streiten uns und wir reden so viel über Instrumentalisierung von Migration, aber wissen wir eigentlich genau, was das heißt? Die Schuldigen von Instrumentalisierung, die stehen ja nicht an den Grenzen, die schwimmen nicht nach Ceuta, die sitzen nicht in Madrid. Die Schuldigen der Instrumentalisierung sind ganz woanders und nutzen die Menschen und ihr Leid für Geopolitik aus. Und wer reflexhaft dann instrumentalisierte Menschen zur Invasion erklärt, zur Bedrohung, ihre Rechte infrage stellt, der bekämpft ja diese Instrumentalisierung nicht, sondern der macht sie erst erfolgreich.
Das Ziel der Instrumentalisierung, das ist doch nicht Migration. Das Ziel ist die Spaltung Europas. Und wer Europa destabilisieren will, der muss einfach erreichen, dass Angst unsere Politik bestimmt. Und ich habe das Gefühl, dass er oder sie hier sehr erfolgreich war. Dass wir einander misstrauen, dass wir Prinzipien aufgeben, die uns eigentlich stark machen.
Das Schlachtfeld der Instrumentalisierung, das ist nicht Zaun oder Migration. Das Schlachtfeld ist unsere Reaktion darauf. Wer Instrumentalisierung bekämpfen will, der darf eben nicht die Instrumentalisierten bekämpfen. Wir verteidigen ja hier in Europa nicht einen Zaun. Wir verteidigen die Idee, dass jeder Mensch eine Würde besitzt.
Dass sich Europas Stärke darin zeigt, dass wir eben nicht unter Druck ganz schnell unsere Prinzipien aufgeben, sondern dass wir das gerade dann verteidigen, was uns ausmacht. 141 Menschen können uns nicht mehr sagen, was sie sich für ein Europa erhofft hatten. Aber wir können entscheiden, welches Europa an den Grenzen den Menschen beim nächsten Mal begegnet und ich hoffe, wir treffen die richtige Entscheidung.
Estrella Galán
Gracias, presidenta, comisario. La crisis de Ceuta está siendo una jugosa oportunidad para muchos que tenían ganas de ajustar cuentas con la España progresista. Marruecos junto a Estados Unidos y también con Israel, generando una crisis humanitaria con más de 150 muertos solo por intereses geopolíticos. Meloni y la derecha europea colocando una agenda ultra, y Vox y el PP, que ya no sabemos quién es quién, sembrando el odio con firmes fines electoralistas. Incluso hablan de cazar a personas.
Esta crisis demuestra que cuando Europa externaliza sus fronteras, alquila su soberanía y nos hace más vulnerables. Y cuando entrega la llave a países que no respetan los derechos humanos y no son democráticos, los seres humanos acaban siendo utilizados como munición y chantaje. Necesitamos vías legales y seguras, comisario.
Ceuta no puede afrontar sola esta emergencia. Y mientras desde aquí solo hablan de más expulsiones, de devolver, devoluciones urgentes que saben que son ilegales y presionan, están presionando a España para impedir los traslados. Y eso no puede ser porque están colapsando a Ceuta. ¿Saben lo que necesitan realmente los ceutíes? Que no conviertan su ciudad en un campo de refugiados abierto.
Necesitan solidaridad y corresponsabilidad. Necesitan urgentemente traslados a la península de todos los niños y niñas y de los perfiles vulnerables. Muchas gracias.
Mary Khan
Ja, Ceuta ist innerhalb weniger Wochen teilweise zu einem Slum verkommen. Und wer das leugnet, der leidet an Wahrnehmungsstörungen. Vermüllung ist dabei eine Nebensache. Der soziale Frieden ist aufgrund der Sicherheitslage nicht mehr gegeben. Nahezu jeden Tag gibt es einen sexuellen Übergriff.
Besonders Mädchen unter 14 Jahren sind gefährdet. Ärzte und Krankenhäuser schlagen Alarm und vor allem bestätigen, dass mehrere vergewaltigte Kinder darunter sind.
Und selbst Ceutas Bürgermeister, Herr Magnus Brunner, Sie waren auch dabei, hat in einer außerordentlichen Sitzung des LIBE-Ausschusses gesagt, dass Marokko keine souveränen Grenzen akzeptiert. Und es war auch sehr bezeichnend, dass Spaniens Innenminister bei dieser Sitzung nicht dabei ist. Und ganz klar muss auch noch mal die Botschaft sein, auch an Sie, Herr Marquardt, na klar gibt es Protagonisten, die das Ganze instrumentalisieren. Aber wer hat die Anreize gesetzt? Das war vor allem Pedro Sánchez mit seiner egoistischen Migrationspolitik.
Deshalb volle Solidarität mit dem spanischen Volk, aber nicht mit dieser Regierung. Und jetzt muss ganz klar vor allem gehandelt werden. Und darum geht es vor allem Marokko. Marokko muss jeden einzelnen Cent zurückzahlen, den es in den letzten Jahren von der EU für dieses Grenzmanagement erhalten hat. Und der zweite Punkt ist ganz klar: Spanien muss zeitweise aus dem Schengen-Raum ausgeschlossen werden.
Vielen Dank.
Magnus Brunner
Thank you, Chair, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, honorable members.
I think what we really have to keep in mind is that our new approach where we agreed in the last months and years, our new approach to managing migration and asylum has helped decrease the illegal arrivals. I think this is in the center of our discussion also. This is a real success we achieved all together. Yet of course Ceuta and the events of Ceuta show how quickly the situation can change, also how fast pressure can build up. And I think, and we are I think all agree on that, we need to act on our borders.
We need to act also beyond with migration diplomacy, with our partners, with our neighbors, promoting our interests, yes, our European interests in a smart way with all our tools we have. And we need also to act of course on our own rules: the pact, the return regulation, the safe countries, the entry-exit system. Of course a lot of things to do. And all these should deploy actually their full potential in the coming months to preserve and reinforce the Schengen area. This is all I think about that.
The Schengen area is one of the biggest achievements of the European Union, and of course we have to do everything to preserve it and to reinforce it. We face demanding times ahead of us, yes, but we have the tools and also we have the determination to bring what European citizens actually expect from us. Thank you.
Antonella Sberna
Grazie, Commissario. Ora do la parola agli oratori. Vi chiedo di rimanere nei tempi molto precisi. Prego, onorevole Montserrat.
Dolors Montserrat
Muchísimas gracias, presidenta. Señorías, aparquen la demagogia y las excusas. Hoy y siempre debemos estar con los ceutíes. Han sufrido muchísimo. Los hechos son irrebatibles: más de cien fallecidos, más de ochenta mil irregulares invadiendo Ceuta, violando una frontera europea.
Sí, una guerra híbrida de manual. Pedro Sánchez lo sabía. La policía alertó. Los servicios de inteligencia enviaron informes. Y el presidente Juan Vivas llamó durante días al Gobierno, hasta que le pidieron, por favor, no moleste más y no llame más.
Repito: Sánchez lo sabía y se fue de vacaciones veinticinco días. Una irresponsabilidad que le convierte en cómplice y culpable. Cuarenta y ocho días después, la crisis no se ha resuelto.
Los ceutíes siguen pagando el fracaso de Sánchez en sus propias carnes. Más de 12.000 personas siguen vagando por las calles. Hay enfrentamientos diarios con la policía, abusos sexuales, niños que no pueden asistir al colegio, mujeres que no salen solas a la calle. La respuesta de Sánchez: silencio. La nuestra: recuperar la normalidad ya, proteger nuestras fronteras y retornar a todos los irregulares, adultos y menores.
Señorías, Ceuta no es la última frontera de Europa, es la primera. Y señora Irache, sí, el pacto migratorio es la mejor herramienta para defender nuestra soberanía, nuestra integridad territorial y sobre todo los retornos. Marruecos es responsable también por acción o por omisión y como socio europeo debe responder con respeto, legalidad y reciprocidad con la Unión Europea. Pero no nos engañemos, la seguridad en la frontera sur europea no empieza en Rabat, empieza en Ceuta, que siempre será española y europea. Por eso hoy decimos bien alto: Ceuta no se abandona, no se negocia, no se vende y Ceuta se defiende siempre desde Europa y desde España.
Muchísimas gracias.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Madame Montserrat. Orateur suivant, Ana Catarina Mendes.
Ana Catarina Mendes
Muito obrigada, Presidente. Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, caros colegas, Ceuta é Europa e julgo que é melhor recentrarmos o debate.
Este debate tem três dimensões essenciais. Em primeiro lugar, não podemos ignorar, depois do debate desta manhã, que o que aconteceu em Ceuta foi um ataque híbrido a um Estado-Membro e a uma fronteira externa da União Europeia. Um ataque híbrido que instrumentalizou imigrantes, que disseminou desinformação e que com isso fez com que houvesse uma tragédia na, a que todos nós assistimos e por isso é de este Parlamento Europeu lamentar as mortes que foram vividas. Mas este é o momento para chamarmos não a atenção deste ou daquele governo, mas, Senhora Deputada, é o momento de exigir solidariedade europeia que faltou nas primeiras horas. É o momento de perceber que quando um Estado-Membro é atacado, é toda a Europa que é atacada.
E é por isso mesmo que foi, que é tão importante que este Parlamento Europeu faça este debate não para continuar a instrumentalizar, não para continuar com a demagogia, mas a exigir solidariedade no espaço Schengen, solidariedade no projeto europeu, solidariedade que faltou. E eu gostava de aqui dizer que é verdade que quando um Estado-Membro é atacado, é toda a Europa que é atacada.
Mas foi o governo espanhol que teve que responder e que acudir de imediato às emergências desta crise humanitária. E por isso foi possível reenviar um conjunto de pessoas para Marrocos em cooperação de resto com o governo de Marrocos. Mas responsabilidade europeia é solidariedade europeia e por isso, senhor Comissário, aquilo que eu lhe peço é que na implementação do pacto para as migrações e asilo possa exigir o cumprimento desse princípio basilar que é a solidariedade que faltou. E por último dizer, falta de facto que nós continuemos a defender canais legais e seguros de imigração sem os quais não é possível estancar aqueles que são os principais responsáveis por isto, os que disseminam a desinformação e aqueles que são os traficantes de seres humanos. Muito obrigada.
Kinga Gál
Elnök úr, biztos úr! A sokkoló felvételeket Ceutából nem fogjuk egyhamar elfelejteni. Nyolcezer illegális migráns betörése egy nyolcvanezer fős városba, ez egy szervezett, összehangolt invázió, amely nemcsak Spanyolországot, hanem egész Európát veszélyezteti. A ceutai krízis nem a semmiből jött.
A szocialista spanyol kormány illegális migrációt ösztönző politikája egyértelmű meghívólevél. A következmények pedig nem állnak meg Spanyolország határainál, egész Európa jövőjét érintő egzisztenciális fenyegetés ez. Ha Európa nem védi meg a határait, ez Európa történelmi önfeladása lenne. Elveszíti, amiért generációk évszázadokon keresztül küzdöttek: biztonságunkat, identitásunkat, életformánkat. Mindezért pedig az Unió rossz migrációs politikája is a felelős.
Az a politika, amely az Orbán-kormány által felépített déli határzárat ahelyett, hogy megköszönné Magyarországnak, napi egymillió eurós bírsággal bünteti. Hiszen az egyetlen megoldás, most már egyre többen látják, az egyetlen megoldás, ha nem lehet illegálisan belépni Európába, ahogy ezt a Patrióták következetesen képviselik. Mi a ceutai emberekkel, polgárokkal vagyunk.
Assita Kanko
Collega's, we staan aan de start van een nieuw politiek werkjaar. Een cruciaal jaar, waarin de geloofwaardigheid van de politiek in het algemeen en de EU in het bijzonder meer dan ooit op het spel staat. De burgers vragen zich terecht af: waar staat die EU nu eigenlijk voor?
En in welke mate lossen wij de problemen op waar de burger echt wakker van ligt? De kiezer verwacht dat wij politici het probleem van de illegale migratie, die onze samenleving op vele vlakken ontwricht, eindelijk doeltreffend aanpakken. Niet enkel met woorden en grote plannen, maar ook met kordate actie op het terrein. Minstens 140 doden en tienduizenden illegalen die op korte tijd de EU binnenstromen. Wat eind juli in Ceuta gebeurde, was niet enkel een menselijke tragedie.
Het was ook een politiek falen. Laten we hier in dit Parlement onze verantwoordelijkheid opnemen. Laat ons stoppen met politieke spelletjes te spelen en de burgers nu een duidelijk signaal geven. En laat ons eindelijk de moed hebben om op te komen voor onze eigen ideeën en principes, in plaats van de democratie te blijven gijzelen. Collega's van de EVP, werk samen met ons.
Oihane Agirregoitia Martínez
Miren, no vamos a mirar hacia otro lado con respecto a las responsabilidades del Reino de Marruecos, del Gobierno español o de la Unión Europea, pero tampoco vamos a participar en circos.
Hemos visto una frontera exterior europea violada, una ciudad sobrepasada, problemas de seguridad, menores furrulando en condiciones indignas, un gobierno desbordado y una mala respuesta por parte de varios Estados miembros de la Unión Europea. La inmigración hay que gobernarla, las fronteras hay que controlarlas, hay que luchar contra las mafias. Quien tiene derecho a protección debe recibirla y quien no tenga derecho a permanecer deberá retornar, siempre de acuerdo a la ley y con respeto a los derechos humanos. Pero hoy también quiero hacerme eco de ese email que recibíamos ayer todos los eurodiputados y eurodiputadas de la embajada del Reino de Marruecos y me remito a leer literalmente: "Marruecos se compromete a readmitir a todas las personas afectadas, incluidos los ciudadanos marroquíes, los menores no acompañados y los nacionales de terceros países". Pues hágase, porque las imágenes y la información que estamos recibiendo no dicen lo mismo.
Marruecos, un país que es sede y que aspira a acoger la final de un mundial de fútbol en 2030, debería tener capacidad de abordar estas y otras realidades y desigualdades sociales. Eso es gobernar y distribuir la riqueza.
Jaume Asens Llodrà
Señor Buxadé, tiene usted razón. En Ceuta hay una invasión, pero no de migrantes, de fascistas y racistas que empezó y se extendió a otras ciudades cuando ustedes, cuando ustedes llamaron a cazar al inmigrante uno a uno, cazar a personas humanas de verdad, señorías de Vox, qué miserable, qué ruin. Son con discursos como ese, deje de interrumpirme, son con discursos como ese que ustedes son los responsables políticos de ese Ku Klux Klan de cazadores que están agrediendo, que están atacando, provocando incendios a la Cruz Roja, también atacado a los periodistas, a incluso a un niño de ocho años que le han disparado. En la Alemania el horror no empezó en los campos de concentración, empezó antes, cuando se deshumanizó al otro como piezas de caza. Antes eran los judíos, ahora son los musulmanes, los judíos sionistas también, los árabes, los palestinos y los migrantes.
Y quien los persigue son los mismos, la derecha, ustedes, señorías.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, votre temps de parole est épuisé. Merci beaucoup. Merci beaucoup, chers collègues. Votre temps de parole est épuisé, Isabel Serra Sánchez.
Isabel Serra Sánchez
Gracias, presidente. Señorías, dejen de tratar de engañar a la gente y digan la verdad. ¿Quién está detrás de lo sucedido en Ceuta? Marruecos, la dictadura marroquí y sus socios Trump y Netanyahu. Hay que decirlo en este Parlamento que está entregado a esos genocidas.
¿Por qué pueden chantajear a España? Pues porque todos los gobiernos tanto del Partido Popular como del Partido Socialista han sido siempre aliados de Marruecos, por cierto, en contra del Sáhara Occidental. ¿Y por qué tienen tanto poder? Pues porque la Unión Europea le da millonadas a Marruecos para gestionar las fronteras y ejecutar su política migratoria criminal. Quienes huyen de la pobreza y de la violencia no son invasores.
Son víctimas de ese sistema colonial, racista, capitalista que saquea sus países y después los criminaliza y los ahoga. Y por último, señores de la extrema derecha, a ustedes nunca les ha importado Ceuta. Solo quieren convertirla en su laboratorio de odio. Llaman a cazar inmigrantes y luego hay personas que se dedican, que hacen pogromos para quemar las tiendas y para disparar a niños. Bienvenidos a haber aprendido perfectamente lo que les ha pedido su amigo y su amo Netanyahu.
Un aplauso.
Younous Omarjee
Madame Serra Sánchez, yes, you have a request, a blue card from Mr. Solier. You're okay? You're okay? Okay. Mr. Solier.
Diego Solier
No hace falta que pongas el... voy a hablar en español. Solo una pregunta sencilla.
¿Consideras que las mujeres en Ceuta pueden salir a la calle tranquilas y volver a su casa solas y borrachas, como decía el eslogan de su compañera? Gracias.
Isabel Serra Sánchez
Oigan ustedes, que nunca les han importado las mujeres, que están en contra de los derechos de las mujeres, que están en contra de todas las políticas que protejan los derechos de las mujeres, es realmente infame. Lo que pasa y lo que han dicho los datos en Ceuta es que no son las personas migrantes las que están agrediendo sexualmente. Por supuesto que hay una situación de crisis humanitaria. Por supuesto que hay una situación de inseguridad, no solamente para los ceutíes, también para las personas migrantes. ¿Y sabe quiénes son las mujeres que están sufriendo la violencia sexual?
Las mujeres migrantes, precisamente por lo que está haciendo ustedes, la derecha y la extrema derecha, de no hacer la acogida y dejarles en esa situación, porque les interesa, porque están muy contentos con la situación que está viviendo la gente en Ceuta. Gracias.
Roberto Vannacci
In appena due giorni, a Ceuta, più di 70.000 invasori hanno travolto illegalmente una frontiera esterna dell'Unione Europea. Dovevano invaderci i russi e invece ci hanno invaso i marocchini.
Oggi ci indebitiamo per 800 miliardi di euro per difenderci dal Cremlino, ma questa stessa Europa si rifiuta di finanziare quelle barriere fisiche che gli invasori hanno violato per entrare sul territorio spagnolo. Sánchez prima alimenta il disastro con le sue regolarizzazioni di massa, poi ricaccia indietro in maniera coatta decine di migliaia di persone. In pratica attua la remigrazione con tanto di plauso della sinistra progressista e questo a noi fa molto piacere. Oggi si stima che a Ceuta ci siano ancora 10.000 clandestini. La polizia spagnola stima la criminalità incrementata di otto volte e la procura indaga su decine di aggressioni sessuali.
E questa la chiamiamo emergenza, commissario Brunner? No, commissario, una immigrazione clandestina che perdura da decenni e che attraversa legislature e governi non è un'emergenza, ma è una deliberata scelta politica. E noi siamo qua per cambiarla questa politica, commissario Brunner, è il suo compito principale. E smetterla di chiudere gli occhi di fronte a quella che è la vera minaccia per l'Unione Europea, l'immigrazione clandestina, e continuare a considerarla un fenomeno antico, ineludibile e...
Sì, certo.
Grazie mille, collega. Vorrei fare una domanda come generale.
Pensa che sia possibile usare la migrazione come un'arma in una guerra ibrida? E se viene usata così, chi è allora l'invasore? Grazie.
Roberto Vannacci
Guardi, le rispondo come generale: tutto è possibile in una guerra ibrida. Ma a una guerra si risponde con una guerra. E quindi si risponde con tutte quelle procedure che sono tipiche di un'attività bellica. E quindi questo avvalora il fatto che queste barriere fisiche avrebbero dovuto essere finanziate in anticipo e non con il costante rifiuto di questo Parlamento e di questa Commissione di creare una vera barriera contro l'immigrazione clandestina, che può essere anche utilizzata come un sistema di guerra ibrida.
Alvise Pérez
Muchas gracias, presidente.
Lo digo por usted y no solo por usted, lo digo por todos los presidentes en el Plenario desde las nueve de la mañana que llevo aquí viendo cómo nos han llamado desde este lado del Plenario nazis, casi asesinos, maltratadores. Nos han insultado desde las nueve de la mañana aquellos que estáis literalmente callados, no ya digo porque maten un delfín o coman gato, que sé que eso vosotros lo apoyáis solo cuando es en Cuba, cuando es en España os parece mal salvo que sean moritos, sino sobre todo por cómo hemos intentado meter como discusión en este pleno las agresiones que sufrimos el uno de agosto porque sí que soy el único eurodiputado que el uno de agosto fue allí a intentar organizar como eurodiputado un evento con las amenazas a la policía, el lanzamiento de piedras de grupos radicales musulmanes en Ceuta intentando que no pudiéramos ni siquiera hablar. Pero presidente, y acabo porque de verdad, yo tengo mi posición ámbito político, yo puedo hablar en redes sociales, pero que en el Plenario tengamos que desde las nueve de la mañana aguantar insultos constantemente cuando usted como presidente a mí me ha llamado aquí la atención por llamar parásita colocada a una eurodiputada socialista o cuando por mencionar la violencia contra una trabajadora de este Plenario de alguien con antecedentes por violencia de género socialista me han expulsado cuatro meses del Pleno. ¿Tan difícil es pedir respeto, que no se nos insulte y que podamos expresarnos libremente en algo tan básico, por ejemplo, como es respetar las fronteras españolas? ¿Puede usted, por favor, llamar al orden a aquellos eurodiputados socialistas que nos insultan sistemáticamente?
Es muy difícil de pedir esto. Se lo pido, por favor, como presidente. Porque es imposible con estos maleducados.
Younous Omarjee
Monsieur Pérez, votre temps est épuisé. Je ne vois pas à quoi vous faites référence, mais je me souviens qu'ici, en plénière, vous avez insulté une députée du groupe The Left, Madame Montero, et que vous avez été sanctionné par le Bureau du Parlement européen. Votre temps est épuisé.
Alvise Pérez
Yo no he insultado a nadie, señor presidente. Solo le pido que haga su trabajo como presidente. No permita los insultos en este pleno.
Younous Omarjee
Vous n'avez plus la parole. Merci de bien vouloir rejoindre votre siège, Monsieur Pérez. Monsieur Pérez, rejoignez votre siège. Orateur suivant, Lena Düpont.
Lena Düpont
Thanks, President, Commissioner. Honestly, I've been through a lot of asylum and migration debates in this House since the very beginning of my first term in 2019. And we invested a lot, politically, in terms of nerves, in terms of resources, time spent in drafting, negotiating and concluding on the Pact.
And it was mentioned before that all instruments are there, the pact is there, including a crisis response. We revisited the Schengen border code for good reasons and it is there. We established the system of returns, it is there. We established the list of safe third countries, it is there. The only thing that will take this measures into reality is member states using it.
And this is something, I may add on a personal note, this house here had never shied away from criticizing governments irrespective of the political affiliation. We never did that and we had lively, vivid debates in the past. And if there is a reason when things go wrong, and I think it was already established very clearly that things went wrong and are still wrong in Ceuta, then it is the task of this house here to make sure that A, we will never accept the invasion of a territorial integrity of the European Union. Ceuta is Spain and we will stand aside the people of Ceuta and the services on the ground actually doing the job now. Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Merci beaucoup. Madame, yes, vous avez une demande de carton bleu de Monsieur László. Just a second.
Yes, you have a demand for a blue card from Mr. László. You're okay? Okay. Vous avez la parole.
András László
Nem tudom, hogy paródia vagy szarkazmus szólt-e Önből, amikor arról beszélt, hogy mennyi mindent ért el az Európai Unió a migráció elleni küzdelemben. Szeretném mondani, 2024-ben az Európai Néppárt vezette Bizottság, európai néppártos migrációs biztos volt az, aki megbüntette és büntetést kért Magyarországra azért, mert megállítjuk az illegális migránsokat. Tíz évig csináltuk ezt, a Néppárt és a nagykoalíció volt az, aki kritizálta Magyarországot, és továbbra is napi egymillió euró büntetést fizetünk emiatt. Egyetért azzal, hogy ezt azonnal, mielőbb vissza kell vonni Magyarország ellen?
Lena Düpont
Vielen Dank für die Frage und erlauben Sie, dass ich auf Deutsch antworte. Erstens, Ungarn ist für sehr viele Dinge in den letzten Jahren zu Recht kritisiert worden.
Alle Berichte der Europäischen Union im Bereich Rechtsstaatlichkeit haben eine eindeutige, eine klare Sprache gesprochen. Zweitens, wir könnten auf einer anderen Ebene möglicherweise diskutieren, nicht zu einer Einigung kommen, aber möglicherweise diskutieren, wenn nicht Sie und Ihre ehemalige Fraktion genau diejenigen gewesen wären, die jegliche Lösung einer gemeinsamen europäischen Asyl- und Migrationspolitik von vornherein unterwandert hätten. Vielen Dank.
Birgit Sippel
Vielen Dank. Ceuta, über 140 Menschen haben bei dieser Tragödie ihr Leben verloren. Zugleich wird Europa auf die Probe gestellt. Falschinformationen, Manipulation und auch Gewalt sind menschenverachtende Versuche, unser Fundament, unseren gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhalt zu zerstören und uns zu schwächen. Reflexartige Schuldzuweisungen, sinnlose Grenzkontrollen gießen zusätzlich Öl ins Feuer und untergraben das Vertrauen unserer Bürgerinnen und Bürger.
Und nichts davon bietet reale Antworten auf Herausforderungen. Unsere Botschaft kann nur Solidarität sein, mit Mitgliedstaaten, mit Menschen und insbesondere mit Kindern. Und ganz klar, wir müssen Asylrecht umsetzen, Schengen bewahren, unsere Demokratie und Grundrechte verteidigen.
Genau das stärkt unsere Gesellschaft und unterscheidet uns klar von allen, die aus Eigennutz ein schwaches Europa wollen. Spielen wir denen nicht weiter in die Hände. Vielen Dank.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Madame Sippel. Yes, Birgit Sippel. Yes, you have a request from Mr. Alvis Perez. No.
Not accept. Nous continuons la discussion. Susanna Ceccardi.
Susanna Ceccardi
Ceuta è stata invasa. L'Europa è stata invasa. Come pensate che fossero le invasioni islamiche del passato? Assediavano le città del Mediterraneo e pian piano cercavano l'espansione. Hanno attaccato Ceuta con migliaia di uomini, hanno attaccato l'Europa.
Questa non è immigrazione, questa è invasione e come tale va combattuta. Re Mohammed VI, prima dell'invasione a Ceuta del 15 di agosto, ha liberato migliaia di criminali dalle carceri marocchine. Dove pensate che siano finiti quei criminali?
Dove pensate che siano finiti tutti i criminali che sono scappati anche dalle carceri tunisine dopo le primavere arabe? Son finiti qua in Europa, basta guardare un po' fuori nelle nostre città e nelle nostre periferie da dove sono venuti questi criminali che stuprano, uccidono, rapinano e mettono veramente sotto assedio le nostre città. Lo diceva Oriana Fallaci, una grande scrittrice italiana che è morta vent'anni fa il 15 settembre: "Wake up Occidente, sveglia Occidente, perché sarà troppo tardi ed è già tardi".
Younous Omarjee
Madame Ceccardi, yes, you have a request from Madame Assalani. You accept, Madame Assalani? Yes.
Abir Al-Sahlani
Thank you, colleague, for taking my question. I had just a question of knowledge: do you know where Ceuta is? Because you said that migrants had invaded Europe. Do you have any idea where Ceuta is geographically and what is the difference between being Europe or the European Union? Thank you so much.
Susanna Ceccardi
Guardi, io essendo di destra sono ontologicamente inferiore culturalmente a voi di sinistra. L'ha detto anche un collega Bonaccini che noi siamo inferiori, non siamo preparati. L'AfD ha vinto perché sono tutti ignoranti, lo sappiamo in Sassonia, questo è noto. Però, anche se sono così ignorante, io so dove è Ceuta e so dove è anche Lampedusa. Lampedusa e Pantelleria sono più vicini all'Africa che all'Italia.
Allora dovremmo cedere Lampedusa, cediamo Pantelleria, ma sì, cediamo anche Ceuta. Ma visto che ci siamo, poi cediamo anche la Spagna, l'Italia, sono così vicini all'Africa. Siamo in un'altra mentalità.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Merci beaucoup, nous poursuivons la discussion. Nora Junco García.
Nora Junco García
Playas tomadas, chabolas, campamentos, duchas, mercadillos improvisados. Esta es la normalidad que pretende el Gobierno español para Ceuta. Barrios enteros naciendo de una situación que jamás debió consolidarse. Y todo esto en una ciudad en la Unión Europea. Lo extraordinario es que se está convirtiendo en una ciudad permanente.
O sea, lo que se llama colonización. Y aquí parece que hemos aprendido y hemos decidido acostumbrarnos. Pues yo no. Marruecos tiene una responsabilidad, el Gobierno de Sánchez tiene una responsabilidad y nosotros aquí, comisario, en el Parlamento Europeo también tenemos una responsabilidad. Un ciudadano ceutí paga los mismos impuestos que un ciudadano en Berlín, en Varsovia que en París.
Y tiene los mismos derechos que cualquier otro ciudadano de la Unión y están siendo víctimas de una invasión en toda regla.
Vayan a Ceuta, señorías, vayan y mírenla. El colapso de una ciudad es el reflejo del proyecto de la Unión Europea. Mientras que en Ceuta están comprobando que nadie la defiende, el resto del mundo está comprobando la vulnerabilidad de Europa. Gracias.
Fabienne Keller
Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues. La crise de Ceuta met en lumière une fracture européenne qui ne devrait pas exister. Face à de telles crises, nous devrions adopter une réponse européenne unie, ferme et solidaire. Avant toute chose, la Commission, Monsieur le Commissaire, doit mener une enquête indépendante, transparente, pour faire toute la lumière sur les responsabilités et l'usage de la désinformation des réseaux sociaux. Ensuite, nous devons continuer de soutenir l'Espagne financièrement et de manière opérationnelle sur le terrain avec deux priorités absolues : la protection des 1 500 mineurs non accompagnés actuellement bloqués là-bas et le soutien aux habitants de Ceuta.
Face au défi migratoire, ne tombons pas dans la facilité de la division et du repli national. Les contrôles disproportionnés, inefficaces, imposés par l'Italie à l'Espagne doivent être levés.
Lorsque l'Italie a été confrontée à la crise migratoire de Lampedusa en 2023, toute l'Europe était à ses côtés. Préservons, chers amis, notre unité, agissons en responsabilité. Je vous remercie.
Tineke Strik
Dear Chair, Council, Commissioner, the tragedy in Ceuta should have triggered European solidarity, as was promised by the pact. But this promise proved to be hollow. Government rushed to blame Spain, Italy unlawfully reintroduced border control, and right-wing populism seized the humanitarian crisis for cheap political gain. And hardly anyone commemorated all those deadly victims. And exactly this response plays in the hands of countries who use vulnerable people to undertake a dangerous journey as an easy way to divide us, to destabilize our societies, and allies like Russia are pleased to help them.
The Commission is falling in this trap time and time again with new plans, greenwashing illegal pushbacks and suspensions of rights, but punishing victims of instrumentalization is instrumentalization as well.
Europe has much better tools. It should use all its leverage, stop shady migration deals that make us dependent, and maintain unity and uphold EU law. Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Je donne la parole à Ilaria Salis. Je vous informe que je suis contraint de clôturer la liste Catch-the-eye. J'essaierai de donner la parole au maximum de personnes inscrites, mais vu le nombre de personnes inscrites en procédure Catch-the-eye, je garantis pas à chacun d'avoir le temps de parole. Ilaria Salis.
Ilaria Salis
Grazie, Presidente. Ceuta non è Spagna. Ceuta non è Europa. Geograficamente è Africa e storicamente è residuo del colonialismo europeo. È da questa contraddizione che bisogna partire se vogliamo parlare della crisi migratoria di fine luglio, che la destra ha immediatamente trasformato in propaganda razzista e nazionalista.
Il governo italiano ha addirittura bloccato Schengen con la Spagna. Forse la Meloni non sa che non è possibile uscire da Ceuta senza passare ai controlli. L'Unione europea spende milioni di euro per fortificare questo lembo di terra africana. Il 30 luglio i controlli sono stati misteriosamente allentati e 60.000 persone alla ricerca di una vita migliore sono entrate a Ceuta per chiedere accoglienza.
141 sono morte tragicamente. La stragrande maggioranza delle altre è stata espulsa. È una storia molto triste che mette a nudo l'infamia della geopolitica e lo spirito coloniale che ancora pervade l'Europa. Con quale diritto pretendiamo di limitare la libertà di movimento perfino nel continente africano? E come possiamo considerare l'arrivo...
Younous Omarjee
Votre temps de parole est épuisé. Je suis désolé. Madame Salis, Ilaria Salis, there's a request from Madame Ceccardi, a blue card. Yes. Madame Ceccardi.
Susanna Ceccardi
Che bello, non m'aspettavo che avrebbe accettato questa blue card, sono proprio contenta. Insomma, quindi mi ci dice che il colonialismo ha occupato abusivamente Ceuta. Insomma, lei di occupazioni abusive se ne intende parecchio, però non credo proprio che sia un'occupazione abusiva. Ceuta è Europa da centinaia di anni, così come lo è la Sicilia, così come lo è la Spagna, la Spagna moresca che ha ricacciato gli islamici che avevano conquistato tra il 700 e l'800 quelle terre. Allora la storia, cara Ilaria Salis, non la fa lei.
Alessandro Ciriani
La storia è scritta, quella è Europa e ce la dobbiamo riprendere.
Ilaria Salis
È un residuo coloniale, questo non lo dico io ma lo dicono i libri di storia se insomma i colleghi di destra magari li avessero aperti per caso. E se il problema di voi di destra è che siete insicuri, che siete pieni di insicurezze, siete pieni di paure, se davvero pensate che un continente ricco di 450 milioni di abitanti non è in grado di accogliere 60.000 persone, allora forse dovreste cambiare mestiere perché dovreste smetterla di infondere la vostra di riversare la vostra insicurezza sui cittadini per racimolare qualche voto in più.
Javier Zarzalejos
Gracias, presidente. La verdad es que discutir sobre los hechos es delirante y hemos visto un ejemplo de delirio al negar la condición europea de Ceuta y de Melilla. Ceuta y Melilla son españolas y lo van a seguir siendo. Señor comisario, permítame algunas verdades incómodas. La frontera sur es hoy el eslabón débil en Europa.
El gobierno español no ha hecho absolutamente nada para la aplicación eficaz del pacto de inmigración y asilo como demuestra lo ocurrido.
La invasión de Ceuta no solo es un problema migratorio, es un ataque híbrido a la integridad territorial de España como afirmó, por cierto, el presidente del gobierno, el señor Sánchez. Marruecos ni ha colaborado ni colaborará, señor comisario. No puede colaborar Marruecos cuando ni siquiera está autorizando que se repatríen los cuerpos de 140 víctimas que están siendo enterradas en el cementerio musulmán de Sidi Embarek porque Marruecos no permite la repatriación de los cadáveres. La situación es tan absurda y tan grotesca que después de que Marruecos deje entrar a 80.000 personas en Ceuta, ¿a quién llama y a quién convoca el gobierno de España? Al embajador de Italia.
El hecho de que 70.000 personas hayan regresado a Marruecos no significa que Marruecos colabore, significa que Marruecos controla la frontera. Por tanto, estamos ante una prueba crucial para la Unión Europea y no estamos en momentos para que Europa pierda credibilidad ante sus ciudadanos.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur Zarzalejos. Monsieur Zarzalejos. Mr Zarzalejos, yes, you have a request for blue card from Madam Strolenberg. Madam Strolenberg.
Anna Strolenberg
Thank you very much. So, this debate calls for a coordinated response after what happened in Ceuta. And we didn't actually see this, no? We saw leaders wanting to close their borders for Spain and being angry at what happened instead of showing solidarity for the people there and for the people that arrived. So this is the exact opposite of solidarity.
And now we see that this debate is being turned into a Spanish debate. You're the chair of the LIBE committee, shouldn't you focus on European solidarity? 'Cause we know that we are vulnerable exactly because of this. Autocratic leaders can toy with us. They know we can be divided.
And you're also not standing up for European solidarity, so why aren't you angry at the countries not standing up for you?
Javier Zarzalejos
Si usted repasa las declaraciones que yo he hecho como presidente de LIBE, se dará cuenta de que siempre he puesto en valor la solidaridad europea. Con un ordenamiento jurídico como el que hemos adoptado, que por cierto, el Gobierno de España votó en contra del reglamento de retornos, una de las piezas esenciales.
En segundo lugar, con la financiación que la Unión Europea ha ofrecido. Y en tercer lugar, con la oferta que el comisario ha hecho reiteradamente para el despliegue de Frontex. Por tanto, no ha fallado la solidaridad europea, lo que pasa que esa solidaridad no se ha ofrecido. Muchas gracias.
Sandro Ruotolo
Grazie, Presidente. A Ceuta abbiamo visto cosa accade quando l'Europa dimentica di essere comunità. La Spagna si è trovata di fronte a un'emergenza senza precedenti. C'è stata una regia? Noi pensiamo di sì.
A Ceuta c'è stato un attacco ibrido. Sono in tanti a volere l'Europa divisa, lo stiamo vedendo qui in quest'aula. Davanti a una crisi simile sarebbe dovuta scattare immediatamente la solidarietà. E invece si sono alzati i muri dentro l'Europa. L'Italia ha reintrodotto i controlli con la Spagna e Madrid è stata costretta a reintrodurre i controlli con l'Italia.
Proprio il contrario di Europa. E allora mi rivolgo alla Presidente Meloni: che facciamo, invochiamo la solidarietà per Lampedusa e la neghiamo per Ceuta? Troppo comodo. La mancanza di solidarietà rende più debole l'Europa. Per questo la mia solidarietà va alla Spagna, al governo di Pedro Sánchez.
Hoy somos todos españoles. Ho sentito parole terribili come clandestini, invasori, marocchini. No, sono esseri umani e noi dobbiamo restare umani.
Fabrice Leggeri
Merci Monsieur le Président. Plus de 80 000 entrées clandestines en quelques heures. Plus de 2 000 mineurs non accompagnés recensés. 148 clandestins qui ont déjà réussi à traverser la Méditerranée. Une trentaine de procédures pour agression sexuelle dont cinq viols officiellement recensés fin août.
Combien en réalité ? Voilà ce que subit Ceuta. Et pourtant, même lorsque le Maroc réclame le retour de ses ressortissants mineurs, Madrid préfère en transférer des centaines vers la péninsule et les maintenir sur le territoire européen. Et ne l'oublions pas, Ceuta est dans Schengen. Ce qui s'y passe ne concerne donc pas seulement l'Espagne mais toute l'Europe.
Un nouveau chèque de 115 millions d'euros à l'Espagne, alors que quelques jours auparavant, la Commission attendait encore de Madrid des réponses sur l'usage de cette aide. Comment garantir alors que cet argent protégera réellement notre frontière ? Cette submersion est le résultat de la coupable inaction de la Commission depuis des années et du laxisme, que ce soit à gauche, au centre ou à droite. Rétablissez la frontière, renvoyez ceux que le Maroc réclame, expulsez les clandestins et mettez fin à la fraude à l'âge.
Face à cette situation, quelle est la réponse de Bruxelles ?
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Je serai très strict sur les temps de parole car nous sommes très en retard. Alessandro Panza.
Alessandro Ciriani
Grazie Presidente. Che l'immigrazione possa essere utilizzata come strumento di destabilizzazione è ovvio, ma non accetto Ceuta debba avercelo insegnato. Lo denunciamo da anni mentre venivamo accusati di alimentare la paura. Un attacco alla nostra frontiera è un attacco all'Europa e la risposta deve essere unita, forte, coesa. Attenzione però a ridurre quanto accaduto soltanto a una possibile operazione di influenza esterna, perché così si finirebbe per assolvere il governo Sánchez da responsabilità che invece sono enormi.
Le regolarizzazioni di massa hanno alimentato un evidente effetto richiamo.
Gli allarmi sono stati sottovalutati e la crisi è stata gestita in modo maldestro e minimizzato, dichiarando l'emergenza soltanto quando non era più possibile negarla. Oggi la sinistra scopre improvvisamente che l'immigrazione non è sempre una risorsa, perché senza regole, senza la capacità di decidere chi può entrare e chi invece non ne ha diritto, senza frontiere protette e soprattutto senza strumenti che rendano i rimpatri effettivi e rapidi, crisi come quella di Ceuta si ripeterebbero e l'Europa continuerebbe a subirle, con buona pace di chi in quest'aula indicava il modello Sánchez che oggi frana sotto il peso della realtà. Grazie.
Malik Azmani
Dank u, voorzitter. Ja, deze zomer begon echt dramatisch. Meer dan 80.000 mensen die op zoek zijn naar een beter toekomstgeluk. En de situatie in Ceuta ten opzichte van de inwoners was werkelijk ontwrichtend. Maar bovenal meer dan 140 mensen die omgekomen zijn.
In en in triest. Voorzitter, ik merk het ook nu in dit debat. Verschillende informatie over hoe die situatie nou precies zit. Wat doen de Marokkaanse autoriteiten? Wat doet Madrid?
Maar ik vind, voorzitter, dat echt de onderste steen naar boven moet komen. We kunnen niet praten met misinformatie. We moeten weten wat de feiten zijn. En daarom ook een oproep aan de Commissie om die feiten ook daadwerkelijk te presenteren, want volgens mij we zijn hier ook niet naïef.
Tweede, voorzitter, dat is Frontex. Inderdaad, Ceuta is niet alleen een Spaanse grens. Het is onze Europese buitengrens. En dat betekent dat Frontex ook een meer proactieve rol dient te hebben. Voorzitter, ten derde, dat gaat me aan mijn hart.
Ik hoorde dat de commissaris morgen naar Madrid gaat. En dat gaat om de 1500 alleenstaande minderjarige kinderen. Er moet zo snel mogelijk een inzet ook op de beoordeling.
Tineke Strik
Dank u wel, meneer Azmani. U was rapporteur op de terugkeerrichtlijn. U was een groot voorstander van return hubs. Maar met die return hubs gaan we ook weer nog meer afhankelijkheid creëren van derde landen waar vaak ook autocratische regimes de macht hebben.
Hoe gaat u dan voorkomen, hoe kunnen wij voorkomen dat in zo'n situaties we alleen maar meer blackmail en intimidatie en instrumentalisatie krijgen?
Malik Azmani
Voorzitter, om daarop te reageren, dank voor uw vraag, mevrouw Strik. Het is een illusie om te veronderstellen dat we migratie niet kunnen of zouden kunnen oplossen zonder de samenwerking met de landen waar mensen vandaan komen, landen waar mensen doorheen reizen. Het is een illusie om te denken dat we niet met hen kunnen onderhandelen om ervoor te zorgen dat er afspraken worden gemaakt om ervoor te zorgen dat we controle krijgen op migratie. Het heeft niks met blackmailing te maken. Het heeft met realpolitiek te maken, voorzitter.
En als we echt controle willen op de migratie, voorkomen van deze vele menselijke drama's, dan moeten we deze afspraken kunnen sluiten met desbetreffende landen.
Ana Miranda Paz
Formo parte de un pueblo emigrante, o pobo galego, y por eso me da mucha vergüenza escuchar tanto racismo. La verdadera frontera de Europa, señor comisario, no es geográfica, es moral. El debate no es la frontera física, es el límite a la deshumanización. Este Parlamento hace mucho que cruzó este límite. En junio, la derecha y la extrema derecha gritaron "send them back" cuando aprobaron el vergonzoso reglamento de retorno.
Fue bochornoso.
¿Dónde queda su humanidad? No existe, solo racismo y odio. ¿Hasta cuándo el Partido Popular de la mano de los fascistas de Vox y sus amigos de extrema derecha van a seguir criminalizando a niños y a niñas? Llamarlos invasores. Hablan de invasión en Ceuta y crean un lenguaje de odio que legitima perseguir a familias que escapan de guerras y de pobreza.
Son personas. Se callan ante la corrupción del régimen marroquí y su gendarme migratorio, se calla Europa. Es un secreto a voces que Marruecos presiona al Estado español, que se deja, y también a la UE. Yo solamente digo una cosa: ayudas para Ceuta, infraestructuras, atención y asilo. Frente a su odio, humanidad.
Konstantinos Arvanitis
Κυρίες και κύριοι συνάδελφοι, αυτό που παρακολουθούμε στη Θέουτα είναι η κανονικοποίηση και θεσμοποίηση της ακροδεξιάς αντιευρωπαϊκής ατζέντας που καταργεί το δικαίωμα στο άσυλο, το διεθνές δίκαιο και την ανθρώπινη αξιοπρέπεια.
Εμείς στην Ελλάδα έχουμε εμπειρία και εικόνα αυτού που λέτε εσείς ευρωπαϊκή αλληλεγγύη. Αλλά νομίζω ότι στη συγκεκριμένη περίπτωση είναι σαφές ότι πολιτικά κέντρα στην Ευρώπη αλλά και εκτός αυτής ήθελαν αποσταθεροποίηση τόσο στην Ελλάδα το '15 της αριστερής κυβέρνησης όσο και στην Ισπανία σήμερα. Είναι απαράδεκτη η πρωτοβουλία των 22 αρχηγών κρατών της Ένωσης, ανάμεσα και ο πρωθυπουργός της Ελλάδας, σε συνδυασμό με τις δηλώσεις Τραμπ και Νετανιάχου που δεν είναι τίποτα άλλο από μια προσπάθεια επιβολής επικίνδυνης ατζέντας και αποσταθεροποίησης. Ο κύριος Λέναρς το είπε καθαρά από το ΕΛΚ: διαφωνούμε με την πολιτική σας στο μεταναστευτικό και σας τιμωρούμε. Δεν είναι αυτό Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και ευρωπαϊκή αλληλεγγύη.
Εμείς θα είμαστε δίπλα στην Ισπανία και βεβαίως στην κυβέρνησή της και βεβαίως σε όλες τις χώρες του νότου, σε όλες τις χώρες υποδοχής απέναντι σε αυτούς τους επικίνδυνους τυχοδιωκτισμούς. Σας ευχαριστούμε.
François-Xavier Bellamy
Merci Monsieur le Président. Ceuta est devenue une preuve par la souffrance de la catastrophe existentielle que représente l'immigration illégale. Plus de 140 morts, des centaines de victimes de violences dans la population de Ceuta. Un collègue nous disait ici : il faut défendre non pas des murs mais défendre la dignité humaine. Qui ne voit aujourd'hui que quand on ne défend pas ses frontières, ce sont des vies qu'on détruit ?
Et chers collègues, je crois que cela ne vient pas de nulle part.
Pedro Sánchez avait promis un grand plan de régularisation. Le 30 juin, il annonce que 1 175 000 personnes ont déposé un dossier après être rentrées ou restées illégalement sur le sol européen. Le 30 juillet, 70 000 personnes rentrent à Ceuta et asphyxient la vie de toute la ville et de ses habitants. Chers amis, nous voyons bien l'impasse dans laquelle nous a plongé l'impuissance européenne. Celui qui dit qu'il veut récompenser l'immigration illégale donne le pouvoir aux réseaux de passeurs, à ces mafias criminelles.
Il est temps d'y mettre un terme. C'est ce que nous ferons avec le règlement retour qui s'appliquera dans quelques semaines seulement. Seuls Pedro Sánchez et Emmanuel Macron se sont opposés à son application. L'Europe qu'ils proposent c'est l'Europe du passé, celle que nous construisons ensemble protégera la sécurité de tous les citoyens du continent européen.
Younous Omarjee
Monsieur Bellamy, vous avez une demande de blue card venant de Monsieur Alvise Pérez. Vous acceptez ? Oui. Monsieur Pérez.
Alvise Pérez
Muchas gracias por su intervención, señor Bellamy. Ha usted mencionado indirectamente el golpe de Estado electoral que el señor Pedro Sánchez intenta imponer con la regularización masiva de ilegales.
Y esto en España preocupa muchísimo en referencia a la ley de nietos que el Tribunal Supremo está intentando paralizar para evitar que haya muchos pueblos que tengan incluso más ciudadanos no naturales de allí, votantes por correo de fuera, que viviendo allí realmente. Querría saber cuál es su opinión sobre este cambio normativo que el Gobierno socialista intenta implantar en España para mejorar sus posibilidades electorales el año que viene. Muchas gracias.
François-Xavier Bellamy
Il n'y a qu'une seule réponse à apporter à cette stratégie. Nous avons le devoir de protéger notre État de droit et l'État de droit, c'est le fait qu'on ne change pas la population par l'immigration illégale. Personne n'est dupe de la manœuvre qui est en train de se jouer. Si nous parlons d'immigration, nous parlons bien de sécurité, nous parlons bien de protection de l'identité de nos pays. Et nous devons le redire aujourd'hui avec tous les habitants de Ceuta : Ceuta es España, Ceuta es Europa, Ceuta se defiende.
Merci.
Murielle Laurent
Merci, Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Ministre, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues. Le drame de Ceuta a fait trop de nombreux morts. Pourtant, alors que l'incertitude planait, la droite et l'extrême droite se sont précipitées pour alimenter une psychose xénophobe.
En parlant d'invasion du continent, nécessitant une militarisation, omettant sciemment que Ceuta ne fait pas partie de l'espace Schengen. Au lieu de tomber dans l'escalade de la violence, le gouvernement espagnol a mis en place des mesures pour limiter les morts. Il a organisé le retour de la quasi-totalité des personnes dans le respect du droit international. Désormais, il faut prendre en charge les quelques 1400 mineurs non accompagnés présents sur place. Nous parlons d'enfants.
Ils ont besoin de notre solidarité. Cette solidarité doit être non seulement intra-espagnole mais aussi intra-européenne. La désolidarisation de nombreux pays européens qui ont appelé à fermer les frontières au lieu d'apporter leur soutien est inacceptable. Alors que nous sommes menacés par plusieurs impérialismes, envoyer le signal d'une Europe désunie nous déshonore et nous affaiblit aux yeux du monde.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup Madame Laurent, vous avez une demande de carton bleu de Monsieur Nicolas Bay. Vous acceptez ?
Nicolas Bay
Oui, merci Monsieur le Président. Quand on écoute la gauche européenne depuis tout à l'heure, on nous explique qu'il faut faire preuve de solidarité à l'égard de Ceuta. Évidemment, nous sommes solidaires des populations de Ceuta. Mais c'est vous qui les avez trahis. C'est la gauche européenne, le gouvernement de Sanchez avec 500 000 régularisations qui ont envoyé le signal le plus désastreux, celui du laxisme migratoire.
Ce signal, il a été reçu 5 sur 5 à la fois par les candidats à l'immigration clandestine et par les mafias de passeurs. Le résultat, parce que le gouvernement socialiste espagnol que vous défendez est le maillon le plus faible de l'Europe en matière migratoire, et bien ce sont les habitants de Ceuta qui trinquent.
Murielle Laurent
Alors vous comprendrez bien que je ne suis pas vraiment d'accord avec vous puisque le signal qu'a envoyé Pedro Sanchez est un signal positif puisque ces régularisations ont permis aussi de répondre à des difficultés et à un besoin économique et sur la question du travail, et que ces régularisations ont été faites dans un cadre bien spécifique et que ça répond à un besoin européen auquel on va être confronté dans le cadre de la crise démographique aussi dans laquelle on va rentrer.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup Madame Laurent. Nous arrivons à la fin du débat. Il y a eu beaucoup de cartons bleus. Je ne peux pas accepter à présent des demandes de carton bleu supplémentaires pour pouvoir laisser vivre la procédure Catch-the-eye. Anna Bryłka.
Anna Bryłka
Dziękuję panie przewodniczący, panie komisarzu. Europa traci kontrolę nad swoimi granicami. Lewicowy hiszpański rząd był informowany przez służby o możliwym zagrożeniu migracyjnym.
Ten od wielu lat prowadzi jednak politykę otwartych granic, operację podmiany ludności, legalizując pobyt imigrantom, którzy w Europie przebywają nielegalnie i narażając tym samym bezpieczeństwo innych państw Unii Europejskiej. Hiszpania staje się de facto dzikim krajem, który powinien natychmiast zostać wykluczony ze strefy Schengen. Cel europejskiej lewicy jest jasny. Chodzi o powtórzenie scenariusza szwedzkiego, gdzie w ostatnią niedzielę prawica została przegłosowana głosami cudzoziemców ze szwedzkim paszportem. Nasze stanowisko jest niezmienne.
Radykalna walka z nielegalną imigracją, jeśli trzeba, z użyciem siły. Deportacje imigrantów i szczelne granice. Jeśli Europa ma być bezpieczna, musi zamknąć drzwi na masową i niekontrolowaną imigrację. Hiszpanie to wielki i wspaniały naród, tylko muszą pozbyć się obecnej władzy.
Jadwiga Wiśniewska
To, co wydarzyło się w Ceucie, to ostateczny dowód na fiasko obłąkańczej lewicowej polityki migracyjnej. Inwazja ponad 90 tysięcy nielegalnych migrantów zmieniła życie mieszkańców w koszmar. Przestępczość wzrosła o 600 procent. Napady, gwałty, rabunki, rozboje stały się codziennością. Ludzie boją się wychodzić z domów.
Ostrzegaliśmy przed tym. Gdy rząd Prawa i Sprawiedliwości skutecznie odpierał ataki migrantów na granicy z Białorusią, był zawzięcie atakowany. A dziś 22 kraje członkowskie zapowiadają przywrócenie kontroli granicznych. Dziś widać, kto miał rację. Europa zbyt długo ulegała lewicowemu szaleństwu.
Dlatego mówię tak dla szczelnych granic, skutecznych deportacji, walki z przemytnikami ludzi. Nie dla przymusowych relokacji, lewackich rządów i legalizacji milionów nielegalnych migrantów. Strefa Schengen nie może umrzeć w Ceucie.
Jan-Christoph Oetjen
Monsieur le Président, Minister, lieber Kommissar. Ich möchte als Erstes mal sagen, dass es völlig inakzeptabel ist, dass Zehntausende von Menschen einfach so eine Grenze überrennen und auf europäisches Gebiet eindringen. Und ich finde, dass wir ein Licht darauf werfen müssen, wie das tatsächlich entstanden ist, verehrte Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Und Spanien hat aus meiner Sicht zu zögerlich gehandelt.
Und ich finde, das darf man kritisieren, und das muss man vielleicht sogar kritisieren. Das ändert nichts daran, dass unsere Antwort natürlich Solidarität mit Spanien sein muss in dieser schwierigen Lage. Aber was ist passiert? Andere Mitgliedstaaten haben das gleich politisch ausgeschlachtet. Italien hat völlig unsinnige Grenzkontrollen auf den Weg gebracht, dabei weiß ja eigentlich jeder, dass Ceuta einen Sonderstatus hat und die Leute gar nicht einfach so nach Europa kommen können.
Die Antwort auf so eine Krise muss aber immer eine europäische sein, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen. Wir müssen den Pakt umsetzen, wir müssen Frontex stärken, dass sie proaktiver handeln können, und dann wird das auch besser und wir können klarer reagieren in einer solchen Krisensituation.
Pernando Barrena Arza
Gracias, presidente. Más allá de las 150 víctimas del episodio del pasado 30 de julio, hay que poner de relieve que Marruecos practica ataques de guerra híbrida contra los cinco estados con los que tiene frontera, en este caso contra territorio de la Unión. La Unión Europea ha regado a Marruecos con más de 8.000 millones de euros en los últimos cinco años, algunos a fondo perdido, otros financiación a muy bajo costo. ¿No es inconcebible, no es inconcebible que la Unión esté financiando a un país que lleva a cabo ataques de guerra híbrida contra la propia Unión Europea?
A mí me parece que está fuera de toda lógica y que es inaceptable. Marruecos modula los flujos migratorios, el tráfico de drogas y el yihadismo para ejercer presión sobre la Unión Europea y así de vez en cuando recordarnos que nada de apoyar las resoluciones de la ONU en favor del derecho a autodeterminación del pueblo saharaui, nada de aplicar las sentencias el TJUE contra el expolio de los recursos saharauis y que no pare el chorro europeo de millones hacia la dictadura alauí. Cuando todavía no se ha reanudado el tráfico en Ormuz, Bab el-Mandeb puede cerrarse en breve tiempo, está muy claro que el estrecho de Gibraltar tiene una importancia estratégica enorme. Estados Unidos se ha dado cuenta, Israel se ha dado cuenta y parece que quien no se ha dado cuenta es la Comisión y el Consejo Europeo. Muchas gracias.
Bartłomiej Sienkiewicz
Panie Przewodniczący, Szanowni Koledzy i Koleżanki, cały nasz ład prawny w każdym demokratycznym państwie Europy zbudowany jest na indywidualnym traktowaniu człowieka.
Ta logika została przeniesiona na system azylowy w skali globalnej. Ale gdy do Ceuty w 48 godzin wdziera się tłum 80 tysięcy ludzi, to już nie są pojedyncze przypadki. To jest masa, którą trzeba traktować jako całość. Więc skończmy opowiadać o niezmiennym zakazie zawracania, o niezbywalnym prawie do azylu. Szturm w takiej skali jest fizycznie niemożliwy do opanowania na gruncie prawa napisanego z myślą o pojedynczym człowieku pukającym do naszych drzwi.
Otwórzmy oczy, zanim kolejne rządy państw ościennych Europy zechcą spróbować tego samego eksperymentu, bo inaczej zostanie nam zdziwienie, dlaczego populiści wygrywają wybory w Europie.
Eero Heinäluoma
Tulen maasta, joka on sekin kohdannut välineellistettyä maahantuloa. Suuri naapurimme Venäjä on useampaan kertaan ohjannut ihmisiä kaukaa omien rajojensa ulkopuolelta tulemaan Suomen rajoille. Näiden operaatioiden tarkoitus on käynyt selväksi. Se on sekaannuksen aiheuttaminen, sisäisten kiistojen lietsominen, levottomuuden lietsominen.
Suomessa olemme tyytyväisiä, että Euroopan unioni on ymmärtänyt tilanteen ja antanut Suomelle täyden tuen rajavalvonnassa. Kun nyt Espanjan Ceutaan kohdistuu paljon isompi maahantuloyritys, on selvää, että espanjalaiset ansaitsevat meidän kaikkien tuen. Ei syyttelyä, ei syyn näkemistä Espanjassa, joka on maahantuloyrityksen kohteena. Rajojen valvontaa voidaan tehdä myös yhdessä, olkaamme siis Espanjan apuna.
Marion Maréchal
Je veux pouvoir aller tranquillement à l'école. Nous ne pouvons pas y aller. Nous avons très peur. Nous avons très mal. Ces mots ont été prononcés par une petite fille de Ceuta en larmes.
Mais manifestement, les larmes des petites Européennes ne valent pas grand-chose devant l'agenda immigrationniste de cette gauche. Parce que l'invasion de Ceuta est la tragique conséquence des régularisations massives du socialiste Pedro Sánchez. Et le résultat est tragique : crise sanitaire, menace de djihadistes, cambriolages multipliés par 60, agressions multipliées par 15 et presque un cas d'agression sexuelle par jour selon la procureure de Ceuta. Alors oui, bravo au gouvernement italien d'avoir eu le courage de fermer ses frontières à l'Espagne.
Bravo parce que seule la fermeté face à ce défi nous permettra de défendre notre souveraineté, nos valeurs, nos modes de vie, notre sécurité. Il faudrait même aller encore plus loin et réserver la libre circulation de l'espace Schengen aux seuls résidents et citoyens européens. Parce que protéger nos frontières n'est pas un crime, c'est au contraire le premier devoir d'un État.
Abir Al-Sahlani
Commissioner, dear colleagues, what happened in Ceuta is serious. Europe must protect its borders, investigate this instrumentalization, strengthen Frontex and dismantle the smugglers' networks. But why does every debate in this House about migration bring the absolute worst of us, of our Union, of this House? Migrants are not the enemies, they are victimized twice, once by the smugglers and then once by us in these kinds of debates. Europe can be firm without losing its, without being cruel.
We can, we can be firm but without being naive. Europe can be humane without losing our strength.
We already learned this lesson from Belarus when they used migrants against the Polish borders. And we know that the answer is not fragmentation, nor is it suspension of the Schengen regime or fear and racism. We can defend our borders without losing our moral compass. Secure borders, European solidarity, human dignity, those are not contradictions, those are the very strength of our Union.
Ana Miguel Pedro
Três dias antes, o presidente Ceuta fez aquilo que Sánchez não fez. Cumpriu o seu dever. E a resposta que recebeu foi de que não voltasse a ligar. Pode consentir-se que um Estado terceiro decida em função da sua conveniência política quando abre ou fecha a pressão sobre uma fronteira externa da Europa? 80.000 pessoas não aparecem junto a uma fronteira por geração espontânea.
Estará Sánchez mais preocupado em explicar aquilo que Marrocos não fez do que explicar aquilo que o seu governo não fez? Porquê? Pode o governo espanhol avançar unilateralmente com uma regularização extraordinária e o ordinário efeito chamada e depois exigir solidariedade aos restantes Estados-Membros?
Um governo que enfraquece deliberadamente a credibilidade da sua própria fronteira abre uma brecha na fronteira de toda a Europa. Pode a negligência ser nacional e a fatura europeia? Que governo é este que olha para os cidadãos de Ceuta e lhes diz: habituem-se? E qual é o plano para a próxima vez quando Marrocos voltar a testar a soberania espanhola e a fronteira externa da Europa? Eu respondo: nenhum.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
Merci, présidente, commissaire Brunner. Ya lo ha escuchado usted, España ha sido solidaria con cada frontera exterior de la Unión bajo presión, desde los Bálticos hasta Lampedusa, y merece la misma solidaridad y unidad, no menos, ante la crisis de Ceuta en que las autoridades españolas están respondiendo respetando la Constitución española, la Ley de Extranjería, las leyes europeas del Pacto de Migraciones y Asilo con todos sus procedimientos y garantías, pero también el derecho internacional humanitario que obliga a rescatar vidas y lamenta por tanto y deplora las 140 víctimas mortales, además de proteger las personas más vulnerables, menores no acompañados.
El malestar de la ciudadanía ceutí es muy entendible. No lo es en absoluto la explotación del odio que incita a la caza de migrantes uno a uno y por tanto no caben soluciones ilegales como suspender las reglas del código de gobierno Schengen unilateralmente o no digamos intentársela imponer a otro país ni tampoco delictivas, directamente delictivas como la violación de los derechos humanos. Si quieren ayudar a Ceuta, aténganse a la ley que permite la redistribución de las menores no acompañadas en las comunidades autónomas gobernadas por el Partido Popular y Vox, porque eso es cumplir la ley y eso es ser parte de la solución y no del problema. Gracias, presidente.
Alma Ezcurra Almansa
Señorías, sé que en esta casa funcionan mejor los eufemismos, pero yo no he venido a complacer a nadie, así que voy a utilizar las palabras exactas. Cuando un Estado utiliza una frontera para desafiar la soberanía de otro se llama agresión. Y si ese Estado utiliza personas para hacerlo y además les cuesta la vida, no es una cuestión de solidaridad, es instrumentalización. Cuando un gobierno sabe que eso va a suceder y no hace nada se llama negligencia, no solidaridad. Y si 45 días después sigue habiendo miedo en la calle, los policías son agredidos a diario, las mujeres migrantes e inmigrantes sufren violaciones, etcétera, eso no es derecho internacional, señora Aguilar, eso es abandonar a tus compatriotas.
Señor comisario, todo esto a mí no me parece un problema migratorio de libro, me parece una invasión. Y yo entiendo que la gente de la izquierda en esta cámara atienda órdenes y no se haya estudiado la lección, pero les voy a decir una cosa: Ceuta es España y España es Europa. Y hasta donde sé, el pacto consiste en que las fronteras de la Unión se protegen, pero no porque nos dibujen en el mapa, sino porque es la mejor forma de protegernos a todos y a todos los que estamos detrás: la libertad, la seguridad y los derechos. Así que cuando una frontera es atacada, y me da igual que sea Polonia, Finlandia, Lituania, lo que tiene que hacer es ser defendida de la misma manera. No vamos a variar nuestra respuesta en función de quién provoque el ataque.
De hecho, en el año 2021, 10.000 personas entraron en Ceuta y esta cámara fue absolutamente contundente con Marruecos. Señores del Partido Socialista, ¿me pueden explicar qué razón del progresismo justifica que ahora lo seamos menos porque han entrado 70.000 personas más? Yo solo digo: no hay ninguna razón, porque esto no es un problema de ideología, es un problema de soberanía. Y comprendo, comisario, que para defender la soberanía hace falta diplomacia. Lo que no tengo claro es que permitir que un tercer país utilice a seres humanos, muchos de ellos niños, para desestabilizar un Estado miembro y no decir nada por no incomodar un interés comercial sea diplomacia.
Yo creo que es asumir que hay vidas que valen menos que otras y aceptar un chantaje. Las fronteras de Europa valen lo mismo esté Bielorrusia o Marruecos al otro lado. Así que seamos consecuentes. Pedro Sánchez ha elegido claudicación.
¿Qué van a votar todos ustedes? Muchas gracias.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup. Dans le cadre de la procédure Catch-the-eye, je donne pour commencer la parole à Malika Sorel.
Malika Sorel
Merci Monsieur le Président. Micro. Est-ce que vous m'entendez ? Oui. Merci Monsieur le Président.
Nous avons reçu ici le président de Ceuta, Juan Vivas. Son message était clair : l'Union européenne n'a pas encore pris la mesure de la gravité de ce qui s'est produit, à savoir, selon lui, l'utilisation de l'immigration illégale par le Maroc pour violer les frontières d'un pays de l'Union européenne. Rappelons que depuis la résolution du Caire de 1964, l'Union africaine reconnaît le principe de l'intangibilité des frontières héritées de la colonisation. Les demandes du président Vivas doivent être entendues : Frontex aux frontières européennes, des moyens financiers et humains, le retour au Maroc de tous les arrivants, mineurs compris, l'utilisation par la Commission européenne de notre principal levier, celui des accords commerciaux. La population de Ceuta se dit abandonnée, son moral est sapé, elle a besoin de notre solidarité.
Monsieur le Commissaire, l'appel de détresse de la population de Ceuta doit être entendu de toute urgence.
Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez
Señorías, imagínense por un momento que en menos de 24 horas 12 millones de inmigrantes asaltan las fronteras de Francia y ocupan París. Que 4 millones toman Berlín en un solo día o 3 millones Roma. Pues bien, eso en proporción es lo que ha ocurrido en Ceuta. Una ciudad de 80.000 habitantes asaltada por 80.000 inmigrantes de los cuales, después de mes y medio, 15.000 al menos quedan todavía en Ceuta. Y todo ello a pesar de las alertas del Centro Nacional de Inteligencia español y de la Policía Nacional y a pesar de las numerosas llamadas que hizo el presidente de Ceuta.
Pero señoría, Pedro Sánchez prefirió hacer oídos sordos, irse de veraneo. Y ahora quieren engañar a todo el mundo, sobre todo Sánchez, pero también quiere engañar a los europeos. Por eso, comisario, ahora que va a ir usted a Madrid, le ruego que le exija al Gobierno de Sánchez que le cuente la verdad. Que le diga quién lanzó la invasión, cuántos han entrado y cuándo los van a retornar. Los ceutíes merecen saber la verdad sobre la invasión de su ciudad.
Ceuta no se vende, Ceuta se defiende.
Pese a quien le pese, Ceuta es España y Europa.
Merci beaucoup. Sebastian Tynkkynen.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
Dear President, when Muslims invaded Christian countries in the 7th century, they killed, raped, and enslaved. That is how these countries became Islamic. The modern version of invasion is taking place in Europe right now. The latest example, the Islamic conquest of Ceuta, was only the tip of the iceberg. Commissioner said that Spain had done a good job and the EU had passed the test.
Excuse me, tens of thousands of illegal migrants conquered the EU's external border and it is considered a successful migration policy in Brussels. Still not all migrants have been returned and sexual crimes have skyrocketed. If the EU leadership is unable to protect our borders with legislation, there is a solution to this. We need walls. Thank you.
Silvia Sardone
L'invasione di Ceuta è la dimostrazione più chiara dell'incapacità della sinistra di affrontare il problema dell'immigrazione. Il dramma di Ceuta con migliaia di immigrati ancora nelle strade e sulle spiagge è l'emblema del fallimento del governo spagnolo e anche della sua propaganda pro-accoglienza. Eppure nei giorni successivi all'invasione dicevano: "È tutto risolto, è tutto sotto controllo". E invece si moltiplicano scene di rissa tra immigrati, violenze sulle donne, furti nelle case e nei negozi, baraccopoli sulla costa. La sinistra europea deve chiedere scusa: anni di buonismo, di porte aperte, di sanatorie, di slogan come "nessuno è clandestino" hanno portato solo problemi di sicurezza, di degrado e danni economici e sociali.
I cittadini europei sono stanchi della vostra ideologia: è l'ora di cambiare rotta. L'immigrazione irregolare va contrastata, non favorita. Grazie.
Anna Strolenberg
Thank you. In Europe we're facing huge challenges: wildfire, cost of living, housing crisis, energy crisis.
And we have to work on them together. But how can we show citizens that we are up to the task if we're so divided, reacting after a tragedy that happened in Ceuta, leaving the people in Ceuta alone but also causing 140 deaths? I don't have this trust. Instead of running to Ceuta and helping them out, European leaders wanted to close our borders. And this also happened today in this debate: a blame game started, fueled by the far right.
But we actually have the tools. We could assist Spain in handling asylum applications. We can offer help in returning people in dignity. So let's do this so we can move on, finally move on and leave the migration debate as it is and focus on the other issues that matter. Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Madame Stronenberg. Nous arrivons au terme de cette discussion. Et pour la conclusion, je donne la parole à Monsieur le Ministre Thomas Byrne, Ministre d'État pour les Affaires européennes, qui intervient au nom du Conseil.
Thomas Byrne
Merci, Monsieur le Président. Look, I want to thank everybody for their contributions.
I've certainly listened with interest on behalf of the Council and I would make a few points in response. First, solidarity with the people of Ceuta, who are all the residents there, are citizens of the European Union. And it is very much part of the European Union and part of our response. I would say though that regularisation is and remains a matter of national competence. The Spanish scheme, which is a scheme from Spain, required proof of residence in Spain before the 1st of January of this year and five continuous months of residence.
And anybody who arrived irregularly in Ceuta in July and August this year was excluded from that by definition. Migration management is a shared responsibility among every country on any migration routes. The cooperation that we've had has been and remains fundamental to ensure the return of people with no right to stay in the European Union. The cooperation is necessary to fight further irregular migration and to disband trafficking and smuggling networks. Now the Presidency sees no immediate risk to the overall functioning of the Schengen area.
And that's because Ceuta and Melilla hold a special status under our Schengen acquis.
Schengen checks are carried out on exit by sea and air. The large majority of people who crossed illegally into Ceuta already returned to Morocco, and none of them was able to travel onwards. But the incident highlighted once more the importance of preserving European Union unity and solidarity while responding decisively to external challenges. In recent years, we have built a toolbox to manage migration, to protect our external borders, and cooperate with partner countries in the fight against irregular arrivals. So the Council and the member states will continue to work closely with the Parliament and with the Commission, and thank you, Commissioner, to deploy and improve this toolbox.
And we will start with the upcoming initiatives on readmission cooperation and situational awareness at the JHA Council in October. Thank you very much.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup, Monsieur le Ministre. J'ai reçu sept propositions de résolution pour clore ce débat. Le débat est clos et le vote aura lieu jeudi. Nous passons à présent à l'ordre du jour qui appelle la déclaration de la Commission sur les funérailles du criminel de guerre Ratko Mladić et glorification des crimes de guerre en Serbie.
J'attire votre attention qu'il n'y aura qu'un tour de parole des orateurs des groupes politiques pour ce débat. Il n'y aura donc pas d'intervention à la demande ni de carton bleu. Pour commencer cette discussion, le temps d'accueillir Madame la Commissaire Marta Kos, à qui je souhaite la bienvenue. Et vous avez la parole immédiatement. Bonjour.
Merci de bien vouloir quitter la salle en silence puisque nous enchaînons immédiatement le débat. Je vous donne la parole, Madame la Commissaire.
Marta Kos
Thank you, Mr. President, honorable members. The past weeks have reminded us of how difficult it remains to confront one of the darkest chapters of recent European history and the immense suffering caused by the wars in the former Yugoslavia, where I come from.
The European Union stands in solidarity with all victims of those war crimes, survivors, and their families. Stability and prosperity in the Western Balkans are in Europe's strategic interest. Serbia has a central role and responsibility in this region. By applying for EU membership, Serbia committed to our standards, principles, and values. The European Commission has been clear that the glorification of war criminals, genocide denial, and revisionism is fundamentally incompatible with these values.
It has no place in the EU, it has no place in the EU candidate countries. Last year in Srebrenica, I witnessed the burial of seven more victims, 30 years after the genocide. Many are still missing and their families continue to suffer unimaginable pain. It is incomprehensible that anyone responsible for such crimes is honored as a hero. The images from Ratko Mladić's funeral were profoundly disturbing.
They show a failure to confront the past and contradict the values at the heart of European integration. It was especially disturbing to see Serbian ministers, state officials, and military representatives, alongside leaders and politicians from Republika Srpska, attend the funeral and publicly honor a war criminal. The European Commission calls on the Serbian authorities as well as all actors in the region to contribute to reconciliation and good neighborly relations. Stop using the past as a barrier to the future and start genuine reconciliation so that all countries of the region can build a peaceful and prosperous future together in the European Union without hatred and conflict.
Thank you, dear members of the European Parliament, that you care. But the images we have seen do not represent Serbian society as a whole. Numerous citizens from Serbia and the region wrote to me rejecting the glorification of war criminals. This is why I know that Serbia is much more. Serbia is its people.
Marta Kos
It is its young generation, its entrepreneurs, its civil servants, its artists, its journalists, citizens who want their country to move forward, who want to confront the past, who want to live in a free, democratic and European country. That Serbia deserves to be heard, that Serbia deserves to be supported and that Serbia has a place in Europe. Being a friend of Serbia also means being honest with Serbia. We can disagree about politics. We can have difficult conversations about reforms and about Serbia's European path.
But we cannot negotiate about the dignity of the victims of genocide and war crimes. Europe will never ask Serbia to deny its identity or its history. But Europe will ask Serbia to confront its history honestly, including its darkest chapters. Because I remain deeply convinced that progress on Serbia's EU path is in our shared interest. The Commission will therefore continue to do everything in its power to support the European path of Serbia.
Thank you.
Younous Omarjee
Merci beaucoup Madame la Commissaire. Nous ouvrons la discussion avec Ivo Davor Stier.
Davor Ivo Stier
Unatoč svim upozorenjima, Ratko Mladić je pokopan uz vojne počasti. Zbog žrtava Srebrenice ne možemo umanjiti odgovornost srpskih vlasti, a niti zbog Mladićevih žrtava na tlu EU-a u Hrvatskoj: Škabrnji, Kijevu, Vrlici, Šibeniku, Zadru. Zbog svih tih žrtava ne možemo niti olako prijeći preko uvreda upućenih čelnicima i građanima susjednih zemalja, europskoj povjerenici za proširenje, našim institucijama u cjelini. U vječitom balansiranju između Europe i njezinih neprijatelja, srpski predsjednik je odlučio ne ići na pogreb, ali ipak poslati vlastitog sina i ministre. Odlučio je ne uključiti sve elemente državnog pogreba, ali je ipak kao vrhovni zapovjednik izravno odgovoran za vojne počasti Mladiću.
Dakako, mediji pod kontrolom vlasti su se pobrinuli da najotvorenije veličaju Ratka Mladića. Tome se nažalost pridružio i patrijarh Srpske pravoslavne crkve. Ovo je stanje duha u Srbiji, ne samo kod vlasti, nažalost i kod dijela društva, pa i oporbe.
Na građanima Srbije je da odluče kakvu zemlju žele, ali na nama je da odlučimo kako će se EU postaviti. Nemamo iluzije da će proraditi svijest onih koji su i devedesetih bili inertni. Ali zato mi u Parlamentu moramo biti još glasniji i reći da je dosadašnja politika EU-a bila mlaka i neučinkovita. Trebamo jasno poručiti i odlučiti da nema mjesta u europskoj obitelji za one koji veličaju Ratka Mladića, a ne treba biti niti europskog novca za one koji se ne žele distancirati od politike Slobodana Miloševića. Srpski građani imaju pravo na europsku perspektivu i ne bismo htjeli da se s Mladićem pokopa europska budućnost, ali toj europskoj perspektivi nećemo pomoći gledajući kroz prste onima koji slave Mladića.
Vojne počasti Mladiću bile su velika greška, njegove žrtve su zaslužile našu solidarnost, ali i to da EU povuče sve potrebne poteze. Hvala vam.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem pekne kolegovi Višňarovi, ale predtým, ako dám slovo kolegovi Piculovi za skupinu Progresívnej aliancie socialistov a demokratov, upozorňujem, že v tomto vyhlásení Komisie nie je priestor na catch-the-eye. Nech sa páči, poprosím pána kolegu Piculu.
Tonino Picula
Hvala gospodine predsjedniče, poštovana povjerenice, kolegice i kolege. Od Škabrnje preko opsade Sarajeva do Srebrenice, u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini se komemoriraju neki od najgorih zločina počinjenih na europskom tlu nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. A iza tih zločina stoji onaj koji je pred Međunarodnim sudom u Haagu osuđen za genocid i zločine protiv čovječnosti. Zato ne smijemo šutjeti o njegovom sramnom ispraćaju. Ali pogreb Mladića je medij preko kojeg se još jednom identificirala ukupna politika službenog Beograda.
Ispraćaj ratnog zločinca ne govori samo o potpuno neprihvatljivom odnosu prema nedavnoj i tragičnoj prošlosti, nego o tome u kom pravcu ta vlast usmjerava Srbiju danas. Vučić je jednog ratnog zločinca ispratio sa državnim počastima, a s drugim je, Šešeljem, dogovorio predizborni savez. Mi se u Europskoj uniji kontinuirano borimo protiv lažnih vijesti i dezinformacija, ali moramo se boriti i protiv povijesnog revizionizma i relativizacije zločina. Ako već srbijanska vlast programirano luta, Europska unija treba prestati lutati u odnosu prema takvoj vlasti. Ne smije se izolirati od činjenica koje jasno govore da Vučićevoj Srbiji nije mjesto u Europskoj uniji.
Ratni zločinac Ratko Mladić je pokopan, ali s njim nisu pokopane ideje o Velikoj Srbiji, odnosno takozvanom srpskom svijetu. S Mladićem moraju biti pokopane i iluzije o nekoj europskoj Srbiji pod današnjom vlašću. Zato je potpuno opravdano postaviti pitanje treba li Europska unija uopće nastaviti pregovore sa Srbijom dok ima ovakvu vlast. Hvala.
Martin Hojsík
Hvala, teraz poprosím pána kolegu Mariani za skupinu Patrioti pre Európu.
Thierry Mariani
Tous les crimes de guerre doivent être condamnés sans la moindre réserve et sans la même sans la moindre ambiguïté. C'est le cas pour Ratko Mladić dont les agissements ont justifié sa condamnation devant le Tribunal pénal international. Mais Madame le Commissaire, une condamnation unanime que l'Union européenne oublie de brandir quand l'Ukraine de Monsieur Zelensky célèbre des collaborateurs nazis et antisémites notoires comme Stepan Bandera ou Andreï Melnyk. Sur ce cas, ce Parlement garde le silence et les protestations de la Pologne et du mémorial de la Shoah de Yad Vashem n'ont rien changé. Silence d'ailleurs qu'on avait que ce Parlement avait gardé au moment de l'agression de l'OTAN quand celle-ci a attaqué la Serbie sans mandat de l'ONU.
Voilà donc une complaisance à laquelle la Serbie n'a pas le droit. En deux ans, c'est le troisième débat de ce Parlement européen pour déstabiliser ce pays.
Il s'agit de toute évidence d'une ingérence étrangère à la veille d'une élection, comme en Géorgie, comme en Moldavie. Hier, Belgrade n'a jamais accepté de prendre ses ordres à Moscou. Pensez-vous que demain elle acceptera de les prendre à Bruxelles ?
I have to say that wasn't really on the topic, but I would like for like to request the speakers to stick to the topic of the debate and let me give the floor to Mr. Bartulica for European Conservatives and Reformists, please.
Stephen Nikola Bartulica
Zahvaljujem, kolegice i kolege. Svi se slažemo da ispraćaj ratnog zločinca Ratka Mladića je bio sramotan, ali simptom stanja u srpskom društvu. Znamo da ta zemlja i dalje živi u svojoj mitologiji, nema hrabrosti se suočiti s istinom iz prošlosti. Što se tiče Hrvatske, naš prioritet mora biti i dalje da inzistiramo na pravdi iz devedesetih. Srbija ne može postati članicom Europske unije bez priznavanja agresije i isplate odštete svim žrtvama iz Domovinskog rata.
To mora biti uvjet da uopće razgovaramo o budućem članstvu. Dear colleagues, allow me to switch in English.
No one should be surprised by what happened recently in Belgrade. Serbia is nowhere near European membership. The country is living in denial, even assuming the role of victim from the wars in the nineties. It's not just Russia and its affection for Russia, it's a deeper problem and we should wake up to this reality. Thank you.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Branstettera za skupinu Renew Europe. Nech sa páči.
Helmut Brandstätter
Thank you, President, dear Commissioner. Ratko Mladić was a war criminal, a convicted war criminal, and he was responsible for genocide. Who doesn't know that, go to Srebrenica. We cannot tolerate the celebration of a war criminal. A government that glorifies such atrocities can never be part of the European Union.
President Vučić has best relations with China and with Russia. He just wants our money. And I think the colleagues from EPP, really, you have to cut the ties with his party. And thank you very much, Commissioner Várhelyi, that you did not go there now. And I think we have to stop the financing.
And the Serbian society, you are completely right. The Serbian society, they are Europeans like we are. Serbia should be part of the European Union, but with a democracy. And of course, what did Vučić now with the snap elections? He wants to split society.
He wants to have a small majority again to get our money and friendship with Russia. And that cannot happen. The Serbs are welcome here, but the authoritarian regime is not part of the European Union. And thank you again, Commissioner Kövesi, for being very strong. Please tell it also President von der Leyen to be as strong as you are as far as that concerned.
Thank you.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Prebiliča za skupinu Zelených Európska slobodná aliancia. Nech sa páči.
Vladimir Prebilič
Najlepša hvala. Spoštovane kolegice in kolegi. Vladno letalo, vojaki v uniformah, ki nosijo krsto, prisotnost vladnih predstavnikov in slovo z vsemi vojaškimi častmi. To je neposreden pljunek v obraz Evropi, predvsem pa družinam žrtev in vsem dostojnim ljudem. In medtem ko so najvišji predstavniki v Evropski uniji izražali zaskrbljenost, je zgolj ena oseba zmogla pogum, moč in dostojanstvo ter zavzela stališče na primeren način.
Izkazovanje državniških časti vojnemu zločincu je nesprejemljivo in nedostojno.
Predvsem pa nima nič opraviti z evropskimi vrednotami. Zato se zahvaljujem komisarki Kos za obrambo dostojanstva in časti Evropske unije ter zaščito spomina žrtev Ratka Mladića. Za Evropsko ljudsko stranko pa imam samo eno vprašanje. Kje je vaša rdeča črta? Ali mora SNS storiti še kaj, da vas bo prepričala, da je prišel čas, ko z njimi več ni mogoče sodelovati?
Genocid in vojni zločini ne smejo imeti ideološkega predznaka, zato besede obžalovanja tokrat ne bodo dovolj.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Volgina za skupinu Európa suverénnych národov.
Petar Volgin
Уважаеми колеги, Урсула фон дер Лайен и други висши евробюрократи се оплакаха, че изпаднали в шок, когато видели кадрите от Белград с поклонението пред Ратко Младич. Ама много избирателно изпадате в шок, скъпи брюкселски чиновници. Напоследък в Украйна имаше редица случаи на възхвала на нацистки престъпници, но от ваша страна ни дума, ни вопъл, ни стон. На 25 май тази година с тържествен ритуал и в присъствието на президента Зеленски в Киев беше препогребан Андрей Мелник, създател на организацията на украинските националисти и сътрудник на нацистка Германия.
Тогава никакво възмущение нямаше нито от страна на Урсула, нито на Кая, нито от Вас, госпожо Кос. Малко по-късно Зеленски даде на една военна част името на украинско подразделение, чиито членове също са сътрудничили на нацистите и са участвали във волинските кланета. И този път брюкселските началници не изпаднаха в шок. Радват се те на любителите на нацистите и на нациста Зеленски и му пращат още милиарди евро, за да продължава с тези церемонии. За голямо съжаление именно тези двойни стандарти се превърнаха в запазена марка на Европейския съюз.
Благодаря Ви за вниманието.
A teraz poprosím pani komisárku Kos na uzavretie tohto vyhlásenia Komisie. Nech sa páči.
Marta Kos
When we talk about Serbia today, we talk also about our Europe. Reconciliation laid the ground for the European Union because French and German leaders decisively turned the page of history and healed the most painful wounds their societies were facing. It is the reason why we are all here today. The countries of the Western Balkans can decide a course to overcome divisions and build a common future. This must include Serbia.
We must not turn our backs on Serbia and its people who want to live in a free, democratic and European country. At the upcoming elections, the citizens of Serbia will have the opportunity to decide which path they want to pursue. We expect the elections to be free, fair and transparent in accordance with European and international standards. Late October, on 28th, the European Commission will present this year's annual enlargement reports. Developments relevant to Serbia's European path will be reflected in our assessment.
Progress remains in the hands of the incoming Serbian government. I will do all in my power to ensure that Serbia can advance on its EU path. But I tell you, respect for our values will remain non-negotiable.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem pekne, pani komisárka, a rokovanie, pardon, rozprava k tomuto bodu sa skončila.
A dovoľte mi informovať, že zápisnica zo včerajšieho rokovania a prijaté texty sú k dispozícii a chcem sa spýtať, či má niekto nejaké pripomienky. Nie, takže týmto považujem zápisnicu za schválenú a dovolím si na malú chvíľu prerušiť rokovanie, pretože ďalším bodom programu je kontrolné zasadnutie, predstavenie balíka opatrení v oblasti spravodlivej mobility pracovnej sily a čakáme každú chvíľu, mala by doraziť pani komisárka Thyssenová, ale ešte tu nie je, takže na chvíľu prerušujem rokovanie a o chvíľu začneme znova.
Thank you, the sitting is resumed and I'm really happy to welcome Commissioner Schmit.
It's a bit pity that we had to stop. Ďalším bodom programu je kontrolné zasadnutie, predstavenie balíka opatrení v oblasti spravodlivej mobility pracovnej sily. Ospravedlňujem sa a poprosím na úvod pani komisárku Mînzatu, nech sa páči.
Roxana Mînzatu
Thank you, President, honorable members. I'm coming directly out of college where we have just adopted our fair labor mobility package and I'm happy that I can immediately come here to exchange with you on the very important topics of this package. We often say that the single market is one of Europe's best and most important achievements. Almost 20 million Europeans live in another EU country, cross a border for their work, or are sent abroad temporarily by their employer.
Now over the years, we have built detailed rules so that we can protect the rights of these mobile workers, including their access to healthcare, to pensions, and overall to social security. Just a few months ago, after 10 years of complicated negotiations, we reached an historic agreement to update our social security rules in the European Union. And that means that we have made important progress. But the stories of the people tell us that we still have more barriers to face. People face challenges in getting the protections that they need, companies, especially SMEs, struggle with complicated procedures in getting access to the talent they require.
And today we are taking a concrete step to really simplify our internal market and make labor mobility fairer for workers. The Fair Labor Mobility Package that we just adopted is composed of six legislative proposals: a regulation establishing ESPAS, the European Social Security Pass, a regulation on strengthening the European Labor Authority, the Skills Portability Act, a directive on professional qualifications in European Union, a delegated directive on physiotherapists, and a proposal for a directive for third-country nationals' qualifications.
And I would summarize this entire complex legislative package in five messages, if you allow me. First, we move from paper-based to a digitalized labor mobility. Every company, every worker in Europe knows about the lengthy processes to get the famous portable document A1 that is necessary for posting, and how much time and how much money this complicated process costs. With the introduction of ESPAS, we fully digitalize the process to request and receive social security documents. We start with the portable document A1, we continue with healthcare, pensions, unemployment, and sickness benefits.
And this is indeed a game changer, because we move from endless paperwork to one mobile phone app with standardized, verifiable in real-time documents that can be checked, that saves time, that saves money for workers, for companies, and for authorities. My second message: that better enforcement through a stronger European Labor Authority is being delivered.
For our businesses to perform and for our workers to be protected, we need to make sure that rules are clear and that rules are actually implemented. And this means, first, stronger inspections. The European Labour Authority will have better data analysis capacity and should be clearly supported by national inspectorates. Second, clear competences on third-country nationals. Migration is a reality in European Union, and when the European Labour Authority performs its controls, they need to be able to inspect the working conditions of migrant workers.
It is about combating labour exploitation, it is about fighting social dumping. Third, we are providing personalized information and counseling through the strengthening of ELA. The authority will be able to fund organizations that advise workers and employers about their rights and obligations, and this is indeed inspired by Faire Mobilität. Then a third big message to you is that wherever you move in Europe, your skills will move with you. And this should be a revolution, a real single market of skills.
With the Skills Portability Act, we will digitalize all qualifications from secondary school to PhD level across the European Union.
This will be to the benefit of all European citizens. Again, all standardized, secured and verifiable in real time in a digital app on mobile phones accessible. So people will no longer need to produce and send scanned copies of their qualifications or pay for the certification of the authenticity of those documents or run around to obtain the proof of their qualification level. Then a fourth message about this package. We deliver on faster recognition of qualifications inside European Union.
Of course, digitalizing qualifications was the first step, but the second is making it easier to access the 5,700 regulated professions that we have in the EU, making it easier for companies to hire talent critically needed, such as engineers, electricians, IT experts, I just give a few examples. For today, for an Italian engineer to be able to work in Germany, it takes, and here we look at the legal provisions, at least four months to get their title recognized. For a Spanish nurse to work in Belgium, it takes at least three months.
But so, so many times, the wait is much, much longer and the complexity is much higher, with negative consequences for those professionals and for the economy. And with the revision we propose for the professional qualification directive, we accelerate internal mobility for EU nationals by reducing the duration of recognition procedures with clear timelines and deadlines. We create one single interface available in all EU official languages, which, which is digital and which each citizen can use to apply for recognition in any member state. And thanks to artificial intelligence, we will also allow citizens to upload their documents in any EU language, while translation will be automatically provided inside that platform. We then propose to expand the automatic recognition of qualifications to an eighth profession.
Today, it is about physiotherapists. But we have identified also ten new professions, such as civil engineers, biomedical laboratory technicians, electricians, for which we will work with member states so that they too will be covered by automatic recognition. And I remind you that today only seven professions benefit from automatic recognition. Fifth and last message: attracting and making the most of the talent of non, non-EU professionals.
Here we have two types of problems. That today, if somebody wants to come from, say, the United States to work in the European Union as an engineer, it will take them around 14 months, according to the law, to have their qualifications recognized, or probably more in many parts. And at the same time, in Europe, 40% of highly educated third-country nationals that are already in the European Union are working below their qualification level, which is double than the same indicator for EU nationals. And with the proposed directive on the qualifications of third-country nationals, we will create common rules across the European Union to get these qualifications recognized with the same timelines in all Member States, with rights to appeal, adaptation measures, and the same document requirements. The proposal also includes an EU certification system that will apply to universities outside of the European Union so that they prove that they do comply with European standards.
If they meet the standards, their graduates will be able to work in European Union in those professions, if not, they don't. Honorable members, the message we want to convey with the Fair Labour Mobility package is that wherever you move in the European Union, your social rights are protected and your talent is recognized and as a consequence, European SMEs and businesses are supported. I'm ready to work with you, with this House, right away. I count on your support to take these proposals forward so that they can deliver the concrete results we want for our citizens and for our economy. Thank you.
Thank you very much, Commissioner, and I just have to tell you that you used almost all your speaking time, also for the first, so we have to be, but important announcement indeed, but we have to try to stick to the time and we are all day. So let me start the debate with colleague Radtke for the European People's Party, please.
Dennis Radtke
Ja, Herr Vizepräsident, Frau Kommissarin, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, das, was die Kommission jetzt hier gerade vorgestellt hat, hat wirklich das Zeug dazu, ein echter Quantensprung nach vorne zu sein.
Ein Quantensprung sowohl für Beschäftigte als auch für Unternehmen, als auch die konsequente Fortsetzung dessen, was wir in den Veränderungen bei der Entsenderichtlinie und bei dem nach fast zehn Jahren Durchbruch bei der Richtlinie 883 der Koordinierung der sozialen Sicherungssysteme endlich erreicht haben. Denn das eine ist, und darum ging es beispielsweise bei der bei den Veränderungen in der Entsenderichtlinie, Regeln zu ändern, zu mehr Fairness und zu mehr Fairness im Wettbewerb beizutragen. Aber jetzt geht es eben auch darum, die Lücken, die wir vor allen Dingen bei der Rechtsdurchsetzung haben, die auch zu schließen. Denn das beste Recht auf dem Papier bringt natürlich wenig bis gar nicht, wenn es nicht durchgesetzt wird, wenn es nicht kontrolliert wird. Und da haben wir, glaube ich, im Fair Labour Mobility Package jetzt wirklich Anknüpfungspunkte.
Und dieses Parlament hat sich schon 2024 in der letzten Legislaturperiode sehr, sehr klar positioniert. Wir haben deutlich gemacht, was unsere Erwartungen sind an ein neues ELA-Mandat, gerade auch mit Blick auf Beschäftigte aus Drittstaaten. Es kann einfach nicht sein, dass sich was bei uns in Europa auf einigen Baustellen, auf Autobahnen, im Logistikbereich, was sich dort abspielt, wie dort Menschen aus Drittstaaten ausgebeutet werden. Das hat ja mit Menschenwürde nichts zu tun, aber das hat auch mit einem fairen Wettbewerb an vielen Stellen nichts zu tun. Es kann einfach nicht sein, dass derjenige am Ende der Stärkste im Wettbewerb ist, der am klügsten die Lücken in der europäischen Regelung, die Lücken bei der Kontrolle ausnutzt.
Und deswegen hat dieses Paket wirklich Riesenchancen, auch der Schub bei der Digitalisierung, das macht vieles einfacher. Und das muss unser Anspruch sein, mehr Rechtssicherheit nicht nur für Arbeitnehmer, sondern vor allen Dingen auch, es muss einfacher werden und schneller werden für die Unternehmen, die sich an die Regeln halten. Und in diesem Sinne freue ich mich sehr auf die konkrete Gesetzgebung in den nächsten Wochen und Monaten. Vielen Dank.
Martin Hojsík
Danke vielmals. A teraz poprosím pani kolegyňu Bischoff za skupinu Progresívnej aliancie socialistov a demokratov v Európskom parlamente. Vitajte.
Gabriele Bischoff
Liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, werte Frau Vizepräsidentin, liebe Roxana, ich möchte erstmal starten wirklich mit einem großen Lob, Dank und Anerkennung für die Arbeit, für dieses Paket, weil es heute eine gute Nachricht an die über 14 Millionen Beschäftigten ist, die mobil sind innerhalb der EU, dass wir sagen, wir wollen für faire Bedingungen sorgen. Und nach dem guten Ergebnis zur 883, das ist schon gesagt worden, wollen wir weitere Schlupflöcher schließen, wollen Kontrollen, wollen Informationen in Echtzeit bereithalten. Und deshalb begrüßen wir das sehr. Wir wollen keine Malls of Shame auf dem Rücken von Bauarbeiterinnen.
Wir wollen einen funktionierenden Binnenmarkt mit klaren Rechten. Und deshalb der ELA Zähne geben, ist so wichtig mit Blick auf die Kompetenzen für Drittstaatsangehörige, aber auch für Risikobewertungen von Unternehmen, damit wir präventiv viel stärker tätig werden können. Der S-Pass, wie lange haben wir im Beschäftigungsausschuss dafür Druck gemacht, damit hier ein konkreter Vorschlag kommt. Über die Pilotprojekte sind wir jetzt da. Und auch Drittes, dass wir den Unternehmen sagen können, die qualifizierte Beschäftigte suchen, und den Beschäftigten, die in Europa einen Job suchen, das dauert jetzt nicht mehr 100 Jahre, bis ihr die Anerkennung kriegt.
Wir machen das schneller, effizienter, unbürokratischer, digitaler, ist eine gute Nachricht. Und dass wir am Ende als Parlament das voll beherzt aufgreifen werden in den Verhandlungen, ist ganz klar, denn unsere Botschaft ist: Arbeitsausbeutung, Sozialdumping darf es nicht geben.
Martin Hojsík
Danke. A teraz poprosím kolegyňu Rešerže zastupujúcu Patrioti pre Európu, nech sa páči.
Depuis des années, vous faites de la mobilité des travailleurs un horizon en soi. Mais à force de vouloir rendre le travail toujours plus mobile, on finit aussi par rendre les salariés toujours plus interchangeables. On connaît déjà les conséquences désastreuses de cette politique.
Julie Rechagneux
Dans plusieurs secteurs, le travail détaché a pesé à la baisse sur les salaires et a alimenté une concurrence sociale que nos compatriotes ont directement subie. Le problème social de la France, ce n'est pas que les Français ne bougent pas assez, c'est qu'on a détruit trop d'emplois là où ils vivent. Et la reconnaissance des qualifications ne doit pas conduire à niveler nos exigences par le bas. La mobilité transfrontalière, certes, fait partie de la vie de nombreux territoires. Elle doit bénéficier à leurs habitants, mais pas devenir un moyen supplémentaire de banaliser le travail détaché.
En résumé, nous n'accepterons jamais votre vision consistant à penser que tous les peuples sont interchangeables dans un immense marché mondial du travail.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegyňu Gemmu za Európskych konzervatívcov a reformistov, nech sa páči.
Chiara Gemma
Grazie, Presidente, Commissario. Dietro ogni lavoratore che si sposta da uno Stato membro all'altro c'è una storia fatta di competenze, sacrifici e aspettative. Il compito delle istituzioni europee dovrebbe essere quello di accompagnare questi percorsi, non di complicarli. Per questo guardiamo con interesse al pacchetto per la giusta mobilità del lavoro.
Ridurre gli adempimenti amministrativi e favorire procedure digitali più efficienti significa offrire maggiore certezza ai lavoratori e alle imprese che operano oltre i confini nazionali. Allo stesso modo, facilitare il riconoscimento delle qualifiche significa valorizzare il merito, le competenze e il lavoro delle persone, riducendo gli ostacoli che ne limitano le opportunità di crescita occupazionale. Per quanto riguarda l'ELA, il suo valore aggiunto risiede nel coordinamento e nella cooperazione tra amministrazioni nazionali. Eventuali revisioni del mandato dovrebbero preservare il ruolo delle autorità nazionali nell'attività ispettiva e di controllo, nel rispetto dell'equilibrio istituzionale previsto dai trattati. La mobilità è una risorsa quando aiuta le persone a mettere a frutto il proprio talento e le imprese a trovare le competenze di cui hanno bisogno, e questo è il risultato che ci aspettiamo dalle proposte della Commissione.
Grazie.
Thank you, and I'm sorry I have to be a bit strict because we are quite a bit late. And now for Renew Europe, I would like to give the floor to Brigitte van den Berg, please.
Madam Vice-President, congratulations on the skills portability initiative. I really think that digitalization and making sure that we can travel with our skills across borders is a step in the right direction. But it doesn't address the real issue at stake here, and that is trust.
Brigitte van den Berg
Simple trust that our European craftsmen are well-trained and highly skilled across our borders. Isn't it strange that when it comes to a bachelor or a master, we all know for years what these degree means across the borders? Every university recognizes them from each other. But when it comes to vocational education and training, we don't. The difference is that the universities have a true European community and the vocational education and trained don't.
So can we use this initiative to really build on that European community of craftsmen and skilled people? Because a digital certificate only has a value if the qualifications behind them are valued. Thank you.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegyňu Rieu za skupinu Zelených, Európska slobodná aliancia, nech sa páči.
Nela Riehl
Since the elections in Sachsen-Anhalt, for the first time I question whether there is a safe future for me and my children in Germany, or if we should build a life somewhere else. And I know I'm not the only one feeling this grief.
Seeing fascism rise all over Europe, I worry about the nurse in Italy who may no longer provide reproductive healthcare, about the teacher in Germany who may no longer teach children to question their own history, or about the woman in France who may no longer be allowed to wear hijab at work. And I worry that if someone has the courage to leave, their life's work, their diplomas will not be recognized. Worst case, their talent will be lost at the border because they get stuck in an endless admin cycle. Today, we talk about the labor mobility package. Thank you, Roxana, for that one.
We have to see it as a democratic backbone. Yes, it is very great for our economy. Yes, it's great for the people's freedom. But yes, in times of nationalism, it is also important for a European democracy.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Oliveiru za skupinu Ľavice v Európskom parlamente, nech sa páči.
Obrigado, Presidente, Senhora Comissária Minzato. Deste pacote de medidas sobre a mobilidade laboral que hoje apresenta, registamos aspetos que podem ser positivos para a valorização dos trabalhadores e o respeito e o cumprimento dos seus direitos, mas queremos também sublinhar preocupações que temos quanto ao enquadramento destas medidas pela lógica liberal dominante relativamente ao dito mercado de trabalho.
João Oliveira
Podem de facto ser positivas as medidas que vierem a ser tomadas que contribuam para o combate à precariedade laboral e à subcontratação, para a proteção dos trabalhadores migrantes que são vítimas de exploração e para a aplicação efetiva dos regimes de proteção social dos trabalhadores vigentes em cada Estado-Membro. As medidas para o reconhecimento mútuo de diplomas, certificados e outras qualificações profissionais, ou até as medidas para o reforço da ação inspetiva, desde que isso não implique retirar capacidade operacional às autoridades nacionais competentes nesta matéria. Mas queremos sublinhar também as preocupações que temos com o enquadramento mais geral que de alguma forma é contraditório com estas medidas. E por isso perguntamos como é que as intenções proclamadas de valorizar os trabalhadores se articulam com as orientações da União Europeia em matéria laboral que vão exatamente em sentido contrário, nomeadamente no âmbito do Semestre Europeu. Como é que a intenção de reforçar os direitos dos trabalhadores se compatibiliza com políticas como, por exemplo, as do 28.º regime jurídico que se arriscam a nivelar por baixo e a liquidar as legislações nacionais de proteção dos direitos dos trabalhadores?
Ou como é que as medidas relacionadas com a proteção social se articulam com o assalto aos sistemas públicos de segurança social que está em marcha por via da união das poupanças e dos investimentos?
Thank you, and just let me announce, colleagues, that due to a large number of requests, I'm already closing catch-the-eye, and I will not be able to take all the requests because we have limited time and we are late on top of it. And now let me give the floor to Madame Abadía Jover.
Maravillas Abadía Jover
Gracias, presidente, vicepresidente Mincatu. La movilidad laboral es uno de los grandes pilares del proyecto europeo. Pero debemos sincerarnos: para muchos jóvenes, moverse por Europa no siempre es una elección libre. A veces es la consecuencia de no encontrar oportunidades en su país o en su región, y eso lo conocemos bien en España. Tenemos una generación preparada, formada y con ganas de trabajar.
Pero demasiadas veces se encuentra con desempleo, con precariedad, con dificultades para emanciparse y con un mercado laboral que no les ofrece estabilidad. Por eso este paquete es importante, porque cuando un joven decide trabajar, formarse o emprender en otro Estado miembro, Europa debe facilitarle el camino, no llenarlo de obstáculos. Necesitamos que la movilidad funcione de verdad, que las competencias se reconozcan, que los derechos acompañen al trabajador y que cambiar de país no signifique empezar de cero. Pero no olvidemos lo esencial: la movilidad europea debe ser una oportunidad y no la consecuencia del fracaso de algunos gobiernos para ofrecer futuro a sus jóvenes.
Europa debe abrir las puertas. Los gobiernos deben crear oportunidades y los jóvenes europeos deben poder elegir libremente dónde construir su futuro sin verse obligados a marcharse por falta de empleo, vivienda o estabilidad. Muchas gracias.
Estelle Ceulemans
Madame la Vice-présidente exécutive, chère Roxana, je tiens à vous remercier. Car dans une Europe de la dérégulation et du tout à la compétitivité, vos propositions pour une mobilité juste prouvent qu'il est possible et nécessaire d'adapter les législations pour protéger et aussi simplifier la vie des travailleurs. Les 14 millions d'Européens et d'Européennes qui vivent ou travaillent dans un autre État membre comptent sur nous pour sortir de situations parfois pires que Kafka.
On ne peut donc que se réjouir du projet de passe européen de sécurité sociale ou des propositions de pour sécuriser et faciliter la reconnaissance des qualifications partout en Europe, y compris pour les ressortissants de pays tiers. La libre circulation des travailleurs est un droit et la mobilité une force, mais elle conduit encore trop souvent à des situations d'exploitation choquantes, particulièrement au regard du projet européen. Les socialistes et les représentants des travailleurs se sont battus pour obtenir en 2019 la création de ELA, l'Agence européenne du travail. Cette agence a pour objectif de mettre fin à des systèmes frauduleux complexes, souvent construits à l'échelle de plusieurs États membres. Sept ans après sa création, le constat est clair : il faut renforcer les compétences de ELA, et en particulier ses pouvoirs d'investigation et d'enquête.
Vos propositions vont dans le bon sens, comme l'accès des données et le renforcement de la collaboration avec les autorités nationales, mais il faut également lui donner une capacité d'initiative, ce qui est nécessaire en cas de situation avérée de violation des droits des travailleurs. J'espère que nous pourrons ensemble travailler en ce sens.
Merci Monsieur le Président, Madame la Vice-Présidente. Merci pour ces propositions pour faciliter la mobilité du travail en Europe. C'est une de cette mobilité, c'est une liberté fondamentale de l'Union européenne et peut-être la moins développée. Donc merci, c'est une solution à la fois pour répondre aux besoins des secteurs en tension partout dans l'Europe.
Laurence Farreng
C'est aussi une offre qui s'offre aux jeunes d'aller vivre de nouvelles expériences de vie plus simplement. Je salue donc vos propositions, qu'elles soient en matière de sécurité sociale pour la portabilité des droits de santé, sur l'autorité renforcée pour sur les compétences renforcées de l'Autorité européenne et sur la numérisation. Cependant, en la matière, faisons attention, notamment au risque de truquage par l'IA et c'est tout notre sujet de de vigilance. Quand même un sujet sur la reconnaissance des compétences. Oui, on doit reconnaître les qualifications, mais avant tout, il faut reconnaître les diplômes au sein de l'Union européenne, ça a déjà été dit, et particulièrement dans le secteur de la formation professionnelle, de l'apprentissage.
Et donc nous attendons que cet élément renforce les textes que vous avez présentés. Merci beaucoup.
Pani Przewodnicząca, Pani Komisarz, Szanowni Państwo.
Andrzej Buła
Mobilność pracowników jest jednym z fundamentów naszego jednolitego rynku. Dlatego powinniśmy patrzeć na ten pakiet przede wszystkim przez pryzmat jednego pytania: czy ułatwi on ludziom pracę, a przedsiębiorstwom zatrudnianie w całej Europie? Popieram kierunek zaproponowany przez Komisję. Cyfryzacja zabezpieczenia społecznego, szybsze uznawanie kwalifikacji i skuteczniejsza współpraca państw członkowskich mogą realnie usunąć bariery, z którymi dziś mierzą się pracownicy i firmy. Jak zawsze diabeł tkwi w szczegółach.
W tym wypadku ważne jest, aby zachować właściwy balans. Fair mobility nie może oznaczać więcej biurokracji. Nowe przepisy powinny upraszczać procedury, a nie tworzyć kolejne obowiązki dla pracodawców, pracowników czy administracji. Jeśli wprowadzamy cyfrowe narzędzia, muszą one zastępować papier i dublujące się procedury, a nie tworzyć dodatkową warstwę wymogów. Potrzebujemy również jasnych i przewidywalnych zasad.
Pracodawca powinien wiedzieć, jakie ma obowiązki, pracownik jakie ma prawa, a państwa członkowskie kto i za co odpowiada. Naszym celem powinien być prawdziwie europejski rynek pracy, przyjazny dla pracowników i przedsiębiorców. Mniej barier i mniej zbędnych obciążeń, ale więcej mobilności i więcej możliwości. Dziękuję bardzo.
Ďakujem veľmi pekne. Will you accept the blue card from Mr. Grazulis?
You press the blue card. You have to press the button. Yeah.
Petras Gražulis
Ačiū, kad sutikote atsakyti į mano klausimą. Aš manyčiau, kad didžiausia problema su darbo rinka Europos Sąjungoj ne mobilumas, bet trūkumas darbo jėgos. Ir ar jūs nemanot, kad čia pagrindinė problema mūsų socialinė politika, kuri nesureguliuota, kuri skatina bedarbystę, bedarbio išmokos dažnai žmogui daug geriau apsimoka būti namie ir nedirbti ir gauti išmokas negu dirbti. Ar ne į tai turėtų atkreipti dėmesį valdančioji dauguma?
Ale w moim kraju, w Polsce, promocja zatrudnienia i wszelkie aspekty związane z zachętą do pracy są priorytetem wszystkich służb związanych z rynkiem pracy. Dziękuję bardzo.
Johan Danielsson
Herr talman, kommissionären, vecka efter vecka delar fackligt förtroendevalda exempel på hur oseriösa och kriminella företag utnyttjar arbetare. Ett färskt exempel rör 29 personer från Uzbekistan som skuldsatt sig för att få arbeta i Europa. Man anställs av ett litauiskt bolag i fjärde entreprenadledet och utstationeras till Sverige. I slutändan så blev man blåst på lönen och fick återvända hem med skulder och pantsatta hus. Det är den här verkligheten vi måste bekämpa.
Och för att lyckas med det så måste ELA utvecklas till ett verkligt center för att bekämpa arbetslivskriminalitet. Vi behöver fler gemensamma inspektioner, bättre informationsdelning och gemensam riskanalys och vi behöver bättre möjligheter att agera när samma företag och samma metoder återkommer i flera medlemsländer. Skitföretagen rör sig över gränserna, då måste vi också kunna göra det. Tack för ordet.
Gheorghe Falcă
Domnule președinte, doamnă comisar, stimați colegi. Am citit mărturia unei tinere care muncește în fiecare vară în turism într-un alt stat. Vrea să termine facultatea pentru a avea o viață mai bună. Tânăra spunea și vreau să ascultăm toți: ne angajează pentru că suntem mai ieftini. În spatele acestor cuvinte sunt zeci sau sute de mii de europeni.
Unora li se interzic salariile, li se inventează penalități, sunt cazați în condiții degradante sau umiliți verbal. Asta se întâmplă astăzi cu cetățenii noștri în Europa. De aceea susțin întărirea Autorității Europene a Muncii, dar vreau ca autoritatea să ajungă efectiv la omul vulnerabil când este abuzat, nu doar la finalul dosarului. În același timp, inițiativa privind recunoașterea abilităților trebuie să le ofere oamenilor șansa de a crește, de a prospera conform calificărilor. Libera circulație face Europa mai puternică, da, dar avem obligația să ne asigurăm că omul care muncește într-o altă țară europeană nu o face ca să fie cumpărat mai ieftin.
Felicitări doamnă comisar și tuturor colegilor care au muncit la acest pachet.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegyňu Mendia, nech sa páči.
Idoia Mendia
Gracias, presidente, señora vicepresidenta. La movilidad de una persona debería implicar que sus cualificaciones, competencias y derechos sociales viajen con ella. Por eso este es un paso tan importante, porque demuestra que profundizar en el mercado único y reforzar los derechos sociales no son objetivos incompatibles. La seguridad social con ESPASS significa menos burocracia, pero también más garantías para los trabajadores y es un gran éxito gracias al empeño de los socialistas. La Autoridad Laboral Europea debe ser el garante del empleo seguro y de calidad combatiendo el fraude.
Facilitar el reconocimiento de cualificaciones significa que cambiar de país no te suponga empezar de cero. Este paquete, junto con el futuro paquete Quality Jobs Act, debe marcar la agenda social de esta legislatura. Completar el mercado único con su dimensión social nos hará mucho más fuertes y más competitivos. Enhorabuena, comisaria. La tarea es ahora nuestra en esta Cámara, trabajar los acuerdos para conseguir mejorar si cabe esta propuesta.
Gracias.
Angelika Winzig
Vizepräsident, Frau Kommissarin, ein funktionierender Binnenmarkt ist kein theoretisches Konzept, er muss sich an der Praxis unserer Betriebe messen lassen. Und diese Praxis sieht leider zurzeit so aus, dass jeder zweite Betrieb in Europa nicht die passenden Fachkräfte findet. Das bremst Wachstum, Innovation und vor allem auch den Standort. Wir müssen die Chancen der Arbeitsmobilität ganz schnell pragmatisch nutzen. Wer Fähigkeiten mitbringt, muss unkompliziert über Grenzen hinweg einsetzbar sein.
Aber klar ist auch, dass das bewährte duale Ausbildungssystem nicht unterwandert werden darf. Darüber hinaus garantiert der digitale Sozialversicherungspass faire Regeln, um möglichen Sozialbetrug zu verhindern. Wir wollen echte Erleichterungen für unsere Betriebe statt zusätzliche Nachweispflichten. Machen wir es unseren Betrieben nicht schwer, helfen wir ihnen. Fachkräfte sind schwer zu finden, setzen wir auf Hausverstand und auf die Stimme der Vernunft.
Thank you very much, and now we move to the catch-the-eye, and let me open it with giving the floor to Madame Mihaylova.
Ja, voorzitter, dank u wel en dank vicevoorzitter voor de presentatie van uw programma.
Marit Maij
Eerlijke arbeidsmigratie is heel belangrijk in de Europese Unie en u heeft zelf ook aangegeven hoe belangrijk arbeidsmigratie is voor werknemers en voor bedrijven. Maar we zien tegelijkertijd ook dat het een keerzijde heeft. We zien dat sommige bedrijven, sommige sectoren, zoals landbouw, transport, toerisme, drijven op goedkope arbeid, op uitbuiting van gewone mensen. Werknemers worden tegen elkaar uitgespeeld en bedrijven draaien op zo goedkoop mogelijke arbeid in hun bedrijfsvoering. En daar hebben we een stevige inspectie voor nodig.
Die ELA-inspectie, die moet versterkt worden. En daarom wil ik ook aan u vragen: op wat voor manier ziet u dat de mandaatsherziening van de ELA ook daadwerkelijk ervoor zorgt dat het meer tanden krijgt? Dat het ervoor kan zorgen dat het ook over de grenzen heen inspecties kan doen, samen met nationale autoriteiten uiteraard. En dat ook die derdelanders, werknemers die van buiten de Europese Unie komen, daarop kunnen worden ondersteund om te zorgen dat die uitbuiting voor gewone mensen stopt in de Europese Unie. Dank u wel.
Meet Marcin, a worker who's ready to go from one European country to another, you know. He crosses the border but soon hits a wall: social security paperwork, forms for it all.
Lukas Sieper
He finds a new job, but when things go wrong, cross-border enforcement can take far too long. His skills are impressive, his training is great, but recognition leaves him stuck at the gate. A worker can move, but his paper stays still. We call that free movement, but is that the will? 27 systems should not block the way when Europe needs workers to move here today.
So, Roxana, free Marcin and tear down this wall. Make freedom of movement mean freedom for all. Let workers cross borders without paying the cost and make our single market single at last. Thank you very much.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you, maybe the Commissioner will answer the haiku, we'll see. Now let me give the floor to Madame Langensiepen.
Katrin Langensiepen
Herzlichen Dank. Welches Europa wollen wir sein? Wollen wir ein Europa, eine Europäische Union sein, die Europäerinnen und Europäer und darüber hinaus willkommen heißt? Bisher sagt eine OECD-Studie: Nein. Sind wir wirklich der heiße Scheiß in der Europäischen Union?
Sind wir attraktiv genug? Da reden wir einmal über Bürokratie, aber reden wir auch über eine Willkommenskultur in der Europäischen Union. Was macht uns so attraktiv abgesehen von Bürokratie oder Bürokratieabbau?
Kann ich meine Partnerin mitbringen, meinen Partner? Gibt es eine Schule vor Ort und wie ist eigentlich die Stimmung? Das hat das Wahlergebnis in Sachsen-Anhalt gezeigt. Schon da sieht man, was es wirtschaftlich bedeutet, wenn Faschisten drohen an die Macht zu kommen. Dann ist dieser Standort Deutschland, Sachsen-Anhalt eben nicht mehr attraktiv.
Dann siedle ich da kein Unternehmen an und dann kommen vielleicht auch keine Kolleginnen und Kollegen mehr. Zweiten Punkt, den ich hier gerne erwähnen würde: Wie steht es um behinderte Mitarbeitende? Wenn ich von A nach B ziehe, kann ich meinen EU-Behindertenausweis mitnehmen oder werden da weiterhin Hürden aufgebaut? Frau Minzato, bitteschön.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you very much. I have to be strict with the time and let me give the floor to colleague Clausen.
Per Clausen
Det er dejligt, at der nu er kommet et udspil med titlen "Fair arbejdsmobilitet". Men jeg synes, det er ærgerligt, at det er svært at finde noget, som rent faktisk sikrer fairness. Og jeg synes også, det er ærgerligt, at udspillet langt hen ad vejen består mest består af snak om ting, der allerede er sat i gang.
Det er godt, at vi nu taler om fairness, men det er også nødvendigt med et reelt indhold. Europas arbejdere behøver ikke pæne ord, men en reel handling, og derfor er der mange ting, som kan og skal forbedres, før denne pakke gør det, den påstår, den vil. Vi skal blandt andet sikre, at håndhævelsen via ESSPASS kobles sammen med registrering af arbejdsgivere og arbejdspladser, så redskabet reelt kan bruges til at beskytte arbejderne. Også når det gælder styrkelse af ELA, er det klart, at det bør ske ved hjælp af reelle yderligere værktøjer, herunder en klar forpligtelse til at samarbejde med de faglige organisationer om at bekæmpe social dumping.
Petras Gražulis
Gerbiami europarlamentarai, aš manau, kad mobilumo projektas neišspręs pagrindinės Europos Sąjungos problemos. Kodėl vyksta didelė imigracija į Europos Sąjungą?
O todėl, kad trūksta darbo jėgos. Tai yra pagrindinis dalykas, mano manymu, nesubalansuota socialinė politika. Ir dažnai ta socialinė politika neskatina darbuotis. Bedarbių pašalpos dažnai skatina žmogų nedirbti, neieškoti darbo. Čia yra pati giliausia problema ir didžiulė problema Europos Sąjungos.
Reikia ieškoti sprendimo būdų, kad žmogus norėtų dirbti. Ir nelabai tikiu, kad įmonė, kuri ieško darbuotojų, apgaudinės juos. Netikiu. Įmonės šiandien, visoms beveik įmonėms trūksta darbuotojų ir jos stengiasi kiek galima geriau elgtis su darbuotojais, bet vis tiek jų stinga.
Θα εκμεταλλευτώ το ένα λεπτό μου για να σας κάνω κάποιες ερωτήσεις. Πρώτον, θα δώσετε στην Ευρωπαϊκή Αρχή Εργασίας την εξουσία να ξεκινά με δική της πρωτοβουλία έρευνες και διασυνοριακούς ελέγχους, να έχει πρόσβαση σε δεδομένα και να επιβάλλει κυρώσεις όταν διαπιστώνεται εκμετάλλευση εργαζομένων ακόμα και χωρίς αίτημα κράτους μέλους;
Maria Zacharia
Δεύτερον, θα φέρετε δεσμευτική ευρωπαϊκή νομοθεσία για τις υπεργολαβίες με αλληλέγγυα ευθύνη σε όλη την αλυσίδα για μισθούς, ασφαλιστικές εισφορές και εργασιακά δικαιώματα; Τρίτον, όταν ο εργαζόμενος μένει απλήρωτος, θα αποκτήσει η Ευρωπαϊκή Αρχή Εργασίας πραγματική δυνατότητα να βοηθά στην ανάκτηση των απλήρωτων μισθών και εισφορών πέρα από τα σύνορα; Τέταρτον, μπορείτε να δεσμευτείτε ότι καμία απλοποίηση στο Fair Labour Mobility Package δεν θα αποδυναμώσει τις δηλώσεις απόσπασης, τους εργασιακούς ελέγχους, τις συλλογικές συμβάσεις ή την αρχή ίση αμοιβή για ίδια εργασία στον ίδιο τόπο; Και τέλος, είπατε θα χρηματοδοτούνται οργανώσεις που θα δίνουν συμβουλές στους εργαζόμενους. Υπάρχει κανείς άλλος εκτός από τα συνδικάτα που να ξέρει καλύτερα τα δικαιώματα των εργαζομένων;
Σας ευχαριστώ.
Ďakujem a teraz prosím kolegyňu Blinkevičiūtė.
Vilija Blinkevičiūtė
Ačiū, vicepirmininke, imtis sąžiningo darbo jėgos judumo paketo pateikimo. Iš tikrųjų to laukia daugiau negu 20 milijonų mūsų dirbančiųjų visoje Europos Sąjungoje. Ir tiesą sakant, kai kurie iš jų dar nėra pakankamai apsaugoti, yra ir ne vienas išnaudojimo atvejis.
Todėl tikrai būtina sustiprinti Europos Sąjungos darbo instituciją, kad būtų griežtesni patikrinimai, keitimasis informacija, ekspertinė pagalba. Pagaliau iš tikrųjų sveikinu, kad atsiras skaitmeninis socialinio draudimo judumo pasas, kur tikrai tai bus garantuota didesnė judančių darbuotojų socialinė apsauga. Ir pagaliau greitesnis kvalifikacijų pripažinimas galbūt padės mums išspręsti kaip galint greičiau trūkstamų kvalifikuotų darbuotojų įvairiose įmonėse. Taigi dar kartą sveikinu ir laukiam rezultatų.
Thank you, and as Mr. Bishtov left, the last one I give the floor to is Madam Jerković.
Romana Jerković
Thank you. Commissioner, I would like to congratulate you on the fair labor mobility package and in particular on the skills portability initiative. It is a concrete step towards making mobility work better for people across Europe by making qualifications easier to recognize and use across borders. But if we want this progress to reach everyone, we must also look at those in vocational education and training.
Europe is facing serious shortages in many vocational occupations, while VET learners and skilled workers still face barriers when moving across the borders. And this is why we are also awaiting the European strategy for vocational education and training, and this strategy should be closely linked to the skills portability initiative, so that qualifications and skills acquired are fully recognized and portable across Europe. We now need to make sure that this momentum translates into concrete opportunities for learners and workers across the Union. Thank you.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you very much. And to conclude the debate, let me give the floor back to the Executive Vice-President of the Commission, Madame Rosati.
Roxana Mînzatu
No, many thanks for the many questions and observations. I would emphasize ELA, the European Labor Authority, will really have enhanced capacity. I would give just some examples. It will be able to initiate inspections. Of course, it has to do so with Member States' inspectors, but this is a reality.
It will have access to data so that it can assess very well the risks and go where it is mostly needed, in those construction sites or other types of workplaces that are most exposed to fraud and social dumping.
So this is quite important that we move very fast with the ELA regulation because of what it will do. Trade unions, yes, they can be among the organizations that can be funded by ELA to give counseling and advice. In fact, the provision was inspired by social partners in one of our member states doing this exact thing. VET qualifications, I answer just a few. They are part of the Skills Portability Act.
Maybe in my speech I mentioned from secondary to PhD, including VET qualifications. Through this big pile of regulations, we build trust. So all qualifications frameworks, all the work is detailed there, including for VET qualifications recognition, and it will be clearly part of our VET strategy that we will adopt very, very soon. Then, indeed, I would want to emphasize that it is very important that this package responds to shortages of labor. Being able to work in the profession in which you have been trained means that you get access to quality employment and you support the economy.
But having decent work, no matter in which country you work, and being paid and respected, having your social rights respected, means having a solid ESPASS and a solid ELA.
I just want to say that what is I think very important is that we swiftly move to negotiations on these five initiatives. It is so important that hopefully maybe even next year we come to some sort of a conclusion so that we can then deploy all the IT and technical work. We will launch a group with our member states on the digitalization of qualifications. We need to integrate them in this huge revolution of skills. We need really to be able to deliver.
But to deliver, I think we need our collaboration between us here in the EU and the Council so that we start our work on the content as soon as possible and hopefully advance and finalize as soon as possible in this mandate. For other types of details, because time is short, me and my team, we are at our disposal. We just launched the package. We can go into any type of information so that we can improve it if you find it necessary. Important is that we deliver concrete results for our citizens, for our companies, for our EU nationals, but also third-country nationals that are qualified and can deliver results here in the European Union.
Thank you very much for this debate and let's work on these proposals.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you very much, Commissioner, and I'm sure that the committees, especially EMPL, is gearing up to debate this proposal.
And that concludes debate on this agenda point. A ďalším bodom programu sú spoločná rozprava o hybridných útokoch proti členským štátom EÚ, vyhlásenie podpredsedníčky Komisie a vysokej predstaviteľky Únie pre zahraničné veci a bezpečnostnú politiku Kaji Kallas o nedávnej eskalácii hybridných útokov Ruska na členské štáty, posilnenie koordinovanej reakcie EÚ a ochrana európskej bezpečnosti a demokracie a správa, ktorú predkladá pani poslankyňa Juknevičienė, hybridná vojna a ochrana územnej celistvosti EÚ a kritickej bezpečnostnej a obrannej infraštruktúry. A na úvod poprosím za Komisiu vysokú predstaviteľku Únie, pani Kallas, nech sa páči.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you, Mr. President, honorable members. Let me start by thanking rapporteur Rasa Juknevičienė for her timely report on Russia's hybrid warfare in Europe. It captures well the situation we face and more importantly, the urgency to act.
Since Russia began its full-scale invasion in Ukraine 2022, there has been a steady increase in hybrid attacks against Europe. We have seen Russia's dangerous, reckless, at full display in the past 48 hours. A Russian warship fired flares at a Danish helicopter, NATO jets had to shoot down a drone over Lithuania, Russia struck a passenger train near the border with Ukraine, and Poland pulled a drone from its waters. We need to be clear-eyed. Those are not accidents.
They are calculated attempts by Russia to weaken our resolve, test our unity, and play with fears of escalation. Europe will not dial back its support for Ukraine. As Russia escalates, we stand firm in supporting Ukraine and adding more pressure on Russia. Russia adapts itself depending on the country it is targeting. In some, for example, it muddles with the information space, exploits societal divisions, and interferes in elections.
Elsewhere, attacks are physical, targeting military infrastructure, public transport, and critical infrastructure. Because of this, our combined intelligence should cover the entire Russian hybrid toolbox.
This is why, as the report underlines, intelligence sharing is vital. I can only encourage Member States to do more and make the best use of our Intelligence and Situation Centre, INTCEN, to do so. Despite international efforts to end the war, Putin chooses to intensify his war of aggression against Ukraine and hostilities against Europe. And one thing is very clear: Putin will not stop unless he's stopped. So as Russia is willing to take greater risks, Europe must impose a greater cost.
Five examples how we do this. One, we keep calling out Russia's attacks. Russia has always used ambiguity as a weapon. If we attribute those attacks, Russia cannot hide and our citizens can see the patterns and understand their playbook too. For this reason, Germany's investigation, attribution, and clear public communication following the Leipzig attack was important.
In July, we collectively exposed the FSB for cyber aggression in Europe. We must do this work systematically. Second, as the report also calls for, we sanction the instigators. More recently, we sanctioned nine individuals and four entities. This work must continue as well.
And third, we cut Russia's funding off at the root. EU sanctions have already deprived the Russian economy of one trillion euro. We are now finalizing the largest number of listings yet. We are also steadily dismantling the shadow fleet. EU naval operations are taking the lead in boarding suspected vessels.
And thanks to our diplomatic work across the globe of our EU delegations, fewer countries are allowing these vessels to sail under their flags. Hundreds of ships have been de-flagged as a result of our efforts. We have already cut Russia's diplomatic presence in the EU, put in place new requirements for intra-Schengen travel, and capped the Russian mission to the EU at 40 staff. Member states are doing this as well. Most recently, Hungary expelled 10 Russian diplomats.
And there is potential to do more. We can tighten control further over the movement of Russian diplomats within Schengen. We can ban issuing visas for Russian ex-competents, and we should review the issuance of tourist visas to Russian citizens. We must reduce the pool of people conducting attacks on European soil.
And fifth, we protect our information space. This means faster detection of FIMI, including with the use of AI-powered tools, training staff in our delegations, mapping Russia's scam networks for recruitment and helping partners to dismantle them, and raising the impact of our countermeasures, including sanctions, law enforcement, and takedowns. Honorable members, Europe is much stronger than it was. Our societies are better prepared, more aware, more vigilant, and more resilient. And our strategic partnership with NATO now means day-to-day work together.
But the threat of Russian hybrid attacks across Europe is only growing. Putin is a textbook bully. Moscow's hybrid attacks are designed to intimidate us, paralyze our societies, and make us hesitate to act. That is precisely what Putin wants. We should not let fear dictate our choices.
We should match the level of these attacks with concrete action and confident response. Europe's security requires it and citizens expect it.
Thank you very much.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem pekne a teraz poprosím pani spravodajkyňu Juknevičienė, nech sa páči.
Rasa Juknevičienė
Dear colleagues, Madam Commissioner. Europe must move faster. While preparing the report among colleagues from different political groups, I sensed deep concern for and a strong focus on European security. Thank you to everyone who worked so hard, especially our political group advisors. Europe is already under attack in the gray zone.
It is a phase zero warfare and it is becoming more and more kinetic and the biggest mistake now would be to respond to it as if these were isolated incidents, isolated incidents. Fear of escalation has not prevented Russian escalation. It has encouraged Russia to test the next boundary. Russia is the gravest hybrid threat facing the EU. Russia is using hybrid tools directly and through Belarus proxies and intermediaries.
The objective is broader than simply causing physical damage. The aim is to weaken European unity, undermine democratic institutions, create fear and distrust, weaken support for Ukraine, and undermine our ability to defend ourselves. Russia is testing our political will. The biggest weakness: Europe is too slow. The Kremlin exploits the time it takes us to decide.
Europe must move from resilience to deterrence. Resilience is necessary, but resilience alone is not deterrence. The report therefore calls for the EU to move from a reactive to proactive posture. The report calls for calibrated, proportionate, and coordinated responses. The battlefield is not only our borders.
It is also our citizens' minds. The report explicitly treats societal resilience as a central pillar of security, not a secondary issue.
Our citizens are our first line of defense. On critical infrastructure: a cable, pipeline, port, airport or satellite can be as strategically important as a military installation. Europe's eastern flank is its first line to defend. The report calls for faster implementation of Eastern Flank Watch, stronger border surveillance and defense, and dedicated funding for vulnerable eastern regions. NATO remains the cornerstone of collective defense.
A stronger European Union is a stronger European pillar of NATO. The EU's mutual defense clause, Article 42.7, needs to become operational, not theoretical. Ukraine, Moldova and Armenia matter to Europe. They are not simply victims of hybrid warfare; they are also teaching Europe how to resist it. Condemnation is not enough.
If sovereignty is attacked, there must be a proportionate and coordinated response. However, the most important measure to prevent Russian aggression against us is to help Ukraine. To help by all means possible.
Russia must be defeated. Thank you.
Ďakujem pekne, pani spravodajkyni, a teraz poprosím za poslanecký klub Európskej ľudovej strany, kresťanských demokratov, kolegu Pascala de la Parte. Nech sa páči.
Nicolás Pascual de la Parte
Gracias, presidente, comisaria. Gracias, Rasa, por el magnífico informe en el cual pone de manifiesto claramente que estamos asistiendo a una escalada de la amenaza híbrida de los ataques híbridos de Rusia contra la Unión Europea y que tenemos que reaccionar rápidamente. Pero no solamente estamos sufriendo estos ataques híbridos desgraciadamente en el este, sino también en el sur de Europa. Cuando la ciudad de Ceuta ha sido invadida por más de 80.000 personas sin que el gobierno español ha sido capaz de evitarlo ni sepa cómo gestionarlo. A día de hoy no sabemos cuántos invasores están en las calles de Ceuta provocando la inseguridad, provocando violaciones, allanamientos de morada, etcétera.
Es más, el gobierno español dice que no es capaz de sellar herméticamente las fronteras y que por tanto la llave de la frontera sur de Europa depende de un tercer país, en este caso de Marruecos. Habrá que exigirles desde la Unión Europea y desde la Comisión y desde el SEAE que se comprometa a sellar el control de las fronteras españolas en Ceuta porque es la frontera exterior de Europa. Y también exigirle que haya una investigación independiente y comprensiva para saber quién estaba detrás de la organización, planificación, ejecución de esta invasión a Ceuta.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you very much. I have to keep the time. A teraz poprosím kolegu Mikuláša za skupinu Progresívnej aliancie socialistov a demokratov v Európskom parlamente, nech sa páči.
Sven Mikser
President, High Commissioner, colleagues, as we debate this important report on hybrid warfare, we must be absolutely clear-eyed about the nature of the threat we are facing. We are not just defending cables, pipelines or servers, not even just borders or territory. We are defending our fundamental values and our social and political order that is based on democracy and the rule of law, but also in no small part on social inclusion and cohesion. The multi-domain hybrid operations that Russians and others are running are part of a strategic campaign to undermine and ultimately destroy our liberal democratic system and the international rules-based order that guarantees our collective peace and security. Our enemy's strategy is insidious and calculated.
It aims to exploit our vulnerabilities, to amplify pre-existing fears, to divide our societies and the whole community of democratic nations.
Our enemies know full well that a divided Europe is a weak Europe. That is why they are trying to discredit our social and political order, weaponize disinformation, provoke conflicts and turn individual citizens as well as whole communities against each other. Obviously, we must urgently build up stronger defenses against hostile drone incursions into our airspace that create a sense of insecurity among people, against instrumentalization of migration that aims to put pressure on our borders, and against disinformation operations whose aim is to sway our elections. But beyond that, on strategic level, we must adopt a holistic approach to security and build stronger societal resilience against the forces that are trying to make our own people doubt the benefits of living in a democratic society governed by the rule of law. Thank you.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Thiona za skupinu Patrioti pre Európu.
Chers collègues, la guerre hybride est un concept populaire depuis plusieurs années, mais qui décrit une réalité déjà ancienne. Avant même ou sans même que les armes ne parlent, il est possible d'obtenir des résultats politiques par l'intimidation, la propagande, la démoralisation ou par des actions d'un faible niveau de violence.
Pierre-Romain Thionnet
Rappelons, chers collègues, qu'il ne s'agit pas d'une guerre pour autant et que nous ne sommes donc pas en guerre aujourd'hui, même si bien sûr nous ne vivons pas dans une paix tranquille. Notre délégation RN a voté les résolutions de soutien à la Finlande, la Lituanie, la Pologne, la Roumanie. Nous continuerons de le faire face à tous ceux qui s'en prendront à notre sécurité commune, à notre souveraineté ou à nos intérêts, comme ce fut le cas ces dernières semaines en Allemagne et en Espagne. Nous rejetons en revanche les recommandations qui sont faites dans le rapport. Je citerai trois exemples : aller vers une authentique Europe de la défense, créer un centre de cyberdéfense de l'UE en demandant aux États de partager leurs renseignements, enfin donner à la Commission le rôle de centre opérationnel de gestion de crise.
Il n'y a aucune piste à chercher du côté de la Commission européenne pour renforcer la résilience de nos sociétés et accroître nos capacités de défense.
A teraz poprosím kolegu Bielana za Európskych konzervatívcov a reformistov. Nech sa páči.
Bardzo dziękuję. Ataki hybrydowe na Unię to niewątpliwie pokłosie inwazji Putina na Ukrainę, za którą w ogromnym zakresie odpowiada katastrofalna polityka appeasementu ze strony Berlina z Angelą Merkel na czele, ale i Brukseli.
Adam Bielan
Co gorsza, Unia Europejska wciąż pośrednio finansuje tę agresję. Od początku roku sprowadzono z Rosji rekordowe ilości gazu LNG za grubo ponad 7 miliardów euro, co już przekracza całość ubiegłorocznych wydatków. Musimy natychmiast zatrzymać te dostawy. Tylko odcięcie Kremla od funduszy zmusi go do pokoju. Należy też skończyć z podważaniem autorytetu Waszyngtonu.
Silne NATO i sojusz ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi to nasz fundament. Polska, ale i kraje bałtyckie dawno spełniają swoje zobowiązania obronne, ale większość państw wciąż pozostaje w tyle. 2% PKB na obronność w obliczu tak realnego zagrożenia to zdecydowanie za mało. Ukraina niewątpliwie walczy również o nasze bezpieczeństwo, dlatego jakiekolwiek wstrzymanie czy choćby ograniczenie pomocy dla niej byłoby podarunkiem dla Kremla.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Paeta za skupinu Renew Europe, nech sa páči.
Head kolleegid, hea välisasjade kõrge esindaja. Venemaa eesmärk on külvata Euroopa ühiskondades segadust ja hirmu ja riigijuhtide kätes on mitte lasta sel juhtuda.
Urmas Paet
Vene hübriidsõjast on paraku saamas riiklikult toetatud terrorism, sest väga paljud viimased sündmused on otseselt ohustanud Euroopa kodanike elusid. Ja sellele kõigele saab vastu ainult Euroopa Liidu ühtsete tugevate sammudega. Kahjuks me oleme näinud, et midagi peab juhtuma konkreetsetes riikides, et asjad hakkaksid muutuma, et saaks aru, et tegemist ongi tõsise olukorraga. Aga tegelikult me ju teame, mida tuleb teha. Tuleb parandada infovahetust luureorganisatsioonide vahel, tuleb panna viisakeeld Vene turistidele sõiduks Euroopa Liitu, tuleb panna piirangud Vene kultuurikeskustele ja muudele sellistele asutustele, adekvaatsed sanktsioonid, toppida täis senised sanktsioonide augud, külmutatud Vene raha tuleb võtta kasutusele Ukraina hüvanguks, meie idapiir tuleb adekvaatselt välja ehitada, Ukraina toetamist tuleb ulatuslikult jätkata ja oluline on muidugi muuta ka meie ühiskondade arusaama.
Oluline on lõpuks lõpetada illusioonides elamine. Tänan.
Martin Hojsík
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Søndera, nech sa páči za skupinu Zelených, Európska slobodná aliancia.
I'll speak in Danish. Mange af os oplever i de her uger, at Ruslands aggression rykker tættere på.
Kira Marie Peter-Hansen
Senest i går skød et russisk krigsskib signalblus mod en dansk militærhelikopter. Ruslands angreb et tog med europæiske diplomater i Ukraine tæt på Polens grænse også i denne uge. Tidligere kom det frem, at Kreml planlægger sabotage mod vores danske virksomheder og hverver almindelige mennesker til at hjælpe dem. De står bag cyberangreb mod myndigheder, og de påvirker demokratiske valg i Europa. Det er dybt alvorligt, men det er tid til, at vi ser i øjnene, at det ikke er enkeltstående episoder.
Det er en hybridkrig mod Europa, vi ser på. Jeg synes faktisk, der gemmer sig et håb i den styrke og det sammenhold, Europa svarer med. Og når Putin nu eskalerer, skal vores svar være at stå sammen og hvesse vores sanktionsvåben og sikre beskyttelsen af vores lande. For ved I hvad? Den seneste tid viser, at Rusland er desperat, og Europa er stærkt.
Og tak, thank you to the High Representative and to the rapporteur for brilliant cooperation. Thank you.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegyňu Kyllönen za skupinu Ľavice v Európskom parlamente, nech sa páči.
Merja Kyllönen
Luottamus on myös yhteiskunnan kriittistä infraa. Venäjän hybridi-hyökkäykset EU-jäsenmaita vastaan eivät rajoitu kyberhyökkäyksiin tai väärän tiedon levittämiseen. Kohteena ovat kriittinen infra, rajat, energia ja liikenne sekä viime kädessä myös kansalaisten turvallisuuden tunne. Venäjän tavoitteena on synnyttää epävarmuutta, pelkoa ja vastakkainasettelua Euroopassa. EU:n on vastattava tähän yhdessä.
Kiitos, arvoisa puhemies.
Merja Kyllönen
Jäsenmaiden välinen tiedonvaihto, kriittisen infran suojaaminen ja kyky reagoida nopeasti eivät voi riippua yksittäisen maan resursseista. Kun Eurooppaa pyritään hajottamaan sisältäpäin lietsomalla pelkoa ja epäluottamusta, vahvin vastauksemme on toimiva demokratia, vahva oikeusvaltio, luotettava tieto ja kansalaisten luottamuksen vahvistaminen yhteiseen tekemiseen. Euroopan turvallisuus on yhteinen asia, siksi meidän on pystyttävä ennakoimaan uhkia eikä toimia vasta silloin, kun vahinko on jo tapahtunut. Erityiskiitos kollega, rakas kollega Rasa upeasta yhteistyöstä. Kiitos.
Ďakujem a teraz poprosím kolegu Uhríka za skupinu Európa suverénnych národov, nech sa páči.
Ďakujem pekne, pán predsedajúci. Pani Kalniete, ja som vás veľmi pozorne počúval, že musíme podporovať Ukrajinu.
Milan Uhrík
No ja sa vás chcem na rovinu spýtať, koľko miliárd eur ešte chcete ukradnúť európskym občanom a naliať ich do tej čiernej diery s názvom Ukrajina? Do krajiny, ktorá je tak, áno, do krajiny, ktorá je tak presiaknutá korupciou, že včera z nej ušiel generálny prokurátor na služobnom aute spolu s manželkou, ktorí sú obvinení z korupcie. Dokedy chcete ešte ľuďom klamať, že Ukrajina porazí Rusko a že zvíťazí? Nezvíťazí. Veľmi dobre to viete, že sa to nestane, že je to vojensky nemožné, že tento konflikt nemá vojenské riešenie.
A napriek tomu ľuďom klamete, pretože vám nezáleží ani na Ukrajine, ani na ľudských životoch. Jedine čo obhajujete je biznis zbrojárskych spoločností, ako to povedal ten kresťanskodemokratický minister zahraničných vecí Nemecka, ktorý hrozil Ukrajine, že musí začať nakupovať ešte viac zbraní, lebo zbrojovky nie sú spokojné so svojimi profitmi. A o to tu ide. A my žiadame, prestaňme nalievať peniaze do tejto vojny a začnime konečne tlačiť na ukončenie tohto vojenského konfliktu a začnime žiadať mier.
Ďakujem a keďže máme prihlásených veľa ľudí do Catch-the-Eye, I have to close Catch-the-Eye just that you know and let me give the floor to Mr. McAllister, please.
Yes, Mr. President, Madam High Representative, ladies and gentlemen, Europe stands together and we are united in solidarity.
David McAllister
That was the crucial signal sent out by the HRVP and the foreign ministers of all 27 EU member states plus trusted partners just two weeks ago at our informal meeting in Ireland. And it was the appropriate reaction to the attempted Russian drone attack on Leipzig-Halle Airport. This attack in Germany is part of a long series of Russian attempts to spread disinformation, to threaten, to sabotage, and to show aggression towards Europe. It is further proof that the Kremlin has made a conscious decision to treat Europe with blatant hostility. But intimidation will not work.
Madam High Representative, I welcome your declaration to further step up the pressure on the Russian military-industrial complex and to crack down on the circumvention of sanctions. It also remains crucial that we support Ukraine, whatever it takes and as long as it takes. Russia remains the main threat to our European security. Russia must pay for attacking Europe. Thank you.
Ďakujem pekne a teraz poprosím kolegu Cepedu, nech sa páči.
José Cepeda
Muchas gracias, señor presidente, queridos colegas. Bueno, primero felicitar el trabajo también de la ponente con la que hemos podido trabajar de una forma intensa en algo que es real, ¿no?, y es que Europa está en guerra.
Yo lo siento mucho, hay gente que lo intenta poner en entredicho, pero es una realidad. Y lamentablemente en esta cámara vemos dos actitudes distintas: la del señor McAllister precisamente hablando en este momento de lo que son las amenazas híbridas de verdad y quienes intentan dividirnos desde dentro, como lo que acaba de hacer el señor de la Parte, ¿no?, hablando de cuestiones nacionales, intentando de las amenazas híbridas y de los ataques rusos o extranjeros una cuestión netamente interna de política nacional. Yo sinceramente creo que lo que hace falta es, y buena parte del informe lo deja en evidencia, tenemos que trabajar de una forma intensa y muy seria lo que estamos sufriendo. Usted, señora Kallas, ya lo ha anticipado también con los grandes déficits que tenemos, por ejemplo, en materia de inteligencia, centros de coordinaciones cibernéticas ante los ciberataques. Solamente una pregunta para terminar.
El jueves 27 de agosto John Ratcliffe se reunió, el jefe de la CIA, con el jefe de la inteligencia rusa, Serguéi Narishkin. ¿Qué si mañana nos pidieran a Europa una interlocución, quién sería el jefe de la inteligencia europea que podría hablar con los rusos? Nada más, muchas gracias.
Martin Hojsík
Thank you very much. I really have to stop you there, but there is actually a blue card for you from Mr. Stier. Will you accept the blue card? No? Oh, yes.
No, that sometimes happens to the best of us. Mr. Steer, the floor is yours for the blue card. Just a moment, you don't have the mic on, yes, yes, now.
Davor Ivo Stier
Thank you, chair. Estimado colega, estoy de acuerdo con usted que evidentemente Europa tiene que estar unida para confrontarse con todos estos retos, pero tiene que ser también coherente. El debate anterior a este era justamente sobre el funeral al criminal de guerra Ratko Mladić. Por ese funeral la comisionada para la ampliación dejó de ir a Belgrado. Pero lo que pasó es que al presidente de Serbia lo recibe entonces el presidente de Francia a los dos días.
Es incoherente. Creo que ese es uno de los puntos que tenemos que señar, la coherencia en nuestra política.
Sí, yo creo que la unión hace la fuerza. Y la realidad es que Europa tiene que estar mucho más unida.
José Cepeda
Por eso digo que la principal amenaza híbrida que estamos sufriendo incluso también desde el interior es algunas actitudes de algunos dirigentes que se están dejando llevar por la polarización por, por ejemplo, la extrema derecha y lo que está provocando cada vez es una política más dividida en el seno de quienes realmente queremos hacer una Europa cada vez más fuerte, más potente y más coherente como usted bien cita, ¿no? La CDU ha sufrido un fuerte revés electoral hace tan solo unas semanas en Sajonia y tiene mucho que ver con abandonar lo que tiene que ver el sentido común, la coherencia y abandonar precisamente esos extremos que son los fieles amigos que están descomponiendo Europa y, por cierto, hacen un flaco favor al conjunto de la Unión Europea en este momento. Claro que sí, muchas gracias.
Petra Steger
Ja, Migration wird von Drittstaaten als politische Waffe eingesetzt. Na, ich gratuliere zu dieser großartigen Erkenntnis, werte Kollegen, das ist nichts Neues, das erleben wir nicht erst seit gestern. Türkei, Belarus, Marokko und viele, viele weitere Beispiele, diese Gefahr gab es schon immer und es wird sie auch immer geben. Das eigentliche Problem ist, dass die EU diese Schwäche überhaupt zulässt. Und ich muss sagen, es ist schockierend für mich und Millionen von Bürgern da draußen, wie sehr uns die EU mittlerweile abhängig gemacht hat von Drittstaaten und auch erpressbar.
Anstatt endlich die Außengrenzen und damit auch die eigenen Bürger zu schützen, haben sie Tür und Tor geöffnet für hybride Kriegsführungen. Europa hat sich massiv verwundbar gemacht, indem sie unseren Grenzschutz ausgelagert haben. Bestes Beispiel Marokko, solange Marokko will und kontrolliert, ist alles gut, und wenn nicht, stehen binnen Stunden 80.000 Migranten in Europa.
Ein Drittstaat kann also nach Belieben den Knopf aufdrehen und Europa in eine ernsthafte Gefahr bringen. Und das Schlimmste ist, jedes Mal, wenn wieder etwas passiert, gibt es vonseiten der EU keinerlei Reaktionen. Keine Sanktionen, kein Einfrieren von Milliarden von Entwicklungshilfe, gar nichts. Wie oft hat Erdoğan schon die Flüchtlingsschleusen aufgedreht, um uns politisch zu erpressen? Trotzdem fließen weiter Milliarden in den EU-Türkei-Deal.
Ja, Kooperationen können sinnvoll und richtig sein, unter klaren Bedingungen und mit Sanktionen bei Verstößen. Aber wir dürfen uns nicht abhängig machen. Solange Europa seine Grenzen nicht schützt, bleiben wir erpressbar. Das, was wir brauchen, sind Zäune, Mauern und vor allem eins: Pushbacks.
Cristian Terheş
Thank you. Dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, the most sophisticated form of malign interference is not forcing people to act, but making them believe that the decision they are making is entirely their own. This is, in the essence, the what the reflexive control does, which is a concept developed by Soviet Union during the Cold War, which shapes the information environment in a society so an adversary influences a decision-maker without that person even realizing it.
This is what the hybrid warfare report is so important. It raises European level awareness of the fact that our societies can be targeted by an adversary not only by force to conquer or to occupy parts of our lands, but by manipulating information to change perception, beliefs and win hearts and minds. The report recognizes also that the European security requires close cooperation between the Member States and the EU while strengthening our ability to work with NATO. The report is very clear. Europe must become harder to manipulate, harder to destabilize and harder to coerce and I thank the rapporteur for it.
Thank you.
Javi López
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Mrs. Strack-Zimmermann for one minute.
Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann
Vielen Dank, Herr Vorsitzender, Hohe Vertreterin, Sie haben völlig recht, das, was Sie gesagt haben, nämlich wir sind nicht schnell genug, wir erkennen die Lage, und Sie haben unsere volle Unterstützung, alles zu tun, um auch in Ihrer Rolle wirksam zu sein. Wir wissen aber, dass der Rat nicht schnell genug ist, dass unsere Länder nicht schnell genug sind, und wenn wir keine Einigkeit haben, Leute, dann wird das nichts. Und genau das weiß Wladimir Putin. Er ist ein Mörder, ein Verbrecher, und er will uns Angst machen, und er will den Menschen Angst machen, damit sie wiederum auf uns Druck machen, unter anderem die Ukraine nicht mehr zu unterstützen, und genau das muss unterbunden werden. Und dass man Flucht auslöst, hybride Angriffe, Staatsterrorismus, nichts anderes ist das, was auch in Leipzig war und die vielen anderen Dinge.
Das macht er, um uns auseinander, um uns kaputt zu machen. Meine Damen und Herren, Europa ist das größte Friedensprojekt der Welt. Lassen wir es uns schützen und stellen wir uns Putin entgegen und sagen: Bis hier und nicht weiter. Das kann man aber nicht mit Worten, da muss man klare Reaktionen folgen lassen. Vielen Dank.
Javi López
Thank you very much. Do you have, you have a blue card, Mrs. Zimmermann, you have a blue card if you want to take it. It's coming from Mr. Bocheński.
Thank you. Madam, you have said a lot of true words, but you are a Member of European Parliament from Germany, so I would like you to ask you about when Germany is going to demolish Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2?
Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann
Es ist interessant immer wenn ich spreche, dass Sie sich melden. Ich hoffe, Sie haben noch andere... Haben Sie verstanden? Okay. Ist interessant, wenn ich mich melde, dass aus Ihrer Ecke immer so eine Frage kommt.
Es gab in Deutschland heftige Diskussion zu Nord Stream 2 und die Liberalen in Deutschland haben immer gesagt, es ist indiskutabel, dass nach der Annexion der Krim Geschäfte mit Wladimir Putin gemacht haben. Leider haben nicht alle darauf gehört und letztlich war das auch der Auslöser, dass Putin erahnen musste, dass sich keine Socke dafür interessiert, was auf der Krim passiert. Das war der Beginn von dem nächsten Krieg 2022 und weil wir das wissen, müssen wir klar sein, aufhören damit, wir müssen in Europa zusammenstehen, keine Geschäfte mit Putin, sondern nur mit Demokraten und vor allen Dingen ist unsere Aufgabe, die Menschen zu schützen.
Markéta Gregorová
Vážené kolegyně, kolegové, na letišti v Lipsku narazil ruský dron do křídla ukrajinského nákladního letadla. Nesl výbušninu a nevybuchla jen proto, že selhala rozbuška. Zopakuji to. Evropu neochránila naše obrana, ale porucha. My v Česku tenhle scénář známe.
V roce 2014 vybuchly muniční sklady ve Vrběticích a zemřeli dva lidé. Stála za tím ruská vojenská rozvědka. Vrbětice, Lipsko, mezi nimi 12 let a stovky dalších incidentů. Sabotáže, kyberútoky, drony nad letišti, dezinformace. To nejsou náhody, to je plán.
Moskva testuje naše hranice i instituce. Pokaždé, když Evropa zaváhá, Rusko se poučí a zkusí to znovu jinak. Otázka tedy nezní, jestli přijde další útok, ale jestli ho zase přežijeme jen díky štěstí. Další prohlášení o hlubokém znepokojení Putina opravdu nezastaví. Musíme zavřít bezpečnostní mezery v Schengenu, zpřísnit sankce a na každý útok odpovědět tak, aby z toho Rusko vyšlo slabší, než do toho šlo.
Přestaňme Putina varovat před následky, začněme mu je doručovat. Děkuji.
Im August fand ein Busfahrer auf dem Leipziger Flughafen eine mit Sprengstoff beladene Drohne.
Alexander Sell
Dazu muss man wissen, Leipzig ist das zentrale Drehkreuz für Waffenlieferungen an die Ukraine. Wer also der Ukraine schaden möchte, muss den Leipziger Flughafen ins Visier nehmen. Ich halte deshalb eine russische Sabotageaktion für möglich, und wenn es so ist, dann muss das auch Konsequenzen haben. Nur: Warum wurde die Drohne denn erst von einem Busfahrer entdeckt? Warum haben die deutschen Geheimdienste nichts davon mitbekommen?
Ganz einfach, weil deutsche Regierungen falsche Prioritäten setzen. Im aktuellen Haushalt sind nur 50 Millionen für Drohnenabwehr abgesehen, aber 700 Millionen Euro für den Verfassungsschutz, das 14-fache. In Deutschland sind wir Terrorangriffen wie in Magdeburg oder in Berlin schutzlos ausgeliefert, weil CDU, SPD und Grüne unseren Geheimdienst lieber im Landesinneren einsetzen, nämlich gegen die Opposition. Größer als die Angst vor Russland ist offenbar die Angst vor Mandatsverlust. Europas Demokratien werden nicht nur von außen bedroht, sondern auch von innen, und zwar von Politikern, die demokratische Wahlergebnisse nicht akzeptieren und die politische Konkurrenz verbieten wollen.
Nikolaos Anadiotis
Αγαπητοί συνάδελφοι, η Ευρώπη δέχεται υβριδικό πόλεμο και από την Τουρκία, μέσω της πατρίδας μου της Ελλάδας, που φυλάσσει ένα από τα σημαντικότερα εξωτερικά σύνορα της Ευρώπης. Το 2020 η Τουρκία εργαλειοποίησε δεκάδες χιλιάδες μετανάστες στον Έβρο, επιχειρώντας μαζική παράνομη είσοδο στην Ελλάδα. Στο Αιγαίο οι μεταναστευτικές ροές και τα κυκλώματα διακινητών εξακολουθούν να χρησιμοποιούνται ως μέσο πίεσης. Απαιτούνται ισχυρά σύνορα, αποτελεσματικές επιστροφές και απελάσεις, ενίσχυση του λιμενικού και καμία υποχρεωτική μετεγκατάσταση στην Ελλάδα. Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οφείλει να δει με μεγαλύτερη προσοχή τις απειλές και τις προκλήσεις που δέχεται κράτος μέλος της από τρίτες χώρες.
Η ευρωπαϊκή αλληλεγγύη δεν μπορεί να περιορίζεται μόνο σε λόγια. Και ας είμαστε ξεκάθαροι επιτέλους. Όταν η Τουρκία αμφισβητεί κυριαρχικά δικαιώματα της χώρας μου της Ελλάδας και κατέχει ευρωπαϊκό έδαφος στην Κύπρο, αυτό δεν είναι διμερές ζήτημα, είναι ευρωπαϊκό ζήτημα. Απαιτούμε έμπρακτη στήριξη Ελλάδας και Κύπρου, διακοπή της ευρωπαϊκής χρηματοδότησης προς την Τουρκία και οριστικό τέλος στην ενταξιακή της πορεία. Τα ελληνικά σύνορα είναι ευρωπαϊκά σύνορα.
Η υπεράσπισή τους είναι υπόθεση ολόκληρης της Ευρώπης. Ευχαριστώ.
Pekka Toveri
Chairman, dear High Representative, dear colleagues. Calling Russian actions against EU countries hybrid operation is a whitewashing the fact that Russia is waging a war against Europe. According to the commander of the Russian Armed Forces, General Gerasimov, there are eight phases of warfare when Russia uses its capabilities to force the adversary to bow to Russian interests. Phases six to eight are traditional kinetic warfare. The five steps before that are tightly connected coordinated actions leading to a use of force unless the adversary gives up.
We are now in the phase three of the Russian warfare heading to the phase four, aggressive military exercises and activities. Just yesterday, as High Representative mentioned, a Russian Navy frigate sailing in the Baltic Sea shot two emergency flares towards the Danish Defense Forces helicopter on a normal legal recognition mission. A reckless escalation deterring the lives of Danish service members. In order to stop these Russian actions, we need to react immediately with heavy sanctions that hurt Russian military industry. Putting, putting maybe extra sanctions to next sanctions package some months from now is useless, doesn't prevent Russian activities and gives impression that we are weak and don't dare to defend ourselves.
Messages that we really shouldn't send to Russia. Russia respects only force and those who are willing to use it. Unless we learn to do so, we will move to phase four in a very, very near future. Thank you for that. Slava Ukraini.
Thank you very much.
René Repasi
Herr Präsident, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, der russische Anschlagsversuch am Flughafen Leipzig-Halle hätte Menschenleben kosten können. Vereitelt hat den Anschlagsversuch nicht unsere Drohnenabwehr, nicht unsere Dienste, sondern eine abgerissene Zündschnur, ein technischer Defekt. Das sollten wir uns ehrlich eingestehen und wir sollten verstehen, worauf dieser Angriff wirklich zielte, nämlich auf den Tag danach. Auf die Debatte, ob Solidarität mit der Ukraine zu gefährlich wird, auf das Misstrauen, ob Staat, ob der Staat seine Bürger noch schützen kann, auf den Riss, den Putin durch unsere Gesellschaften ziehen will mit Desinformation und mit willigen Helfern. Deshalb ist die wichtigste Antwort auf die einzelne Aktion nicht eine Sanktion, so richtig sie ist.
Die wichtigste Antwort ist: Putin bekommt dieses Misstrauen innerhalb Europas nicht. Ein Angriff auf Leipzig ist ein Angriff auf Europa. Wir müssen bei Prävention, bei Drohnenabwehr, bei kritischer Infrastruktur und bei der Sanktionsdurchsetzung europäisch handeln, nicht jeder für sich mit bloßem Glück als Sicherheitskonzept.
Denn beim nächsten Mal kann die Zündschnur halten und einen Knall dürfen wir nicht zulassen.
Javi López
Muchas gracias. Sorry, Mr. Repasi, you have a blue card, I don't know if you want to accept it, it's coming from Mr. Bistron. Okay, he accepts.
Petr Bystron
Lieber Kollege Repasi, vielen Dank für die flammende Rede und für Ihren beherzten Einsatz zur Verteidigung der EU und Europas. Ich frage mich nur, wo waren Sie denn, als Nord Stream 2 gesprengt wurde? Warum fordern Sie nicht Sanktionen gegen die Ukraine? Die deutschen Ermittlungsbehörden haben eigentlich festgestellt, dass das ein ukrainisches Kommando war, das diese Infrastruktur im Wert von 16 Milliarden Euro gesprengt hat.
René Repasi
Herr Kollege, wir sehen hier ein übliches Spiel. Und das Spiel ist: Lasst uns eine andere Frage stellen, um abzulenken von dem, was hier eigentlich ist, nämlich abzulenken von der Tatsache, dass Russland völkerrechtswidrig die Ukraine angegriffen hat, abzulenken von der Tatsache, dass Russland mit seiner hybriden Kriegsführung uns in Europa schwächen möchte, davon abzulenken, dass andere von innen Europa schwächen müssen, damit wir einem Diktator gegenüber noch schwächer sind. Und dagegen gilt es zu handeln.
Muchas gracias.
Jorge Buxadé Villalba
La invasión de Ceuta es la última fase de una estrategia de guerra híbrida desde Marruecos contra España que se ha ejecutado de forma sistemática desde la Marcha Verde sobre el Sáhara español, aprovechando la connivencia de una clase política nacional y europea que ha abrazado la causa marroquí como si fuera la suya propia. Ustedes hablan de Rusia y estoy de acuerdo. ¿Y Marruecos, señora Kalas? ¿Cómo llamamos a ilegítimas reivindicaciones territoriales, presión y soborno a políticos, presión demográfica sobre Ceuta, Melilla y las Islas Canarias, introducción en toda Europa de una quinta columna con millones de individuos nacionalizados, desestabilización en redes sociales los días 30 y 31 de julio, una agresiva acción diplomática aquí en Bruselas? Y la muestra es esa cartita que les han enviado a todos los eurodiputados, pero a los de VOX Marruecos no nos ha enviado nada porque sabemos la verdad.
No hay insignias ni saludos militares, pero hay órdenes, jefes y soldados.
No hay armas de guerra, pero hay machetes, bombas incendiarias, piedras y palos agrediendo a nuestros jóvenes. Y hay jóvenes entrenados infiltrados en Ceuta y manadas de violadores que imponen el terror sexual en las calles de Ceuta como modo de dominación de la población invadida. Hay infiltración de agentes marroquíes y células yihadistas. Y hay mezquitas en suelo europeo bajo control marroquí. Y miren, hay políticos que en cancillerías y despachos trabajan para el enemigo.
Todo eso debe también ser extirpado frente a la guerra que nos plantean, el derecho a defenderse. Muchas gracias.
Claro.
Sergey Lagodinsky
A colleague, my question is very, very simple. You're saying here that we are not discussing the situation in Ceuta, and yet the question is, did you see the plenary agenda? We spent the whole half a day today, also with support of your own group, to discuss the so-called hybrid attack in Ceuta.
So I don't know, the question would be whether you missed maybe some part of this day's agenda, because this was discussed, and now you took the valuable time of this plenary, instead of talking about Kremlin and its attack, we were talking about something we already talked the whole day.
Jorge Buxadé Villalba
Pues mire, no me he saltado el orden del día del pleno. He hablado en ese debate el primero marcando la posición de mi grupo. ¿Qué pregunta es esa? Pero el título de la pregunta no es Putin. Son guerras híbridas desde terceros estados contra Europa.
Y yo digo, lo de Marruecos también, señora Kalas, entérese, que el enemigo está en el sur. El enemigo viene de África. ¿Aclarado? Gracias.
Alberico Gambino
Presidente, Alto Rappresentante, onorevoli colleghi, la guerra ibrida è ormai una componente strutturale del confronto geopolitico e il Mediterraneo è pienamente esposto. A maggio una petroliera russa sanzionata è stata individuata sopra una rete di cavi sottomarini vicino a Creta. Nel Canale di Sicilia opera la cosiddetta flotta ombra russa.
Ad agosto la marina militare è intervenuta al largo di Pantelleria. Sono episodi diversi ma rivelano la stessa vulnerabilità: energia, comunicazioni, rotte commerciali e infrastrutture sottomarine sono parte integrante della sicurezza nazionale. Serve una risposta concreta: più sorveglianza, intelligence, cybersicurezza, capacità di attribuire rapidamente le minacce e protezione delle infrastrutture strategiche. Ma non basta reagire dopo un attacco: dobbiamo anticipare i rischi, correggere la vulnerabilità e aumentare il costo di chi intende colpirci. La resilienza è indispensabile.
Serve deterrenza, però resteremo sempre un passo indietro se non acceleriamo. Ma su questo sono assolutamente fiducioso perché l'Europa nei momenti difficili ha sempre saputo reagire. Grazie.
Nous avons de mauvaises habitudes. L'une d'entre elles consiste à mal nommer les choses. L'Union européenne s'est progressivement habituée à user d'euphémismes lorsqu'il s'agit de ce qui nous menace, tout en se payant de mots sur ce qu'elle fait vraiment pour y répondre. Les menaces hybrides en sont l'un des meilleurs exemples ou plutôt l'un des pires.
Nathalie Loiseau
L'attaque de drones explosifs déjouée à Leipzig n'est pas une menace hybride, c'est un projet d'attentat terroriste. Les sabotages, les cyberattaques, les manipulations de l'information, l'ingérence dans nos élections, ce ne sont pas de mauvaises manières d'un voisin mal élevé, ce sont des manières de nous faire la guerre sans la déclarer. Face à cela, l'Union européenne est devenue championne en titres ronflants et en annonces creuses. Un bouclier européen de la démocratie, ce serait formidable si c'était vrai. Aujourd'hui, on a à peine l'embryon d'un centre d'échange de bonnes pratiques, rien de plus.
Un mur anti-drones, on en a rêvé, personne ne l'a fait. Une commission géopolitique, permettez-moi de sourire. À la veille du discours sur l'état de l'Union, je voudrais rappeler à Ursula von der Leyen que le meilleur moyen de perdre la confiance des Européens consiste à promettre beaucoup trop et à faire beaucoup trop peu. Pour ma part, c'est la patience que je suis en train de perdre.
Javi López
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Mr. Lagodinsky for one minute.
Hybrid attacks against the EU, the Kremlin must be laughing at us. A bomb almost exploded at an airport, we call it a hybrid attack.
Sergey Lagodinsky
No, let us call an attack an attack. Russia is preparing for possible military aggression against the EU and NATO countries and even the right wing agrees. Even they know that. Let us call an attack an attack. We need to tell this to our people calmly, clearly, honestly, but let us call an attack an attack because people deserve to know.
They deserve to know why we're spending so much money on defense, why we protect our infrastructure, why we support Ukraine. This is not about abstract percentage of GDP, it is about our safety. It is about protecting our lives, our freedoms and our peace. We need to secure our infrastructure and airports. We need to change our mindset, we need to change our language, we need to strengthen our chief diplomats and not fall into their back like the German government is doing and many other in Brussels.
We need more diplomacy and we need more foreign policy experts and we should not damage them. That's also part of admitting that this was an attack and we should be ready.
Javi López
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Mr. Bistron.
Yeah, but it was the second one that you asked for and now you have to take the floor and we have 30 minutes of delay and then three rounds for one debate it was maybe too much.
Petr Bystron
Thank you. You're ready?
Yes, I'm ready. Liebe Kolleginnen, liebe Kollegen, wer einen Krieg will, braucht einen Vorwand. Die Geschichte ist voll von Beispielen. Da war der angebliche polnische Angriff auf Radiosender Gleiwitz 39. Da waren die angeblichen Massenvernichtungswaffen des Irak.
Und jetzt sind das die angeblichen russischen Drohnen in Leipzig. Leider werden wieder unbelegte Behauptungen als Fakten präsentiert, Herr Lagodinsky, obwohl Experten wie Politiker widersprechen. Als allererster der US-amerikanische Präsident Trump, der klar gesagt: Putin will Europa nicht angreifen. Und Sie, liebe Kollegen, wollen die EU vor fremden Angriffen schützen? Wo waren Sie denn, als Nord Stream gesprengt wurde?
Europäische Infrastruktur im Wert von 16 Milliarden Euro. Die deutschen Ermittler waren das, die gesagt haben, das war ein ukrainisches Kommando. Bis heute, mehrere Jahre danach, keine Verurteilung durch das EU-Parlament. Stattdessen unterstützen Sie Ukraine, die der EU nicht angehört, der NATO nicht angehört, und drängen unsere Menschen in einen Krieg. Wir brauchen Frieden und Diplomatie, keine Aufrüstung und Kriegsvorbereitung.
Ľuboš Blaha
Najväčšou hybridnou hrozbou pre Európu nie je Rusko, vážení, ale tu prítomná pani Kalasová, ktorá nás chce nahnať do jadrovej vojny. A viete, čomu sa povie zúfalstvo? Keď nemecký establišment iba preto, aby porazil AfD vo voľbách, zorganizuje spravodajskú hru v Lipsku a obviní Rusko. Totálne si zničili vzťahy s Rusmi a ešte tie voľby aj prehrali. Perfektné.
Mr. Bean by to neurobil inak. Oni sú nielen lúzri, ale aj babráci. Pani Kalasová, tárate o hybridných hrozbách a pritom je to všetko naopak.
Ste to vy, kto celé roky vedie krvavú vojnu proti Rusku. Vaše zbrane zabíjajú Rusov, zbrojíte ako za Hitlera a vaša protiruská rétorika je na úrovni nacistov. Krutá pravda je, že Rusi nenapadli žiadnu z krajín Európskej únie. To vy ste napadli Rusko. To vy ste sa rozťahovali k ruským hraniciam.
To vy ste sa celé desaťročia snažili o režimovú zmenu v Rusku. A teraz sa bojíte, že ochutnáte vlastnú medicínu ako malé rozmaznané deti. Vy ste extrémny vojnový štváč, pani Kallasová. Choďte už kadeľahšie.
Željana Zovko
Thank you very much, Madam High Representative. Today, NATO fighter jets were forced to shoot down a drone that entered Lithuanian airspace from Belarus. Its origin is still being investigated, but the warning is clear: Europe's security environment is becoming increasingly dangerous. As today's two reports make clear, Russia remains the primary external threat to Europe's democratic integrity, and no Member State can counter this threat alone. They also underline that hybrid operations are not isolated incidents, apart from the speeches here that we hear as well.
They are coordinated actions designed to weaken our states and our societies while remaining below the threshold of open armed conflict. That is why Europe needs faster identification of perpetrators, stronger protection of critical infrastructure, effective sanctions, and closer EU-NATO coordination. Hybrid attacks rely on uncertainty. Our response cannot. Thank you very much.
Javi López
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Vice-President Negrescu for one minute.
Victor Negrescu
Stimați colegi, nimeni dintre noi nu și-a dorit acest război, nici România, nici Europa, nici cetățenii noștri. Un singur actor a ales agresiunea, regimul politic de la Kremlin. Din păcate, nu putem schimba geografia, nu putem ignora amenințările, nu putem spera că dacă privim în altă parte ele vor dispărea și ne putem ascunde de consecințele acestui război. De aceea trebuie să fim pregătiți să ne protejăm frontierele, să apărăm infrastructura critică, să investim în sisteme moderne de apărare, inclusiv împotriva dronelor. Dar putem face toate aceste lucruri producând mai mult în Europa și în România, protejând în același timp nivelul de trai al populației.
Țara mea resimte costurile mari în a fi la frontiera Uniunii, inclusiv cele generate de dezinformare. Chiar astăzi am avut un protest al fermierilor unde și-au exprimat nemulțumirile, dar aceste proteste au fost deturnate. De aceea Europa trebuie să facă mai mult și mai repede să acționeze sprijinind sectoarele afectate, operaționalizând hub-ul de securitate la Marea Neagră și având o prezență militară de ultimă generație în zona de est a Europei. Mulțumesc.
Rody Tolassy
Merci. Nous débattons sur les menaces de guerre, les attaques hybrides qui menacent l'intégrité territoriale, la protection, la sécurité et la démocratie de l'UE. Comprenons-nous bien, je ne remets pas en cause la nécessité de lutter contre ces menaces, mais votre hypocrisie, car il a fallu que cela touche le continent européen pour susciter votre réaction. Alors que depuis des décennies les outremers français subissent ces attaques hybrides. Je veux ici dénoncer les tentatives de déstabilisation de l'Azerbaïdjan en Martinique et en Guadeloupe avec la complicité ou la versatilité de certains députés de la France Insoumise ou plutôt soumis par haine de la France, se vendant comme de vulgaires traîtres.
On peut aussi prendre l'exemple des Comores qui revendiquent ouvertement Mayotte, 101ème département de France, et utilisent la submersion migratoire comme un outil de déstabilisation pleinement assumé.
Mais votre hypocrisie ne s'arrête pas là. Vous l'UE vous financez ceux qui attaquent notre territoire. En 2025 c'est 200 millions pour l'Azerbaïdjan et 46 millions pour les Comores. La lutte contre les menaces hybrides oui mais l'hypocrisie stop. Je vous remercie.
Rihards Kols
Dear colleagues, two attacks in 2022, 34 in 2024. By this September the tally in Europe has passed 189 attacks. It's growing exponentially. This year rockets fired at the power substation outside Berlin. A weapons factory in Bulgaria set ablaze.
An ammunition plant near Rome blown up. A drone factory in Tallinn torched. Explosives on the runway at Leipzig. Currently ongoing situation in Netherlands when it comes to railroad. And this is only in August and September.
Europe stands frozen. But you know that fear has never made Moscow stop. 22 consulates closed since 2022.
Dozens still open doing exactly what they were built to do. 700 intelligence officers expelled. But every service in EU knows that that's a fraction of what remains. Hybrid has become a security blanket, a word we hide behind so we don't have to take any measures. Condemnation has never stopped sabotage.
Drop the fantasy that the patient wins here. Close the consulates. Shut down the Moscow Russian houses. Expel the networks. Stop calling it hybrid.
We are under attack. Thank you.
Dan Barna
Doamnă înalt reprezentant, domnule președinte, România se află astăzi în prima linie a războiului hibrid dus de Kremlin la Marea Neagră și pe flancul estic. Incursiunile repetate ale dronelor rusești pe teritoriul românesc, încălcările de spațiu aerian și dezinformarea constantă nu sunt simple accidente sau erori. Sunt o campanie deliberată de intimidare și testare a coeziunii noastre europene. Securitatea României este securitatea întregii Uniuni Europene.
Avem nevoie urgent de fapte și acțiuni: operaționalizarea rapidă a inițiativei europene de apărare împotriva dronelor, desfășurarea sistemului Eastern Flank Skywatch și fonduri dedicate în viitorul buget multianual pentru apărare aeriană stratificată și protecția frontierelor. Trebuie să trecem de la reacție la descurajare activă. Frontiera României este frontiera Europei. Vă mulțumesc.
Rada Laykova
Thank you, Mr. President. Every now and then, some dubious drone appearance is happening or a drone is conveniently found somewhere. We had that in Bulgaria while Ursula von der Leyen was circling around, and now in Leipzig. Likewise, the so-called hybrid attacks with the drifting balloons in Belarus. No one can coherently explain what a so-called hybrid attack even means.
It is just one of those EU-approved words for us to repeat since we cannot point to any real attacks on the EU by Russia. So the EU desperately needs to convince the people why we should send more billions to Ukraine. We, on the other hand, are really attacking Russia. We engage in piracy on the open sea. By any standards of international law, these actions are real hostilities and they're not hybrid.
And no matter how you stand through this war, one thing is sure: war is always the enemy to the people, to all the people. And this makes me question why so many of my colleagues here are promoting this very enemy of the people by using these dubious attacks to promote escalation with Russia rather than diplomacy.
Javi López
Thank you very much. El siguiente orador es el señor Zoido. Muchas gracias, por un minuto.
Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez
Señor presidente, alto representante, en el año 2021 los enemigos de Europa lanzaron 8.000 personas desde Bielorrusia contra las fronteras de Polonia, Finlandia y los países bálticos. Los países del este llevan décadas resistiendo la presión que Putin y sus aliados ejercen sobre ellos con todo tipo de ataques y provocaciones. El pasado 30 de julio la Unión Europea comprendió que tiene un nuevo frente abierto: el flanco sur. La invasión del territorio de Ceuta por parte de 80.000 personas desde Marruecos constituye un ataque de guerra híbrida inequívoco.
Por eso, para defender el flanco sur hay muchas lecciones que aprender de nuestra frontera este. Necesitamos mejores medios físicos en frontera, leyes que permitan echar ágilmente a quien cruza ilegalmente y una estrategia diplomática contundente para garantizar la seguridad del territorio. La Unión Europea y los países del este están dando una lección de resistencia y protegiéndose de Rusia. Copiemos estrategia, hagamos lo mismo con los nuevos desafíos que comienzan a aparecer por el sur. Muchas gracias.
Robert Biedroń
Powiedzmy sobie szczerze: jesteśmy na wojnie hybrydowej i nie ma tutaj chyba żadnych wątpliwości, żadne eufemizmy na pewno tutaj nie pomogą, a raczej zaszkodzą. Dla przykładu każdego dnia w Polsce dochodzi od dwóch do czterech tysięcy cyberataków, na szczęście w większości odpieranych.
Putin nie tylko chce nas przestraszyć, ale przede wszystkim nas podzielić. I widać tego to także na tej sali. Widać to także w polityce. Nie brakuje Putinowi pożytecznych idiotów, którzy w tą pułapkę bardzo łatwo niestety wpadają. Którzy częściej krytykują Unię Europejską niż Rosję.
Którzy częściej widzą wroga w Brukseli niż w Rosji. A przecież to nie włoskie drony spadają na polskie. To nie niemiecka flota cieni niszczy infrastrukturę na Bałtyku. To nie francuskie trolle atakują Hiszpanię. To wszystko robi Rosja.
Dlatego Europa zawsze wygrywa, kiedy jest zjednoczona, a przegrywa, kiedy jest podzielona. Nie dajmy się podzielić Putinowi.
Juan Carlos Girauta Vidal
Muchas gracias. El siguiente orador es el señor Girauta por un minuto. Muchas gracias, señor presidente, señor alto representante. Me sumo a la consternación por los ataques de guerra híbrida rusos, pero debo dedicar el tiempo a un ataque de guerra híbrida en marcha que ha llevado a cabo Marruecos, que lleva a cabo desde julio. Primero, usa estrategias y tácticas no convencionales.
Utiliza a su propia población como arma, como hizo en su día en la Marcha Verde, y agentes de la seguridad marroquí han organizado y guían la invasión. Segundo, emplean a proxies como las mafias del tráfico de personas y las ONG que les dan cobertura a los invasores, que hacen negocio con la invasión mientras ignoran el sufrimiento, el dolor y el miedo del pueblo ceutí. Tercero, sobornan, chantajean y compran lealtades.
La traición empieza por el propio Pedro Sánchez. Pregúntense qué le debe Sánchez a Marruecos para comportarse como su perro faldero mientras territorio de la Unión Europea es invadido y encima le agradece la cooperación a Marruecos. Exigimos la condena unánime de la Unión, la expulsión de los invasores, la suspensión de todos los acuerdos con Marruecos y de los pagos pendientes con ese país. Muchas gracias.
Geadis Geadi
Thank you, President. Υβριδικός πόλεμος είναι ο πόλεμος με μη στρατιωτικά μέσα, με στόχο την αποσταθεροποίηση, τον εξαναγκασμό και την υπονόμευση της κυριαρχίας ενός κράτους. Κυβερνοεπιθέσεις, προπαγάνδα, χειραγώγηση ΜΚΟ, εκβιασμοί και δολιοφθορές, ακόμη και εργαλειοποίηση των λαθρομεταναστών αποτελούν πλέον τα σύγχρονα όπλα.
Η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση οφείλει να αποκτήσει ένα σαφή οδικό χάρτη για ενεργοποίηση του άρθρου 42.7, ώστε η ρήτρα αμοιβαίας άμυνας να μπορεί να εφαρμόζεται άμεσα και αποτελεσματικά. Δεν μπορεί όμως να υπάρξει ευρωπαϊκή άμυνα χωρίς συνέπεια και αξιοπιστία, όταν η ηγεσία της Κομισιόν εναγκαλίζεται με την κυβέρνηση της Τουρκίας και εσείς, κυρία Κάλλας, την αποκαλείτε εταίρο. Εταίρον της Ευρώπης, των δήθεν αρχών και αξιών, ένα κράτος με ποινικό μητρώο, υπόλογο για γενοκτονίες, για παραβιάσεις ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων, που διεξάγει υβριδικό πόλεμο εναντίον μας και κατέχει ευρωπαϊκά εδάφη της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας; Κυρία Κάλλας, προσέχετε όταν κάνετε χειραψία με χέρια που είναι βαμμένα με το αίμα εκατοντάδων χιλιάδων αθώων ανθρώπων.
Daniel Buda
Domnule președinte, mulțumesc. Stimați colegi, atacurile hibride ale Rusiei lovesc din plin dincolo de granițele Ucrainei. Dar să stai noaptea în pat, să auzi sirenele și să te întrebi dacă mai ești în siguranță în propria casă n-ar trebui să facă parte din viața nimănui. Din păcate, aceasta este teama cu care trăiesc astăzi tot mai mulți români din localitățile aflate la granița cu Ucraina. Și aici nu mai este vorba de război hibrid.
România se află într-o zonă de importanță strategică deosebită pe flancul estic al NATO și al Uniunii Europene, la Marea Neagră și la frontiera cu Ucraina. Incidentele repetate cu drone ne demonstrează că amenințarea rusească nu mai este una îndepărtată, ci este deja prezentă la granițele noastre. În acest context, trebuie să înțelegem, doamnă comisar, că securitatea României înseamnă de fapt securitatea întregii Uniuni Europene. Protejarea spațiului aerian al României nu poate rămâne însă doar responsabilitatea țării noastre. Avem nevoie de un răspuns european coordonat, de relocare de îndată a unor capacități adecvate de apărare și de soluții moderne care să permită detectarea și neutralizarea rapidă și eficientă a dronelor.
Mulțumesc.
François Kalfon
Chers collègues, comme un poison lent, nous nous sommes habitués aux attaques russes et nous sommes maintenant au seuil de la guerre. Ce matin encore, un navire russe a tiré deux fusées sur un hélicoptère danois. Hier, un drone explosif toujours russe était découvert à l'aéroport de Leipzig. Après la sidération, l'heure de la prise de conscience a sonné et il y a urgence.
Mobilisons notre arsenal législatif numérique, DSA, AI Act, contre les plateformes qui laissent proliférer la désinformation russe. Banissons les fournisseurs à haut risque qui ont permis à la Chine d'espionner un drone naval britannique. Reprenons le contrôle sur le port du Pirée et la ligne Budapest-Belgrade laissés aux mains de la Chine. Et pendant ce temps-là, l'extrême droite en Saxe-Anhalt nous propose rien de moins que de lever les sanctions et d'apprendre le russe. Nous avons un ennemi de l'intérieur.
Nous ne les laisserons pas faire et fouler aux pieds nos valeurs démocratiques car tous ensemble, notre Europe est forte quand elle est unie. Merci.
Dámy a pánové, migrace, drony a sabotáže. To je každodenní realita hybridních útoků v Evropě. Tisíce migrantů využívaných k nelegálnímu překročení hranic Evropské unie k vytváření tlaku na naše služby a k rozdělování našich společností.
Nikola Bartůšek
Takto mimochodem vypadalo na polsko-běloruské hranici a jasně nám to ukázalo, že silné hranice znamenají bezpečnou Evropu. Útoky posledních dnů na kritickou infrastrukturu Německa nám zase ukázaly, jak důležitá je ochrana energetických sítí, komunikačních kabelů, které musí být schopny odolat sabotáži, kybernetickým útokům i útokům dronů. Evropa musí posílit své schopnosti v oblasti protivzdušné a protidronové ochrany. I proto podporuji vyšší investice do obrany. Ale tyto prostředky musí směřovat do výzkumu, inovací a moderních technologií.
Potřebujeme silný evropský obranný průmysl, který bude vyrábět v Evropě, bude vytvářet pracovní místa v Evropě a zároveň bude posilovat konkurenceschopnost Evropy. Bezpečnost Evropy už neleží pouze na bojišti. Začíná na našich hranicích, postupuje ochranou naší infrastruktury a končí v soběstačnosti našich ekonomik.
Thank you. Szanowni Państwo, Polska i państwa bałtyckie, a także Rumunia są dziś w pierwszej linii wojny hybrydowej prowadzonej przez Rosję.
Marta Wcisło
W Polsce wschodniej, na Lubelszczyźnie, gdzie mieszkam, otrzymujemy alerty o treści: uwaga, zagrożenie atakiem z powietrza. Dodatkowo akty sabotażu, podpaleń, dywersji, dezinformacji, ataki dronowe, a także rosyjska rakieta CH-101 to nasza rzeczywistość. Dzielnie w Polsce dochodzi do około trzech tysięcy ataków hybrydowych. Rosja chce siać strach, destabilizować nasze państwa, testować odporność NATO i osłabiać pomoc dla Ukrainy. Dlatego potrzebujemy dziś absolutnej jedności sojuszniczej, większego zaangażowania państw członkowskich w działania rozpoznawcze, skutecznej obrony powietrznej i przeciwdronowej oraz dalszego wzmacniania naszych zdolności obronnych.
Jeśli Ukraina przegra, Rosja może uderzyć pełnoskalową wojną w Unię Europejską. Nie możemy do tego dopuścić. Dziękuję bardzo sprawozdawczyni.
Rosja jest wrogiem zachodniego ładu i demokracji. Destabilizuje porządek świata. Prowadzi wojnę z państwami Unii Europejskiej, na razie hybrydową. Dlaczego Putin to robi? Bo może, bo mu na to pozwalacie.
Maciej Wąsik
Pytam, dlaczego w Niemczech znaczący politycy CDU i AfD co chwilę domagają się odbudowy Nord Stream, który finansował wojnę agresję na Ukrainę i stanowił szantaż gazowy wobec Europy? Czy policzyliście, ile francuskich czy niemieckich firm zarabia, daje zarobić Rosji i wspiera budżet Putina? Szukajcie sprawców dywersji i ataków hybrydowych pośród Rosjan, którym państwa Unii Europejskiej wydają wizy bez większych przeszkód. Tylko w 2025 roku 600 tysięcy Rosjan przyjechało do Europy, niektórzy prosto z frontu spod Kramatorska czy Słowiańska, a niektórzy prosto z siedzib rosyjskiego wywiadu. Aby Putin zrozumiał, że wojna hybrydowa ani żadna inna mu się nie opłaca, potrzebne są odważne decyzje polityczne na szczeblu Unii jak i państw członkowskich.
Potrzeba realnego odizolowania Rosji i jej gospodarki. Wy ciągle chcecie zarabiać z Rosją i dla Rosji. Mówicie jedno, a robicie drugie. Dziękuję bardzo.
Quanto accaduto stanotte nei cieli lituani, dove i caccia NATO hanno abbattuto l'ennesimo drone sospetto, ci ricorda che la sicurezza non è un concetto astratto ma riguarda le nostre case, le nostre imprese, l'energia che utilizziamo, i trasporti.
Salvatore De Meo
I droni, i sabotaggi, i cyberattacchi, la disinformazione, gli attacchi alle nostre infrastrutture dimostrano che le minacce sono già intorno a noi e non possiamo aspettare un'emergenza per reagire. Dobbiamo investire nella nostra sicurezza e rafforzare sempre più il rapporto di cooperazione tra l'Unione Europea e la NATO. Quando stipuliamo un'assicurazione, non lo facciamo perché siamo certi che accadrà qualcosa, ma perché vogliamo essere protetti nel caso accada. La difesa funziona allo stesso modo. Prepararsi non significa volere la guerra, significa fare di tutto perché non accada.
E allora difendere l'Europa significa proteggere la libertà e la quotidianità dei nostri cittadini. E la sicurezza ha un costo, sì, certamente, ma non essere preparati, ve lo garantisco, ci costerà molto di più.
Kaja Kallas
Thank you, thank you for this valuable debate. What I want to say is that EU has significantly stepped up the response in recent years, you know, just consider where we are coming from, including new hybrid sanctions regime since 2024. And it is targeting those who undermine our democracies, those who sabotage or threaten critical infrastructure and public services, and also those who carry out FIMI operations and malicious cyber activities, and also those who instrumentalize migration, because everything is weaponized nowadays. So we are also building an international coalition when it comes to protection of the seabed infrastructure, because we see that these kind of threats and sabotage acts are more, more likely. And what question we need to ask ourselves is whether we are acting at necessary speed and scale.
Many of you mentioned this, we are doing the right things, we are not doing them fast enough, and we are not realizing fast enough. So what we must do and what we are doing, continue reinforcing Europe's resilience by protecting critical infrastructure, securing our democratic processes, also strengthening cyber defense, all the things that are being attacked, we need to build our resilience. And of course, we need to also increase our capacity to detect and counter foreign information manipulation and interference, because it's also a battle of narratives.
We also need to be more assertive on FIMI, for example, we are increasing in speed and scale and impact of our response. And what we also need to see is that hybrid attacks cannot remain in a grey zone without consequences. And that's why it's very important that we combine the resilience with attribution, sanctions, action against hostile networks operating on our soil, and of course, all of this in close cooperation with the Member States, with NATO and like-minded partners, also those partners that are more likely exposed. And we need to keep supporting our neighborhood when we are asked to do so. What we saw in Moldova last year, I mean, Russia's meddling with elections can be beaten.
Also Armenia. We need to keep communicating also to our citizens about the benefits of EU membership and also what the citizens stand to gain, because very often we are talking about enlargement only in aspects of what these countries are receiving when they join, but it's actually our side that is also benefiting.
And finally, I want to say to those who were referring to peace. I mean, let me be very clear. Nobody wants peace more than Ukrainians. And they have agreed to multiple ceasefires for a very, very long time. But we also need to be clear-eyed.
I mean, Russia is not agreeing to these things. I mean, the opposite. They are escalating with the attacks on civilians in Ukraine, but also the attacks on our territories. So we need to be very, very clear-eyed about these things. And I also don't agree with those who say that why don't you just give up the territory and there would be peace.
I mean, it's never about territories. It's always about the people who are suffering also on these territories. If aggression pays off, then we will see more of it. Thank you.
Javi López
Thank you very much, Mrs. Kallas. Now we are going to start with the catch-the-eye. The first one is Mr. Joński for one minute.
Bardzo dziękuję, panie przewodniczący. Rosja nie musi pokonać Europy militarnie. Wystarczy, że podzieli Europejczyków.
Dariusz Joński
I podczas tak ważnej dyskusji, tak ważnej debaty, słyszę po raz kolejny na tej sali głos Putina. Są tutaj na tej sali ludzie, którzy cały czas nam mówią: nie pomagajcie Ukrainie, niech każdy odpowiada za siebie, róbmy biznes z Rosją. To są ci, którzy nadają ton Putinowi. Tymczasem ja pochodzę z Polski. Powiem, co się dzieje w ostatnich godzinach.
W rejonie plaży nad Morzem Bałtyckim służby podjęły rosyjski dron bezzałogowy typu Gerbera. Dzień wcześniej zaatakowano dwa kilometry od granicy pociąg relacji Kijów-Warszawa. Drugi uderzył w stację benzynową kilkaset metrów od granicy. Przed nami najtrudniejsze momenty tej wojny podczas zimy na Ukrainie. Wszyscy musimy być zjednoczeni w Europie.
Tylko silna, mocna Europa może postawić tamę Rosji. Dziękuję bardzo.
Javi López
Muchas gracias. El siguiente orador es Juan Fernando López Aguilar por un minuto.
Gracias, presidente. Hay que sacar conclusiones. La primera es que los ataques híbridos no conciernen solo a los países que como el suyo tienen frontera con Rusia. Hay que ampliar el foco.
Juan Fernando López Aguilar
La segunda es que el neologismo del ataque híbrido alude a una agresión no convencional contra nuestra soberanía y nuestros proyectos estratégicos y requiere respuestas no convencionales. Requiere ciberseguridad, el muro europeo antidrones, pero también una comunidad europea de inteligencia que ahora brilla por su ausencia. Y la tercera es que si decimos tener vocación geopolítica tenemos que poner los instrumentos. No solamente desarrollar el 42.7 del Tratado de la Unión Europea, no solamente la cooperación estructurada y en su defecto un grupo pionero que esté dispuesto a invertir lo suficiente en defensa y seguridad, pero sobre todo la superación de la unanimidad que las imposibilita en estos momentos. Y eso requiere reforma institucional.
Por tanto, la superación de la unanimidad es la condición indispensable para que la Unión Europea adquiera de una vez una voz que sea audible y digna de ser respetada, digna de ser escuchada y respetada en la comunidad internacional y particularmente contra quienes nos amenazan. Y finalmente, esa voz audible requiere reforma institucional antes de que se consume la ampliación. Gracias, presidente.
Bardzo dziękuję, szanowny panie przewodniczący, szanowni państwo.
Tobiasz Bocheński
Putin jest wrogiem wolnych narodów Europy. Ale Putin również nim był od samego początku. Kiedy szanowni państwo zrozumieją, że Rosja nie jest częścią cywilizacji zachodniej? Jest odwiecznym imperium, które żywi się podbojem i zabieraniem wolności innym narodom. Wiedzą o tym Finowie, wiedzą o tym Bałtowie, wiemy o tym najlepiej my, Polacy.
I to nie my, jak Angela Merkel, prowadziliśmy politykę z Putinem. I Putin dzisiaj ma pieniądze na swoją armię i na swoje czołgi, które zabijają Ukraińców, które grożą Polakom, które grożą Łotyszom, Litwinom i Estończykom, z pieniędzy, które zostały wypłacone z zachodniej Europy. Ja się bardzo cieszę, że państwo wreszcie zmienili zdanie. Tylko od debat w Parlamencie Europejskim Putin się nie przestraszy. Przestraszy się odważnych działań, za to wy wydajecie pieniądze na nakrętki w butelkach.
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Mr. Salimas.
Thank you. Thank you. I welcome this report and its emphasis on resilience and deterrence.
Dainius Žalimas
Europe must move from reacting to individual incidents towards a proactive strategy that anticipates, disrupts, and raises the costs of hostile operations. Together with our allies, we must be also ready to take the initiative in the gray zone and develop the capacity to act below the conventional conflict. One dimension can be stated more clearly. That is ideology. What Russia promotes as the Russian world has evolved into the Russian fascism or rashism.
It systematically denies the sovereignty of Ukraine, the Baltic states, and other nations formerly dominated by the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Finally, I welcome the call for a stronger European pillar of NATO and European Defense Union. Ukraine must be a part of it. Defense integration could be a first practical step towards EU membership while bringing to Europe Ukraine's unique defense innovation and experience. Thank you.
Cuando se habla de las amenazas a Europa, hablemos de todas. Nadie ha dicho nada de la amenaza de la internacional reaccionaria dirigida por Trump y Netanyahu. Trump nos amenazó con una invasión en Groenlandia.
Jaume Asens Llodrà
Nadie ha dicho nada de la máquina de desinformación de Israel o de los ataques con drones a Francia, Italia o España. Porque sí, según el derecho internacional y lo han reconocido los jueces europeos, españoles, cuando se atacó a las a los barcos europeos que llevaban ayuda humanitaria a Gaza, se estaba atacando el territorio europeo. Y sí, la derecha de la parte, Buchadé, hoy nos hablaban de la guerra híb- lo que llaman ellos guerra híbrida de Marruecos. Pero no nos han dicho nada de la internacional reaccionaria de la cual forman parte ellos y también Marruecos. El señor Giralta ha dicho que el presidente Sánchez debe de juzgarse por traición a la patria.
Pero si los traidores son ellos. Se votaron el otro día además en contra de devolver el DNI a los saharauis, a diferencia del de los socialistas y de nosotros. Ellos son los que están al servicio de otras potencias. Y se ha demostrado, lo ha dicho el propio expresidente Aznar del Partido Popular, que Israel estaba detrás de lo de Ceuta. Y de eso no han dicho nada.
Petar Volgin
Gracias. Нискоинтелигентни манипулации като тази, че руснаците били поставили дрон на летището в Лайпциг, имат една цел: да накарат европейските граждани да повярват, че най-голямото зло на света е Русия и че едва ли не сме длъжни да се бием с нея.
Само че мнозинството от европейските граждани съвсем не сме толкова безмозъчни, за каквито ни мислят евроръководителите. И никой от нас няма желание да повтаря печалната съдба на войниците на Наполеон и на Хитлер, само и само за да задоволим антируските страсти на шефовете на Евросъюза. Сигурен съм, че дори и хората в тази зала, които най-истерично призовават да бъде подкрепян с всички пари и оръжия на света режимът на Зеленски, няма да отидат да се бият на Източния фронт, за да бъде сразен злият Путин. Защото истерията си е истерия, но инстинктът за самосъхранение е по-силен. А иначе напълно съм съгласен, че трябва да пазим демокрацията в Европа, каквото е заглавието на днешния дебат.
И най-добрият начин да съхраним европейската демокрация е да отстраним от власт сегашните управляващи. В Германия този процес започна, скоро ще го видим и в други държави. Благодаря ви.
Szanowna Pani Przewodnicząca, Panie Komisarzu, chcę bardzo wyraźnie powiedzieć: jest naszym celem, podstawowym celem w Parlamencie Europejskim zapewnienie naszym krajom bezpieczeństwa.
Michał Szczerba
I jest coraz cieńsza bariera, która dzieli Rosję od rozpoczęcia kinetycznego konfliktu z NATO. Rosja eskaluje, Rosja prowokuje i jedyną odpowiedzią Europy musi być siła. Bierzemy odpowiedzialność za gotowość obronną Europy. Przede wszystkim mobilność wojskowa. Pracujemy nad regulacją, która przyspieszy w znaczący sposób transport wojska i transport sprzętu.
Ułatwienia dla przemysłu obronnego. Po to jest Omnibus i wreszcie budżet. Po roku 2028 gigantyczne środki, które muszą przypłynąć na projekty obronne i mobilność wojskową, infrastrukturę, która będzie wykorzystywana w sposób dual-use. Dziękuję za to wsparcie. Prosimy o więcej.
To, co się działo w ostatnich dniach w Polsce, tuż przy polskiej granicy, jest bardzo niebezpieczną sytuacją, na którą musimy odpowiedzieć.
Thank you. Hybrid attacks against EU member states include cyberattacks, sabotage of critical infrastructure, undersea cables, drone incursions, instrumentalization of migration flows and much more.
Costas Mavrides
The ongoing Russian aggression against Ukraine and various forms of hybrid attacks against member states is a primary source of real threat. However, hybrid attacks are also taking place for years by the neo-Ottoman Erdogan regime against member states in the Eastern Mediterranean, for which the High Representative, I'm sorry to say, never talks. This is not European unity that make us stronger. This is hypocrisy that weaken us and that what feeds the extreme right wing. I would agree fully with the rapporteur.
Making 42.7 article workable and operational would be something in support of member states. And a final comment, Madam High Representative, a word of honesty. Your double standard policy is increasing the part of the problem.
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Mr. van Lanschot for one minute.
Thank you. Colleagues, two days ago I was on a train full of European politicians returning from Ukraine.
Reinier Van Lanschot
As we crossed into Poland, a Russian drone hit a train on the spot where we were just moments before. Last year, Russian drones entered Polish airspace and I warned that every escalation without a response from us is an invitation for Putin to continue. Today, a drone shot down in Lithuania, a Russian frigate shoots a flare at a Danish helicopter, more and more and more attempts to scare us. And these attacks will not stop till Russia knows that every escalation has consequences. Each attack should have a response.
A drone on European soil, we give Ukraine ten long-range missiles. An attempt to bomb an airport, we give Ukraine money from the frozen Russian assets. Every time Putin tries to sow fear, we should meet it with determination instead. Thank you.
Krzysztof Hetman
Ataki hybrydowe Rosji mają konkretne konsekwencje gospodarcze, szczególnie dla regionów graniczących z Rosją, Białorusią i Ukrainą, w takich regionach jak region, z którego pochodzę i w którym się urodziłem, województwo lubelskie w Polsce wschodniej. Tam następuje dramatyczny odpływ kapitału, zatrzymanie inwestycji, brak chęci inwestorów zewnętrznych do inwestowania w tych regionach, a także rodzimi przedsiębiorcy, którzy zastanawiają się nad podwyższonym ryzykiem inwestowania w tych regionach. Pani Kallas spytała dzisiaj tutaj, czy możemy zrobić więcej. Tak, nie mam wątpliwości, że na pewno, ale Komisja Europejska, która zaproponowała pakt dla regionów wschodnich, który miał je wesprzeć w tej trudnej sytuacji, niestety ogranicza się tylko do jakiegoś zaliczkowania bądź szybszych procedur. Nie tędy droga.
Jeśli natychmiast nie wesprzemy tych regionów, także finansowo, szczególnie jeśli chodzi o inwestycje, inwestycje publiczne i prywatne, to i tak będziemy musieli w przyszłości te regiony wspomóc, ale koszty tej pomocy będą stokrotnie wyższe niż w tej chwili. Dziękuję bardzo.
Thank you very much, President. Thank you, Rasa, for the great report. I must be brutally honest: out of fear of escalation, we enabled escalation.
Thijs Reuten
To be very precise, the Council did, our Member States did. A weak response or the absence of one is an invitation, it's an encouragement. Every attack, every attack must deepen our support for Ukraine urgently, including Sky Shield, more deep strike capabilities, air defense. Europe needs to be united, extremely united in its response. What must be predictable is that a response will follow, while the form of that response should remain unpredictable.
We must move beyond simple attribution of single incidents but look at the trend. Our deterrence gap is also depending on our willingness to manage escalation more assertively. Dear HRVP, dear Kaja Kallas, a vast majority of this Parliament agrees with you on the analysis and the solutions. The reality is that real actions depend on the Council. Feel supported, dear HRVP, to underline the urgency or the lack of urgency in the Council.
We can and must do more, faster.
Javi López
Thank you very much.
Now for close debate, we have the rapporteur, Mrs. Juknevičienė, for two minutes.
Rasa Juknevičienė
Dear colleagues. Can we claim to be serious about stopping Russia if, in the fifth year of a real war in Europe, Russian houses, like the one in Berlin that was closed only after Leipzig, are still operating? They are still in Austria, Belgium, in Brussels, Bulgaria, France, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Luxembourg, Malta, Cyprus, Spain, Slovakia. These are Russian spy centers operating against the EU and orchestrating FIMI operations. When these institutions are closed, then I will believe that those countries are seriously determined to defend Putin's, to defeat Putin's Russia.
After the recent Russian attack in a train near Polish border and after a drone was shot down by a fighter jet in my country, Danish events, it is no longer accurate to describe everything happening against the EU as hybrid warfare. We need to change our thinking to hybrid defense, strong hybrid defense. Wars are won first and foremost in the minds. Thank you to the majority of my colleagues here for their support.
But we heard the words of open Russian agents here now. This is a dangerous game. It is neither democracy nor free speech when open supporters of the war criminal Putin spread lies from this podium. I very much hope that this report will be read across EU institutions and capitals and that it will help us in Europe start looking in the same direction. Thank you very much.
Javi López
Muchas gracias. Con esto cerraríamos este debate y mañana tendríamos el voto sobre el informe. Os querría informar también que con arreglo al artículo 251, apartado 4, del reglamento interno, no se ha podido someter a votación las correcciones de errores anunciadas en el pleno el lunes 14 de septiembre.
Por lo tanto, las correcciones de errores se consideran aprobadas y se publicarán en la página web de la sesión plenaria. With that we move to the next item on the agenda, that is a triple debate, a joint debate concerning defense, the report by Mrs. Jar and Mr. Dahal, acceleration of permit granting for defense readiness projects, the Omnibus number five, and the report by Mr. Tober and Mrs. Hendrickson, simplification of intra-EU transfers of defense-related products and simplification of security and defense procurement, also Omnibus number five, and the report by Mr. Mixer, Mr. Maran and Mrs. Sala, defense readiness and facilitating defense investments and conditions for the defense industry, Omnibus number five. With that we move to the rapporteurs, a long list of rapporteurs, the first one is Mrs. Jar. The floor is yours for four minutes.
Lucia Yar
Dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, I believe that what we just have heard and after the past few months every European understands why we need to make sure that the EU has the capabilities to protect itself. We have seen Russian drones over our airports, our infrastructure sabotaged, arson in our cities, and that is just a taste of what might be coming. Europe needs to speed up its own protection and we need to do it fast, we hear it over and over again.
Member states have increased their defense spending in recent years, but what has not changed is the speed and the fragmentation. Take permits for instance. In some member states, a permit for an ammunition line or a repair facility has taken up to two years. Manufacturers hit the same wall every single time if they want to expand. A company building in three member states does different paperwork in three different places, three times over.
27 different requirements, 27 different deadlines. But with this regulation, we are creating fast-track permit procedure for defense readiness projects across the EU. And it rests on three elements. Firstly, contact point for everybody in the country. Every defense readiness project will have one authority to deal with, from the first question to the final decision.
Secondly, deadline, it will be only one. 42 working days from the moment the application is complete, what can be extended only in exceptional cases.
Thirdly, the mechanism that gives the deadline its actual weight, the tacit approval. If the deadline for the authority to respond passes and the authority has still not decided, the permits will be granted automatically. An administration can no longer stay silent and let the project wait indefinitely. As a rapporteur, my priority was also transparency because of where I'm coming from, I'm coming from Slovakia. Because we cannot allow any member state to abuse these rules and grant permits to some business friends.
The member states will therefore report on how many permits are granted, and then the Commission will assess whether the fast track works or not. Colleagues, from now on, investment shall go where the capacity can actually be built. And yes, a lot is depending on individual governments. A government that is running a fast track procedure well will get new factory lines, the jobs, and the supply chain. A government that keeps a slow national permitting structure will watch investments go elsewhere.
But let me also bring a little bit of realistic outlook into this legislation and it is about governments. The Commission has introduced very ambitious defense omnibus package. But member states watered it down. Maybe not in the side of permits that much, but certainly in the area of intra-EU transfer licenses. No, we will not be able to create a real European Defense Union if the protectionism of member states, including those biggest one, is not dismantled.
Nevertheless, me, my colleague, co-rapporteur Mr. Henrik Dahl, as well as most of the shadow reporters have pushed as much as we were able to. Without this package, we will continue to scramble to raise money and then spending it at pace of peacetime. The defense omnibus ends this and it is the first real step towards the European Defense Union. Thank you.
Tak for ordet. Kære kolleger. Vi kan beslutte at bruge flere penge. Vi kan vedtage ambitiøse planer, men pengene bliver først til forsvarsevne, når fabrikken producerer, når kasernen bliver taget i brug, når soldaterne står med materiellet i hænderne.
Henrik Dahl
Og derfor hænger de enkelte filer i forsvarsomnibussen nøje sammen. Tilladelser og sagsbehandling lyder måske ikke som de mest afgørende spørgsmål i europæisk sikkerhedspolitik. Men de to ting minder lidt om elektricitet i kontakten og vand i vandhanen. Det er ikke noget, man tænker over nogensinde, indtil det holder op med at virke. Og derfor er der mindre afstand imellem bureaukrati og sikkerhedspolitik, end man skulle forestille sig.
Vi kan ikke på én gang kræve, at Europa handler, som om situationen er alvorlig, og administrere, som om vi har hele evigheden foran os til at godkende forsvarsprojekter. Med den her del af forsvarsomnibussen, så gør vi godkendelser hurtigere og mere forudsigelige. Vi sætter klare frister for sagsbehandlingen, og vi skaber bedre rammer for, at vi kan gennemføre forsvarsprojekter. Nu er det op til medlemslandene. Vi har gjort vores opgave.
Det her er en konkret opgave, hvor EU kan gøre en forskel. Vi kan fjerne forhindringer for medlemslandenes forsvarsevne i stedet for at føje endnu flere lag af administration til. For de virksomheder, der skal udvide produktionen, der er forudsigelighed afgørende. De skal kunne planlægge deres byggeri, bestille maskiner, ansætte medarbejdere.
Det er svært, hvis de ikke ved, hvornår myndighederne træffer en afgørelse. Og for vores forsvar er det jo ikke nok, at den nødvendige kapacitet kommer på et eller andet tidspunkt i fremtiden. Den skal være der lige præcis, når der er brug for den. Så denne her fil, den handler ikke om at holde op med at stille nødvendige krav. Den handler om at skelne imellem de krav, der tjener et formål, og de forsinkelser, der ikke giver nogen mening.
Grundig sagsbehandling og hurtig sagsbehandling, det behøver ikke at være modsætninger, men det kræver, at vi indretter reglerne efter den opgave, vi faktisk skal løse. Så tillad mig at samle op. Troværdig afskrækkelse, det kræver mere end politisk vilje. Det kræver, at vi kan omsætte vilje til handling. En fabrik, der venter på tilladelse, kan ikke levere ammunition.
En kaserne, der kun findes på en tegning, kan ikke huse nogle soldater. Og derfor er det overhovedet ikke nok at spørge, som vi gør ofte, hvor meget vi vil investere i vores forsvar. Vi skal også spørge om, hvor hurtigt investeringerne rent faktisk kan blive til kapacitet. Jeg vil gerne takke mine kolleger rigtig mange gange, og jeg vil også gerne takke mine forhandlingspartnere rigtig mange gange for samarbejdet omkring denne her fil.
Det har været en fornøjelse at arbejde med alle, hvis det bare var så nemt hver gang. Men det løser ikke alle Europas forsvarsproblemer. Det fjerner kun en hindring, som det er vores ansvar som lovgiver at gøre noget ved. Vores opgave er ikke slut, før pengene er bevilget, og reglerne er vedtaget. Der skal også handling bag ordene.
Det er først, når de er løst, at Europa kan forsvare sine borgere. Det er det, som filen her den bidrager til. Så jeg siger tak for det store arbejde endnu en gang og tak for ordet.
Pekka Toveri
Dear President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues. Over the past few years, Europe has finally realized the fact that not only is there an active war in our continent, but we are also involved. Since we are supporting Ukraine's legal and rightful defense, we are now target of Russia's hybrid war and very possibly the target of Russia's next military aggression. Therefore, defense has obviously become a much more important part of the EU agenda. This is a necessary development, but having defense simply on the agenda is not enough.
The defense omnibus is a good example. We have agreed on practical changes to make it easier to produce, purchase and move defense equipment within Europe. We simplified intra-EU transfers of defense products, software and technology. New general transfer licenses could now reduce processes from days before it took months. We also made procurement much more flexible.
We need to look at what we are actually able to deliver.
Framework agreements can run up to 10 years, giving defense companies more certainty when deciding whether to invest in additional production capacity. And we made it easier for member states to participate in cooperative defense programs. These are useful changes, but during the negotiations we unfortunately also saw how difficult it can be to get member states to go further. Member states quite rightly want to retain a strong role in defense policy. But that role also comes with responsibility.
We cannot ask Europe to do more on defense and then weaken common solutions when they conflict with narrow national interests. Military mobility is another very practical example. We already know many of the obstacles that make it difficult to move troops and military equipment across Europe. Some are related to infrastructure, others are more administrative, different national procedures and permits, etc.
The EU can provide funding and help coordinate the rules, but in the end, member states have to remove many of the obstacles themselves. If moving military equipment from one member state to another still requires unnecessary paperwork and delays, announcing another European defense initiative will not solve the problem. The same applies to defense industry. Europe needs significantly more production capacity. But our companies will not make millions of euros of investment simply because we ask them to do, they need predictable demand from us.
Member states therefore need to coordinate their procurement better, make more joint purchases and give industry a clearer long-term picture of what Europe actually intends to buy. The next MFF and the European Competitiveness Fund can support this work. But at the same time, we should not measure success simply by how many millions are allocated to defense. The real questions are more practical. Do we get bang for the buck?
Are we producing enough equipment? Can procurement processes be faster? Are our critical supply chains secure enough? Can troops and equipment move across Europe when they are needed? The Commission also has work to do.
The Commission must prepare the legislation together with military experts, the industry and Member States from the very beginning. Defense cannot be treated simply as another sector of single market, and all of the knowledge is not in the Commission. Cooperation is the keyword here. And the EU should not try to build competitive structures with NATO. NATO remains the cornerstone of our collective defense, while EU should concentrate to add real value to industrial policy, financing, sensible regulation and infrastructure.
We should aim to build European defense capability that also aims to strengthen the NATO, not to duplicate structures that we already have. If Member States want a stronger European contribution to defense, they also have to be prepared to make the necessary decisions themselves. We have enough strategies and initiatives. Now what we need is Member States to implement what has been agreed, remove the practical obstacles and invest in the capabilities that Europe needs. This is what the Defense Omnibus package delivers.
Thank you.
Javi López
Thank you very much. Next speaker is Mrs. Henricksson for four minutes.
Värderade talman, kommissionär. Europa behöver stärka sitt försvar. Varje medlemsland behöver göra mera. Varför?
Anna-Maja Henriksson
Jo, för att Ryssland kommer att utgöra ett långsiktigt hot mot Europa också efter den dagen när Putins anfallskrig mot Ukraina tar slut. När vi stärker vårt försvar och vår förmåga att stå på egna ben så handlar det ytterst om att värna vår frihet, vår säkerhet, vårt sätt att leva och bo i Europa. Och därför måste vi nu se över vårt regelverk så att medlemsländerna kan göra mer tillsammans, snabbare och utan onödig byråkrati. Genom att stärka vår avskräckningsförmåga minskar vi också risken för att bli anfallna. Putins brutala anfallskrig pågår natt som dag i Ukraina.
Civila drabbas av drönarattacker, människor dödas och familjer får sina hem förstörda. Europa har stött Ukraina allra mest, men vi behöver göra mer. Och behovet av luftförsvar är akut. Och samtidigt så måste vi stärka vår egen försvarsförmåga, satsa på vår försvarsindustri och innovation samt förenkla vår inre försvarsmarknad. Bästa kolleger, för mig är frågan om Europas försvar också personlig.
I Finland vet vi vad det innebär att kämpa för sin självständighet och frihet mot Ryssland. I vinterkriget och fortsättningskriget slogs vi finländare för att försvara vår självständighet.
Min far, liksom så många av hans jämnåriga, skickades till fronten. Min mor, liksom så många andra unga sjuksköterskestuderande, tog hand om sårade soldater på krigssjukhus runt om i vårt land. I dag är det Ukrainas folk som utkämpar den här samma kampen som mina föräldrar och deras generation. Ukraina behöver vårt stöd varje dag. Men värderade talman, vår inre försvarsmarknad är alltför splittrad.
Våra processer alltför långsamma. Det behövs action för att vår industri snabbt ska kunna leverera de stridsvagnar, flygplan, drönare, luftvärnssystem, ammunition och den teknologi som vi behöver för att försvara oss. Därför är den här försvarsomnibussen ett väldigt viktigt startskott. Ett första steg för att göra vår inre försvarsmarknad redo för den krävande tid vi lever i. I omnibussen fyrdubblar vi nu tröskelvärdet för upphandlingar till två miljoner euro.
Det här minskar onödig byråkrati. Vi skapar fler allmänna licenser som sparar månader av tid när försvarsprodukter flyttas från ett EU-land till ett annat.
Det här gynnar också små och medelstora företag, någonting som är väldigt viktigt för oss också i Renew Europe. Bästa kolleger, det är ingen hemlighet att vi här i Europaparlamentet var mera ambitiösa än rådet. Vi ville mer. Medlemsländerna har fortfarande hemläxor att göra. Nu är faktiskt inte rätt tid att förhala processer.
Nu är inte rätt tid att bara tänka på sitt eget land. Nu är det rätt tid att agera och skapa ett starkt Europa. För vi behöver mera tillit till varandra. Vi behöver starkare incitament för att utveckla försvarsteknologi och innovationer i Europa och vi måste bli snabbare på att ta dem i bruk. Värderade talman, försvarsomnibussen, den hjälper Europa att agera snabbare och det är vår uppgift att skydda våra invånare.
Det här är ett väldigt viktigt första steg och tack till kommissionär Kubilius för också kommissionens viktiga insatser.
Thank you President, Commissioner, colleagues. Europe's security can no longer be taken for granted. Russia's war against Ukraine, growing geopolitical instability and increasingly sophisticated hybrid threats have fundamentally changed the security environment around us.
Sven Mikser
Europeans understand this. According to a recent Eurobarometer poll, 68% of Europeans believe their country's security is threatened by the current international situation, while 81% support a common European defense and security policy. Obviously, we have a responsibility to protect our citizens, our territories, our democracy, and our security and prosperity. But what is also clear is that Europe's security can no longer be outsourced either. We need an autonomous capacity to plan, develop, produce, deploy, and sustain the capabilities that are necessary for our own defense.
That is not an inexpensive feat. So we need to put real money on the table. But strengthening European defense is not simply about spending more. EU defense expenditure reached 418 billion euros in 2025, and it is projected to rise further. Yet only 24% of equipment procurement was collaborative, well below the long-standing 35% European benchmark.
So we also have to change the way we spend.
We have to change what we buy and how we cooperate. I do believe that joint procurement and European preference must become central principles of our long-term defense investment, including in the defense procurement directive and the future European competitiveness fund. This is also why the defense omnibus matters. It is part of translating Defense Readiness 2030 into practice, removing unnecessary regulatory barriers, accelerating procedures and making our existing instruments better suited for today's security and industrial reality. The package is intended to facilitate defense investment, accelerate permitting and simplifying intra-EU transfers and procurement.
For the defense readiness file, we secured important improvements to the European Defense Fund. I particularly welcome the stronger inclusion of Ukraine. Cooperation with Ukrainian entities for testing activities can be supported through the EDF when it strengthens the competitiveness, efficiency and innovation capacity of the European defense industrial base. We also ensured that simplification does not come at the expense of quality, maintaining strong safeguards for how EDF funding is awarded.
We also reached a compromise on access rights that responds to the legitimate interests of national authorities while protecting industry's intellectual property and incentives to innovate. At the same time, we should acknowledge where we did not go far enough. The Omnibus was also an opportunity to make real progress on simplifying intra-EU transfers and defence procurement. It is disappointing that we were not able to deliver the same level of ambition here. We must also pay much closer attention to how our defence instruments work in practice, particularly for innovative startups and SMEs.
Europe cannot afford to invest in promising technologies only to see them fall into the so-called valleys of death, struggling to move from innovation to product and from the product to actual orders and production. SMEs and startups are essential to Europe's defence industrial base. They bring specialized technologies, innovation and critical components. Our funding and procurement systems must therefore give them genuine access to finance, contracts and cross-border European supply chains. Finally, let me stress that a stronger European defence industry is not only about security.
And it does not only affect the expenditure side of the budget. It doesn't only take money out of our budget. It also strengthens innovation, technological sovereignty, competitiveness, skilled employment and our security of supply. So it's a win-win if we do it right. Thank you.
Thank you very much. The next rapporteur in the first round of rapporteurs is Pierfrancesco Majorino.
Pierfrancesco Majorino
Grazie Presidente. Oggi discutiamo un provvedimento sulle semplificazioni in materia di appalti di difesa che è probabilmente utile, ma è molto lontano da ciò che serve oggi all'Europa. Anche perché gli Stati nazionali hanno annacquato i tentativi della Commissione e del Commissario Kyriakides di avere una prima governance condivisa dei progetti. Quando parliamo di difesa europea, dobbiamo pensare a una difesa comune. Nessun Paese si salva da solo in questo quadro internazionale e anche dal punto di vista economico il riarmo nazionale è inefficiente e inadatto alle sfide che abbiamo davanti.
Dobbiamo andare rapidamente verso una cooperazione rafforzata tra chi è disposto a condividere una politica estera comune e quindi una politica di difesa comune. Per essere al fianco dell'Ucraina e per esercitare al meglio una vera deterrenza contro qualsiasi azione diretta ai danni dei Paesi dell'Unione Europea. Questo pacchetto rende più semplici le procedure dei ventisette Stati nazionali. Questo è positivo, ma non può essere questa la via maestra. Troppo spesso gli Stati membri sviluppano separatamente le stesse capacità e acquistano separatamente gli stessi equipaggiamenti.
Il risultato è semplice: spendiamo di più e otteniamo di meno. Gli appalti congiunti devono diventare la regola, non l'eccezione. Ma c'è una condizione fondamentale: questi investimenti devono rafforzare l'industria europea. Per questo chiediamo che in tutti i prossimi provvedimenti ci sia una European preference. Non possiamo parlare di autonomia strategica e allo stesso tempo utilizzare il nostro potere di spesa per creare nuove dipendenze industriali e tecnologiche.
In questo quadro, l'Ucraina deve essere un partner strategico dell'Europa. Sta difendendo con coraggio il proprio paese ed è una nostra frontiera. Deve essere parte attiva di tutti i nostri progetti e spero, il prima possibile, anche parte integrante della nostra Unione Europea. Andando al merito del provvedimento che ho seguito come relatore in commissione ENVI, in particolare riguardo le deroghe sulle sostanze chimiche per i prodotti della difesa, ricordo l'importanza di trovare un giusto punto di equilibrio tra la necessaria prontezza e flessibilità del settore senza rinunciare alle tutele ambientali.
È questo d'altronde il senso di semplificare, eliminare gli ostacoli superflui ma non le garanzie necessarie. Quindi procediamo con questo omnibus. Ringrazio ovviamente tutti gli altri rapporteur e gli shadow, ma lancio l'appello alla Commissione e ai ventisette governi dei nostri Stati membri. Costruiamo davvero l'Europa della difesa comune. Un'Europa che nasce da una politica estera comune, che stanzia budget ampi e condivisi, che fa patti congiunti e laboratori scientifici transnazionali e che valorizza un sistema industriale europeo capace di garantire pace, sicurezza e innovazione.
Non limitiamoci a facilitare gli appalti per l'acquisto di prodotti che spesso sono stranieri. Scegliamo invece la strada dell'Europa della difesa comune che crea un'industria della difesa comune. Grazie.
Thank you very much. And the next speaker is Aura Salla, also rapporteur.
Aura Salla
Europe's next defense challenge is turning spending into military power. We must build faster while focusing on quality, interoperability and the capabilities we actually need today and tomorrow. The priorities are clear. We need to scale up the production of ammunition, missiles, drones and air defense systems. Strengthen European defense manufacturing and supply chains.
Invest in intelligence, ISR, space, cyber and electronic warfare.
Increase investment in military mobility and logistics. And buy more jointly and reduce fragmented national programs. We must also rapidly build a stronger European pillar of NATO, capable of doing more without assuming that the US will do it for us. The goal is simple. A Europe that can credibly deter and, if necessary, also defend itself.
More money is necessary, and this needs to be a joint effort between public and private sectors. But speed, scale, and coordination will determine whether that spending actually makes us safer. On hybrid threats, we must respond with resilience, deterrence, attribution. Rather than treating every hybrid attack as a purely military problem. Russia should not be allowed to believe that operating below the threshold of conventional war means operating below the threshold of consequences.
We must protect our critical infrastructure, strengthen Europe's technology base and cyber defense. Improve intelligence and attribution, counter foreign interference, and ensure that hostile actions from sabotage to cyberattacks face a coordinated European response.
Technology and data are a crucial part of defense. Europe cannot be strategically secure while remaining critically dependent on foreign providers for cloud, for software, for semiconductors and cybersecurity. In most sensitive sectors, we need trusted and secure supply chains, stronger European alternatives and clear rules to reduce dangerous dependencies on high-risk vendors. We should use European investment and public procurement much more strategically to help European technologies to scale. At the same time, we need interoperability and open standards so that governments, armed forces and critical infrastructure operators are never locked into a single provider they cannot replace.
Cyber defense must also become much more operational. We need stronger European capabilities to detect attacks early. Share threat intelligence in real time, protect critical networks and rapidly recover when systems are compromised. Technological resilience must become part of deterrence. And adversaries must know that attacking Europe's digital infrastructure will not paralyze us and that such attacks will be detected and met with consequences.
Ultimately, European defense is not just about tanks, aircrafts and missiles. It is about factories, supply chains, satellites, software, data, networks and the resilience of our societies. Strategic security requires strategic capacity and capabilities. And this is what we are here to support and this is what we are here to deliver. Thank you.
Thank you very much and I pass the floor to Commissioner Andrius Kubilius, please for five minutes.
Andrius Kubilius
Madam President, honorable members. For our defense readiness we often need more. More money, more production, more weapons, more equipment. But sometimes we need less. Less complication, less restrictions, less red tape.
When it comes to regulating defense industry, as the saying goes, less is more.
And I know you agree. So I thank you for your provisional agreement with the Council on the Defense Readiness Omnibus and the massive majorities in the committees, which show we are as one for the defense of Europe. When I started as Commissioner, I called for a big bang in defense. In the last two years, we created a big bang in financial resources. 150 billion in safe loans, 60 billion in Ukraine support loan for defense.
Member states pledged trillions by 2035. But for production ramp-up, money alone is not enough. As our friend NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte says, we are not at war, but not at peace either. Ukraine shows, when war comes, you need to scale up very quickly. Our goal, to keep peace on European continent.
And to that end, we need to prevent war and deter aggression. And our deterrence depends on speed. If we are slow and inefficient, Putin will not hesitate to test us. That is why we are updating our peacetime rulebook for these dangerous times and drastically cutting red tape for our defense industry with the Defense Readiness Omnibus.
This is the beginning of simplification Big Bang in defense. So I thank the rapporteurs Lucia Yar, Henrick Dahl on fast-track permitting, Pekka Toveri, Anna-Maja Henriksson on intra-EU transfers, Sven Mikser, Aura Salla on defense investment. I thank you and all the shadow rapporteurs. I was there at every trilogue. We had good negotiations, a good result.
So I thank you, so thank you for doing a great job, a great job for Europe's defense readiness. First, with new simpler permitting rules. In some Member States right now, it can take industry four years, not two years, but four years to get a permit to build a new factory. So basically, if you ask for the permit now, you can maybe start building four years from now. That undermines our defense readiness.
We're putting an end to these dangerous delays with a maximum 42 working day permitting deadline, maximum 102 days in complex cases, and tacit approval. No answer, you're good to go. Putting an end to uncertainty so industry can speed up investment, expand production. Second, we are helping industry to ramp up by making sure industry can access critical chemicals. Our defense readiness depends on chemicals, chemicals for explosives and firing ammunition.
We provide exemptions to allow use of chemicals for defense readiness and greater legal clarity. We have found the right balance between defending the environment and defending Europe from Russian aggression. Third, we are encouraging innovation by simplifying procedures for the European Defense Fund, an European success story for research and development. New, simpler rules will make the European Defense Fund even more attractive for small innovative companies and allow for quick response to meet urgent defense needs, and to meet real battlefield needs by allowing testing in Ukraine, making our defense industry stronger and bringing also quality jobs all over Europe. Defense ramp-up depends also on demand from Member States' governments and armies.
We have made it easier for them to buy defense products, with higher limits in procurement rules, so governments can focus on the biggest, most important orders, and also possibilities for joint procurement for big European orders that industry needs. Finally, intra-EU transfers. Today, a true EU defense market does not exist. Defense products can be stuck on the border between two Member States, sometimes for months, even if they are fully co-produced and co-licensed. That will not help our defense readiness.
But here too, we made progress. We have made it easier to move defense products between two Member States. We reduced barriers and introduced new general transfer licenses. I know that both of us would have liked to be still more ambitious, but for me, this is a good compromise, also because we all agree work on the European defense market must continue. In its June conclusions, the European Council stressed the importance of the proper functioning and further integration of the European defense market across the Union.
This is a quote from conclusions. And in March, you, the European Parliament, called for a stronger and more integrated defense market in an excellent own-initiative report. Together, we will make it happen. Before the end of the year, the Commission will present our defense market package. And just to conclude, honorable members, dear colleagues, dear friends, as I said in the beginning, less is more.
I call on you in the vote this week, vote for much less of red tape, which means much more of defense readiness. Our ability to defend ourselves depends on it. Our ability to deter aggression, to prevent war, depends on it. Thanks a lot.
And now we pass to the rapporteurs of the opinion-giving committees, and the first is Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis.
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis
Thank you very much.
Vice-Commissioner Andrius, Madam President, colleagues, it is important to highlight that defense, public interest, and social protection are not in conflict with each other. The purpose of defense spending is to safeguard citizens' well-being, dignity, democracy. Last night, a NATO jet shot down a drone over Lithuania, and a Russian warship fired two emergency flares at a Danish helicopter. In a war, drones fly far, and attacks can reach every European Union member state. Therefore, we need to streamline our defense capabilities to ensure the protection of our citizens.
The so-called Defense Omnibus gives the initiative a more European character, with enhanced cross-border cooperation, access for small and medium enterprises and startups, and our partners from Ukraine. We need to make sure we have the resources and the ability to shield and protect ourselves.
Otherwise non-EU in defense will cost a lot. Thank you.
The next speaker is Maria-Manuel Leitão-Marques, aber sie ist nicht da. Dann gehen wir in die erste Runde der Sprecher on behalf of the political groups and first on behalf of EPP is Salvatore De Meo.
Salvatore De Meo
Grazie Presidente. L'omnibus sulla difesa rappresenta un passo importante per rendere l'Europa più autonoma, più pronta, più competitiva e in grado di rispondere tempestivamente alle minacce di una situazione politica sempre più complessa. Semplificare le procedure, rendere più efficienti e congiunti gli appalti significa voler accelerare la realizzazione delle infrastrutture necessarie per rispondere a quelle che sono le nostre esigenze di sicurezza, ma soprattutto superare i tempi burocratici che la sicurezza europea non può più permettersi.
Come relatore ombra del PPE all'interno della commissione IMCO voglio ringraziare i relatori per l'ottimo lavoro fatto, per aver voluto dare un lavoro con cui voler armonizzare le procedure in tutti gli stati, con scadenze chiare e uguali per tutti, individuando un punto unico nazionale e soprattutto favorire così l'impegno delle piccole e medie imprese nella realizzazione delle infrastrutture necessarie. Anche sull'approvazione tacita abbiamo difeso un principio chiaro: le eccezioni devono restare eccezioni. Non possiamo introdurre procedure più veloci e poi lasciare scappatoie che rischiano di riportarci alle vecchie lentezze. Questo provvedimento evidenzia la nostra esigenza di semplificare le procedure perché abbiamo un quadro troppo complesso e soprattutto serve a far capire che l'Europa ha bisogno di acquisire autonomia, di essere meno dipendente, perché solo in questo modo, lo diceva bene il commissario, possiamo garantire ai nostri cittadini, alle nostre imprese, alla nostra economia quell'autonomia e quella credibilità che ci permette di recuperare uno spazio importante e credibile sullo scenario geopolitico internazionale.
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Yannis Maniatis on behalf of S&D.
Yannis Maniatis
Κυρία Πρόεδρε, κύριε Επίτροπε, θα ήθελα να ξεκινήσω ευχαριστώντας τους εισηγητές για την πολύ καλή συνεργασία. Κατά τη διάρκεια των διαπραγματεύσεων για την αναθεώρηση των δύο οδηγιών για τις ενδοενωσιακές μεταφορές και τις δημόσιες προμήθειες στην άμυνα, αναδείχθηκε δυστυχώς η απροθυμία του Συμβουλίου να κατανοήσει το νέο γεωπολιτικό περιβάλλον στο οποίο βρισκόμαστε.
Μπλόκαρε κάθε ουσιαστική αλλαγή που πρότεινε η Επιτροπή και το Κοινοβούλιο, πηγαίνοντας απέναντι και στο πνεύμα της απλοποίησης που ήταν ο στόχος της νομοθετικής πρότασης. Όμως, χωρίς περισσότερη συνεργασία, χωρίς κοινές προμήθειες, χωρίς αυτοματοποιημένες αναγνωρίσεις και χωρίς ισχυρή ρήτρα ευρωπαϊκής προτίμησης για την ενίσχυση της ευρωπαϊκής παραγωγής και τη μείωση των εξαρτήσεων από τρίτες χώρες, δεν θα πετύχουμε τον στόχο μας. Δεν αρκεί μόνο να αυξήσουμε τους αμυντικούς προϋπολογισμούς. Αν θέλουμε να έχουμε μια ισχυρή Ευρώπη, πρέπει να κάνουμε και περισσότερα αλλά και μαζί. Για τον λόγο αυτό, αγαπητέ Επίτροπε, πρέπει να παρουσιάσετε άμεσα νέες νομοθετικές προτάσεις που θα θέσουν τις βάσεις για μια πραγματικά κοινή ευρωπαϊκή αγορά για την άμυνα.
Pierre-Romain Thionnet
Investir davantage dans la défense, réduire nos dépendances extérieures, produire plus et plus vite, tout cela est nécessaire dans le contexte international.
Et tout cela exige de créer un environnement réglementaire, normatif et financier ultra favorable à l'industrie de défense. Chacun doit être à sa place ici. Les États avec un rôle décisionnel central et même unique. La Commission comme intendance, comme organe chargé de mettre en application les dispositions ou de débloquer les fonds convenus entre États. Cette subsidiarité inscrite dans nos traités doit être respectée scrupuleusement.
C'est le cas avec cet omnibus de simplification consacré au secteur de la défense. Il comporte de nombreuses modifications de bon sens, revendiquées et soutenues par nos industriels, nos entrepreneurs, en particulier par nos PME. Les lourdeurs administratives doivent être réduites à leur strict minimum. Les États qui souhaitent coopérer ou acheter ensemble ne doivent pas être gênés par des lourdeurs bureaucratiques. La Commission européenne, encouragée par certains groupes politiques du Parlement, a tenté d'utiliser cet omnibus pour s'attribuer des compétences en matière de gouvernance.
Elle a échoué. Son échec nous prouve une chose : il est parfaitement possible de faciliter l'activité de l'industrie de défense et la coopération entre États sans transférer des pouvoirs supplémentaires à Bruxelles. Il est parfaitement possible d'être plus productif sans aller vers plus d'intégration. Les choix nationaux et la structure confédérale européenne ne sont pas des obstacles. Ils sont la seule solution non seulement légitime mais efficace.
Je vous remercie.
Yeah, thank you Chair, Mr. Commissioner, dear colleagues, the goal of the Omnibus 5 was to simplify military transfers and procurement procedures.
Reinis Pozņaks
And we succeeded on this. At the same time, we also tried to strengthen the European defense industry. We tried to hit two birds with one stone, but almost dropped it on our own foot. Europe's defense autonomy is the right goal. It's a must, but we cannot force long-term goals into a short-term timeframe.
We are losing too much time on debates trying to do so. And time is the most limited resource we have. Countries close to Russia simply do not have the time to wait until Europe develops all the capabilities we need. And I'm glad that we managed to keep our defense market open to our strategic defense partners, countries like Canada, United Kingdom, and Norway, whose soldiers, by the way, are already on the ground defending Europe's eastern flank. We need to build a stronger European defense industry for tomorrow, but without limiting our ability to defend Europe today.
Thank you.
The next speaker on behalf of Renew is Nikola Minchev.
Thank you very much, Madam President, Mr. Commissioner, dear colleagues.
Nikola Minchev
Tomorrow we vote on three important pieces of defense legislation that can help us move faster in closing our defense investment and capability gaps. In practice, this means less paperwork, faster procurement and fewer obstacles to moving equipment across the EU, so getting the right capabilities to the right place at the right time. Russia's war against Ukraine has reminded us of something we should never forget. Peace can never be taken for granted and we must be ready to act. In terms of spending, member states are already stepping up.
Defense spending increased by 20% last year, reaching 418 billion euros. But spending more is only part of it. The key is to invest smarter and make the most of working together, closing the gaps and avoiding duplications. We cannot afford 27 separate efforts pulling in different directions. We are stronger when we work together, coordinate and cooperate.
That is our strength and that is how we build a Europe that is ready to protect its citizens, defend its interests and contribute to peace and stability, not just on paper, but on the ground. Thank you.
The next speaker on behalf of the Greens is Reinier van Lanschot.
Thank you. Getting the capabilities to protect ourselves is a huge task, as if we're running a marathon together. Money alone is not enough.
Reinier Van Lanschot
We remain fragmented and slow. These new defense laws could have made us go full sprint. And on the permits, we succeeded. This will slash lead times from years to months. But we will not buy equipment together.
There will still be no real single market for defense. Because of our stubborn national leaders, we aren't running, we've stumbled over the first steps. These national leaders make big promises in public and then block ambitious European action behind closed doors. Like ostriches, they hide their heads in national soil and hope the danger will go away. Russia will only attack us if we are weak.
And we know how to become strong, with a real European Defense Union. So national leaders, get out of your nationalistic trenches and start sprinting. Let's not wait for war to unite us, let's unite to prevent war. Thank you.
The next speaker is Marc Botenga on behalf of the Left.
Marc Botenga
Merci Madame la Présidente, Monsieur le Commissaire, chers collègues. Vous parlez de sécurité, mais moi je veux quand même vous poser la question quand vous célébrez la flexibilisation des règles, moins de règles, moins de procédures, à la sécurité de qui est-ce que vous pensez ? Parce que nous avons aujourd'hui une loi qui limite en Europe l'utilisation des polluants éternels, genre PFAS. Clairement la loi ne suffit pas si on voit le nombre de cancers provoqués par le PFAS partout en Europe. Et qu'est-ce que vous proposez ?
C'est de dire que désormais cette évaluation elle sera moins sévère et on pourra passer outre si jamais c'est dans l'intérêt des profits des entreprises de l'armement. On a une loi européenne qui oblige les entreprises à un minimum de transparence par rapport aux produits toxiques qu'ils utilisent, essentiel pour la santé des travailleurs et des riverains. Et qu'est-ce que vous dites ? Ben on va réduire cette transparence pour les usines de l'armement. Les gens seront désormais empoisonnés sans le savoir.
Et finalement, un gouvernement qui veut vérifier la toxicité pour une installation, elle n'aura plus ou il n'aura plus que 42 jours au lieu de 2 à 3 ans. Et vous célébrez cela ? Je ne crois pas qu'il y ait quoi que ce soit à célébrer. Ce texte va tuer et vous allez tuer au profit des actionnaires de la guerre. Merci.
And now again on behalf of the Commission, Commissioner Andrius Kubilius.
Andrius Kubilius
Well, thanks a lot for a very good debate. And thanks a lot really for the job which was done, as I said at the beginning, for provisional agreement on the Defense Readiness Omnibus. And definitely I agree with those who are saying that speed in development of our defense readiness is a crucial matter. And that is why, in my view, this Omnibus which we did now is just a beginning. Well, it will take time for us to adapt, despite the fact that the dangers and threats are imminent.
But definitely, you know, we are living still with a lot of old rules which were made during a peacetime. So that is why during peacetime, when the needs of defense were sometimes forgotten, and now we are, as Mark Rutte was saying, I will repeat again, not at war, but not at peace either.
Defense is a necessity. And we need to take that very seriously and to look through all our rules which are not perhaps, which were good for peacetime, but not so good for such a time when we need to be ready for our defense. And that is why we were looking for compromises even about when we are talking about environment protection and chemicals. Now, second, again, what we need to understand is that what we are living through in defense is something which is happening once in a hundred years' time. The structures and the whole collective defense architecture in Europe, which was created back in 1949 when NATO was created, now is under some kind of need to look into how it can be transformed, taking into account what our transatlantic partners are, you know, deciding in their national defense strategy, national security strategy, and what they are speaking about when they are talking about NATO 3.0.
So this is a very big task for us, for our generation, to be ready to build an European collective defense architecture which will be much more European. And that is why when we're talking about either Brussels grabbing power or, you know, something like that, that this is no no need to change anything, this is wrong approach. All of us together, we need to build such a structure which would allow us to be really ready to defend ourselves in such a way to deter any kind of threats which can come to our continent. So I call it myself that we're living through what I would call status quo crisis. As it was till now, it will not be anymore.
So we need to be ready for that change. But as I'm always again quoting Jean Monnet was always saying that European community will be built during the crisis. So this is a time for us to build an European community for defense. Thanks a lot.
Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz.
Szanowni Państwo, ja nie chcę dzisiaj mówić o rynku wewnętrznym, chcę mówić o tym, że Putin ma przegrać, Rosja ma przegrać, bo musi przegrać, to jest nasze główne zadanie, a cała reszta to są po prostu szczegóły. Przecież już we wrześniu zeszłego roku na polskim niebie pojawiły się drony.
Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz
Nad domami, w którym spali ludzie. Dzwonili do mnie ludzie i mówili, że wychodzili na podwórko sprawdzać, czy coś tam spadło. Bali się. I wy też się boicie tej nocy, która nie będzie ćwiczeniem alarmu. Takiego strachu nie ma się co wstydzić.
Mówię wam o tym wszystkim, bo wiemy, co trzeba zrobić, żeby pokonać Rosję. Zobaczcie, czego boi się Putin. On się boi, że się ogarniemy i jeszcze bardziej się zjednoczymy. Bo on liczy. Liczy, ile miesięcy zajmuje nam przywiezienie komponentu z Francji do Polski.
I jak liczy, że długo, to myśli sobie: okej, można będzie lecieć dalej, jak już przejdzie do drugiej fazy wojny. I teraz zobaczcie. Nasz rynek wewnętrzny to nie jest jakiś wymysł. To jest nasza broń. Bo żeby Putin przegrał, będziemy musieli produkować i kupować szybciej niż on niszczy.
I pierwsze kroki w deregulacji zrobiliśmy dobrze, ale przed nami uproszczenie zamówień publicznych. Na to się teraz umówiliśmy. I teraz wszyscy: Parlament, państwa, prezydencja, Komisja musimy tego pilnować i się z tego wywiązać. Tak będzie dobrze. Kiedy w zamówieniach publicznych zamienimy miesiące w dni.
Putin ma przegrać, działamy dalej. Dziękuję.
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Idoya Mendía.
Idoia Mendia
Gracias, presidenta. Señor comisario, los ataques rusos cada vez se sienten más cerca de nuestras casas y esto nos tiene que enfrentar a la realidad que todavía no parece que asumamos, que es nuestra responsabilidad. Porque Rusia intenta generar miedo, probar nuestros límites y sobre todo dividirnos. Necesitamos más Europa, más cooperación y una industria europea con menos dependencias estratégicas. No se trata de gastar más ni de que cada país vaya por su lado.
Tenemos que invertir mejor, hacerlo juntos, reforzando así nuestra capacidad industrial y tecnológica. Porque la guerra ha cambiado. Hoy se hace con misiles y drones, pero también con sabotajes, ciberataques y desinformación. Y además estamos solos. Europa ya no puede dar por hecho que otros garanticen siempre nuestra seguridad.
Necesitamos autonomía precisamente para proteger nuestra democracia y nuestro modelo social. En definitiva, tenemos que dejar de mirarnos de reojo entre nosotros e ir todos a una en la defensa europea, porque en este barco vamos todos juntos: o nos salvamos todos o nos hundimos todos. Gracias.
There is a blue card. Do you accept a blue card from Mr. Terheş? No.
Jaroslava Pokorná Jermanová
Děkuji za slovo, paní předsedající, vážený pane komisaři, vážené kolegyně, vážení kolegové. Balíček legislativy týkající se obranného omnibusu respektuje jeden základní princip, a to, že obrana zůstává především odpovědností členských států. Komise nesmí získávat větší pravomoci nad citlivými rozhodnutími o převodech nebo zadávání zakázek. Nesmí nahrazovat rozhodování na národní úrovni. Proti tomu jsme se při projednávání tohoto balíčku jasně vymezili a tyto pravomoci nakonec do legislativy zahrnuty nebyly.
Podle nás ale mohlo být nařízení odvážnější, zejména v podpoře malých a středních podniků. Právě ty jsou důležitým zdrojem inovací v obranném evropském průmyslu. Menší firmy stále pořád narážejí na příliš mnoho překážek při zadávání zakázek, při přístupu k financování i při zapojování do evropských dodavatelských řetězců. Evropská obranná politika nemůže být nastavena hlavně ve prospěch největších dodavatelů a nesmí se stát další záminkou pro větší centralizaci v Bruselu.
Podporujeme proto opatření, která obrannému průmyslu usnadní výrobu, spolupráci a dodávky. Naše priority ale zůstávají jasné a stejné: méně byrokracie, silnější a nezávislé národní obranné průmysly, lepší podmínky pro malé a střední podniky a především zachování rozhodovacích pravomocí v rukou členských států. Děkuji.
Sabine Verheyen
There is a blue card, sorry, there is a blue card from Mr... no. Then we come to the next speaker, it's Alexandr Vondra.
Alexandr Vondra
Ladies and gentlemen, we cannot fight on two fronts at the same time. The EU and its member states are rightly spending resources on supporting Ukraine and building up our defense. The other front is bureaucratic, sometimes more vicious than the first one. Our defense industry cannot be expected to deliver more, produce faster, and compete globally while being tied down by excessive green Brussels bureaucracy. That's why I welcome the compromise we have reached.
It is not perfect, but it creates more opportunity for European businesses and gives our defense industry a greater room to invest, innovate, and increase production.
We need European companies that can respond quickly. Putin will not wait until we will find the right form, so we need to go forward.
Marjan Šarec
The next speaker is Marian-Jean Marinescu.
Dear colleagues, Europe must be able to defend itself. For that we need a strong, competitive and innovative European defense industry. The Defense Omnibus is an important step forward: less bureaucracy, faster procedures and better conditions for our companies to invest and cooperate. We also are improving the European Defense Fund by supporting SMEs and strengthening cross-border cooperation. And when Member States co-finance defense projects, they should be able to negotiate appropriate access to the results they helped finance.
Our goal is clear: use European taxpayers' money effectively, reduce dependence on third countries and strengthen Europe's ability to take responsibility for its own security. Thank you.
There's a blue card from Mr. Terheş. Do you accept a blue card from Mr. Terheş? No.
Then we come to the next speaker, Hannah Neumann.
Hannah Neumann
Dear colleagues, the Russian aggression is testing us too. Drone attacks, disinformation, low-level agents, the need to scale up our defense industry and the costs that come with it. And when a challenge becomes too big for member states, such as this one, they call on Europe to fix it, and rightly so, because together we are stronger and together is the only chance we have. But what do member states do after calling on Europe to act? They deny Europe the money and the powers and the information to do the job, and then they block every little progress behind closed doors in Council, as they did on these files, and then they go home and blame Europe for failing.
This is not how you protect European citizens, nor how you deter Russia. This is how you undermine the only solution you have. So to Paris, Madrid, The Hague, Rome, and everyone else: stop asking Europe to deliver while denying Europe the means to deliver. Let's prepare, produce, deter together and give this House the powers it needs to provide proper oversight of all of this.
And, dear Commissioner, you can very well be more ambitious.
No. Then we come to the next speaker, Merja Kyllönen.
Merja Kyllönen
Arvoisa puhemies, Euroopan puolustusvalmiutta on vahvistettava. Mutta nopeampi ei saa tarkoittaa heikommin valvottua. Venäjän hyökkäyssota Ukrainassa on osoittanut, että Euroopan on kyettävä tuottamaan tarvitsemiaan puolustusmateriaaleja ja toimimaan kriittisissä kriiseissä nykyistä nopeammin. Siksi lupamenettelyjä on perusteltua sujuvoittaa, puolustusmateriaalin siirtoja jäsenmaiden välillä helpottaa ja eurooppalaista tuotantokykyä vahvistaa. Mutta kiire ei oikeuta luopumaan ympäristöasioista, avoimuudesta tai demokraattisesta valvonnasta.
Julkisten miljardien käytön on oltava läpinäkyvää ja siihen on vahvistettava Euroopan omaa osaamista ja teollista kapasiteettia. Turvallisuus ei myöskään synny siitä, että 27 jäsenmaata hankkii kiireessä kukin omaansa. Tarvitsemme enemmän yhteistä suunnittelua, yhteisiä hankintoja ja omavaraisuutta. Puolustusvalmius ei rakennu vain aseista.
Se rakentuu osaamisesta, teollisuudesta, logistiikasta, huoltovarmuudesta ja ennen kaikkea eurooppalaisesta yhteistyöstä. Kiitos.
There's a blue card from Mr. Terheş. No. Then the next speaker, Radan Kanev.
Radan Kanev
Благодаря, госпожо председател. Господин комисар, колеги. Искам да кажа, че свършихме наистина добра работа по това законодателство. И специално поздравявам и благодаря на нашите докладчици, нашите представители в преговорите, за това, че постигнаха и много добър резултат в преговорите с правителствата в рамките на Съвета на Европейския съюз. Резултат над очакванията ни.
Но ще бъда съвсем откровен. Аз не се надявам, не съм оптимист, че това законодателство лесно ще се превърне в действително по-малко бюрократични пречки за предприятията, а още по-малко в това, което е целта му.
Обща жива динамична европейска отбранителна индустрия, която заедно да покрие нуждите на общата европейска отбрана. Повече от две години след като започнахме активно да говорим за обща европейска отбрана, се чувствам по-скоро обезсърчен, по-скоро загрижен, отколкото оптимист. Защото виждам как продължават да надделяват национални и корпоративни тънки сметки. Как ревността на национално ниво продължава да надделява над общия ни интерес. Сякаш повечето правителства остават загрижени за своите фирми, за своите бюджети, а това не е обща отбрана.
Нужна ни е рамка, това нямаме, рамка, в която действително да видим европейски отбранителен съюз в много близко бъдеще. Благодаря ви.
Ah, yes, sure.
Thank you, dear colleague, for accepting the blue card. You spoke about the needs in defense and that we should adjust our defense policy towards the needs. Now, if we talk about needs in defense, it's mostly about the need to defend yourself against someone else. I would be interested in your opinion, given the fact that we have this union and that this is a project of common interest and peace, will we even need national member states' armies in the future, or will we maybe only be in need of one unified European army?
Radan Kanev
Thank you very much.
Well, thank you, thank you for this question, Lukas. I was feeling rather optimistic, and you confronted me with the most optimist question possible. So I would have to answer in the spirit of my previous speech and say no. I wouldn't aim so high, because when you have over-ambitious proposals, usually you provoke the worst of jealousy on the national government side. So let's stay realistic.
This is enough, and we are not achieving enough this way, not yet. Thank you.
Sabine Verheyen
Thank you very much. Now we come to the next speaker, Kristian Vigenin.
Commissioner, colleagues, we support the aim of the regulation to speed up permits for defense readiness projects. Europe is investing more in defense, and we need to turn that investment into real capabilities and infrastructure to support them faster. But speed cannot come at the expense of safety.
Kristian Vigenin
We have worked to make sure that shorter deadlines do not mean weaker environmental or labor standards, or greater risks to people, health, and lives. The procedures should be faster, but the quality of the assessment must remain the same. That too is part of security. A strong European defense must make Europe safer and more resilient, while preserving the social model, public health, and democratic values that we are trying to defend. And if Europe can make procedures faster and more predictable in defense, we should aim for the same efficiency in other strategic areas: healthcare, water, transport, and critical infrastructure.
Security is multidimensional. It means being able to defend European territory, but also having strong societies, resilient infrastructure, and the capacity to protect people when crisis come. Defense readiness and social resilience must go hand in hand. And now is time for governments to implement and deliver. Thank you.
The next speaker is György Hölvényi.
Tisztelt képviselőtársaim! Európa védelmi képességének fejlesztése nyilvánvaló stratégiai szükségszerűség. Első és szinte kizárólagos feladatunk az európai polgárok biztonságának a megerősítése.
György Hölvényi
De nem mindegy, hogy ezt hogyan tesszük. Az Európai Védelmi Alap célja nem az, hogy egy unión kívüli háborús konfliktus finanszírozásának eszközévé váljon. Erre nagyon sok más megszavazott, jóváhagyott módozat van. Legyen világos! Az európai védelmi képességek megerősítése nem keverhető össze az orosz agresszió következtében kialakult valóban tragikus ukrajnai háborús helyzettel.
De van itt még egy alapvető és visszamenőleges hatály. Az unión kívül végzett védelmi eszközök tesztelésének költségei utólag 2025. január elsejével válhatnak elszámolhatóvá. Ez súlyos kérdést vet fel a jogbiztonság és a tisztességes verseny szempontjából. Ha most visszamenőleg megváltoztatjuk a szabályokat, akkor az egyik projekt utólag olyan pénzügyi előnyhöz jut, amit a másik projekt gazdája nem is tudott róla. Nem fogadhatjuk el, hogy az Európai Unió utólag változtassa meg a finanszírozás szabályait, az EU hitelességét ássa alá a gazdasági szereplők között.
Igen, Európa biztonságát szinte mindenáron erősíteni kell, de ne úgy, hogy közben feladjuk a jogbiztonságot, az átláthatóságot és az európai adófizetők értékeit.
Köszönöm, hogy meghallgattak.
Sabine Verheyen
Mr. Hölvényi, there's a blue card from Mr. Zippel, do you accept it? No? Okay, then we come to the next speaker, Kosma Złotowski.
Kosma Złotowski
Geehrte Frau Präsidentin, szanowni państwo. Bardzo cieszę się z tego, że jestem posłem do Parlamentu Europejskiego z Bydgoszczy. Z miasta i regionu kluczowego dla przemysłu zbrojeniowego nie tylko w Polsce i Europie, ale także na świecie. W Bydgoszczy i jej sąsiedztwie znajdują się Zakłady Chemiczne Nitro-Chem, największy w Europie i jeden z największych na świecie producentów trotylu i materiałów wybuchowych, kluczowy dostawca dla armii państw NATO. Wojskowe Zakłady Lotnicze nr 2, remontujące i modernizujące wojskowe statki powietrzne nie tylko polskie, ale natowskie.
I Bydgoskie Zakłady Elektromechaniczne Belma, producent min. Jeśli chcemy wzmacniać bezpieczeństwo, musimy stworzyć warunki dla szybkiego rozwoju zdolności produkcyjnych. Dlatego szczególnie w sektorze obronnym trzeba ograniczać zbędną biurokrację, którą oczywiście ograniczać trzeba wszędzie.
Nasz przemysł zbrojeniowy potrzebuje możliwości szybkiego zwiększenia produkcji i inwestowania, a nie zbędnych barier administracyjnych. Dziękuję bardzo.
Speaker 323
Mr Szrotowski, there is a blue card from Mr Sieper. Do you accept that?
Please, Mr Sieper.
Dear colleague, thank you very much. I just wanted to ask what other nice things you maybe have in your hometown. Thank you.
Ależ oczywiście, tylko że nie mam na tyle czasu. Ale z całą pewnością mogę pana posła zaprosić na kawę. Możemy porozmawiać o Bydgoszczy, Kujawach i Pomorzu.
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Tineke Strik.
Tineke Strik
Thank you, Commissioner, Chairman. On Sunday, Russia carried out yet another attack close to the Polish border. Another reminder that Russia is not only brutally attacking Ukraine. The threat to Europe is growing and we need to act. We need a stronger European defense industry.
With NATO becoming less predictable, we need to think differently about capacity building. We need to build capabilities here in Europe together.
But faster cannot mean careless. We must be able to produce more without exposing our citizens to dangerous chemicals, unstable production, or creating new dependencies on other powers. That's why I'm proud of the compromise we have reached. We can build faster, we can build more, and we can still protect the people we seek to protect. This is the Europe we can trust.
Mrs. Pospíšilová, there is a blue card from Mr. Terheş. Yeah, please, Mr. Terheş.
Cristian Terheş
Do I need... Thank you. Thank you so much for taking my blue card. Finally, somebody has the courage to face a debate. You were mentioning that, and I quote, "we need to produce more in Europe", end quote. The problem is that your group and the other groups on the right, on the wrong side of the aisle, are promoting the other projects that we just voted on today: higher taxes, CBAM, ETS2.
All of those are increasing the costs of producing anything in Europe. So how do you reconcile the two?
How are we going to build more tanks in Europe when iron is going to be more expensive because of the other things they are promoting here? Thank you.
Okay, I think it is a pleasure to take a blue card. So, you know, I was brought up in a manner that you can actually handle more than one thing at a time. And I think, you know, Europe is brilliant. Europe has done extremely good for many, many years, and we will continue to do so even if we now have more things on our plate. Thank you.
Thank you very much. The next speaker is... oh, there is a follow-up question.
Cristian Terheş
Well, I know that for you and for many of you on the right side of the political aisle, it's very easy to juggle different arguments. The problem is that for the European businesses, they have to juggle at the same time hundreds of pages of legislation that you guys are passing. And many of these companies are leaving Europe. The price of aluminum is going to go up. How are we going to build airplanes if everything is going to be more expensive?
Explain to us and to the Europeans how the European companies are going to juggle these two things. Thank you.
Tineke Strik
Well, again, thank you very much for coming back. I spent 35 years in business and I can tell you we juggled and we juggled with a lot of things at the same time. And I can also promise you that if we work together, I'm not promising anybody anywhere that this will not come with some consequences and sacrifices. But if we do not work together, if we do not get all our things acts together, then we are facing terrible, terrible times and I will fight to the end for my children and for my grandchildren. Thank you.
Thank you very much. The next speaker is Martins Stakis.
Mārtiņš Staķis
Madam President, colleagues. So everyone tells Brussels to cut the red tape. And when we try, they say no. I support Defense Omnibus. Europe needs to build defense equipment faster together.
But let be honest, if the goal was 10 times better, we got maybe two. Parliament wanted to move fast. The problem sits in our capitals where defense is still treated only as a national matter, not European one. Here is one simple picture. A company wants to send drone parts across the border inside our own union.
It still needs separate national paperwork almost every time. And we asked for these rules to be the same across the whole Europe. Our governments said no. So what does that mean? Our soldiers are asked to stand together while our industries are left apart and buried in paperwork.
This file, like every like it, should make Europe stronger together. And our member states need to wake up. Thank you.
Lynn Boylan
Thank you, Chair. Well, this law says it all about the EU's obsession with militarization. It calls the war in Ukraine a possibility to test weapons in a live experience of modern warfare. European citizens are deeply supportive of Ukraine, but they expect the EU to be working towards a just and lasting peace. Instead, we are letting the defense industry make Ukraine their testing ground and paying them to do it.
We are making exemptions to allow the defense industry to use toxic chemicals. This endangers those exposed during testing and all workers in the defense industry.
In the negotiations, Council officials could provide no examples of when these exemptions could be essential for national security, but still had no qualms in extending them even to products that could be used by civilians. This legislation is about boosting the enormous profits of the defense industry with no concern for societal needs. So tomorrow, support our amendment and reject this warmongering text.
There is a blue card for Ms. Sipra, do you accept it? No. And with this, I also have to close the blue cards and the catch-the-eye because otherwise we will run out of time and we have to be in time for the next debate. So the next speaker is Matej Tonin.
Matej Tonin
Podpredsednica, komisar, drage kolegice in kolegi. Neverjetno je, da se v zadnjem mandatu veliko pogovarjamo o obrambi in izboljšanju evropskih obrambnih zmogljivosti. Razlog je očiten. Nihče si ni predstavljal, da je vojna v 21. stoletju na evropskih tleh mogoča, ampak se je zgodila. In ko govorimo o obrambi in obrambnih izdatkih, dejansko govorimo o suverenosti Evropske unije.
Doslej smo bili popolnoma odvisni od naših prijateljev v Združenih državah Amerike. In zlasti tisti, ki govorite in si želite naše strateške suverenosti, je prva stvar, ki bi jo morali podpreti, povečanje obrambnih izdatkov. Da zgradimo tisto, kar v zadnjih desetletjih nismo. Še zlasti, če se bodo Američani pomaknili proti Pacifiku, je nujno, da si zgradimo zmogljivosti, da se bomo sposobni sami sebe braniti. Ker le na takšen način bomo prihodnjim generacijam zagotovili mir.
In obrambni omnibus, ki je danes pred nami, razumem kot dokument, kako lahko naredimo skupaj in več. In to je tista prava smer, ki jo zagovarjam, ki jo podpiram, vendar je pred nami še dolga pot. Ne smemo zapraviti niti dneva. Gre za varnost in prihodnost naših otrok.
The next speaker is Giorgia Tramacere.
Care colleghe, cari colleghi, Commissario, ancora una volta l'Europa è chiamata a una scelta: restare una somma di 27 sistemi nazionali oppure diventare finalmente più forte, anche nella capacità di garantire la propria sicurezza.
Georgia Tramacere
Una vera Unione europea della difesa significa mettere insieme risorse, competenze, ricerca e capacità industriali, favorire gli acquisti comuni e superare frammentazioni e duplicazioni. Perché la difesa comune non riguarda soltanto la sicurezza, riguarda anche quale Europa vogliamo costruire: più autonoma, più capace di innovare, di creare lavoro qualificato e di valorizzare tutti i suoi territori, da nord a sud. E questa è la direzione del Defense Readiness 2030. Non si tratta soltanto di spendere di più, ma di spendere meglio, insieme e in Europa. Perché essere più forti significa essere più liberi nelle nostre scelte, più credibili nel difendere la pace.
Georg Mayer
Der nächste Redner ist Georg Mayer.
Ja, dankeschön, Frau Präsidentin. Wir sollten diesen Verteidigungsomnibus vielleicht besser Panzer nennen, das wäre etwas ehrlicher auch den Menschen gegenüber. Aber eines muss man, glaube ich, hier auch einmal festhalten: Wir sind hier kein Verteidigungsbündnis, geschätzte Kollegen und auch Herr Kommissar, weil wenn man Ihnen zugehört hat, dann ist einem das ein bisschen so vorgekommen, als ob wir das wären. Dafür gibt es eine andere Organisation, und wer das behauptet, hat die Verträge wohl nicht durchdringend verstanden.
Und geschätzte Kollegen, dieser Bericht enthält einen entlarvenden Satz. Dort steht nämlich: Verteidigungsbereitschaft ist auf einen sicheren, leistbaren und widerstandsfähigen Zugang zu Energie angewiesen. Plötzlich kommt also die Brüsseler Nomenklatur darauf, dass wir vielleicht eine leistbare Energie in Europa brauchen würden. Sobald es um Aufrüstung und um Kriegsvorbereitung und Kriegstreiberei geht, dann brauchen wir günstige Energie. Für unsere Bürger aber und für die Industrie wurde nie etwas jahrelang nicht für eine günstige Energie getan, sondern ideologisch vergiftete Klimapolitik betrieben.
Der russische Angriff auf die Ukraine, der ist klar zu verurteilen. Doch wer Milliarden für Waffen und Sanktionen bereitstellt, während Diplomatie zur Randnotiz wird, betreibt keine Friedenspolitik, sondern verschärft nur die Eskalation. Die Rechnung zahlen Familien, Betriebe und Arbeitnehmer in Europa mit hohen Preisen, Unsicherheit und verlorene Industrieplätze. Leistbare Energie, geschätzte Kollegen, darf kein Privileg der Aufrüstung sein, sie ist Grundlage für Wohlstand und Frieden. Schluss mit dieser Doppelmoral, die hier seit Jahr und Tag gespielt wird.
Europa braucht Diplomatie statt Kriegstreiberei und Energiepolitik für die Menschen, die sie leistbar macht.
Next speaker, Elena Donazzan, for one minute, please.
Elena Donazzan
Grazie, Presidente. La fotografia di famiglia di questo fine settimana è stata India, Cina e Russia insieme in India. Commissario Kyriakides, lei è uno dei pochi commissari con un approccio molto pratico e oggi ce l'ha ribadito. Non è tempo né di pace né di guerra ed è in crisi lo status quo. Allora noi non possiamo chiedere all'industria europea di produrre per la nostra sicurezza mentre con altre politiche, sempre dentro la Commissione, rendiamo economicamente impossibile produrre in Europa.
Io apprezzo e sosterrò le semplificazioni di Omnibus e tutti gli altri atti che seguiranno perché oggi dobbiamo avere la capacità di produrre in Europa, di investire in ricerca in Europa, di fare prototipi, di fare test che possano salvaguardare la nostra capacità di stare in autonomia. Ma d'altra parte stiamo perdendo capacità: l'automotive è collegato, le raffinerie, la siderurgia, le filiere manifatturiere sono collegate all'industria della difesa. Perché i carri armati non vanno a batteria, gli aerei militari hanno bisogno di carburante e un sistema d'arma non si costruisce senza acciaio.
E con questo approccio noi sosteniamo tutte le semplificazioni che lei vorrà fare.
Thank you. Nākamais runātājs Ivars Ijabs, lūdzu.
Ivars Ijabs
Paldies, priekšsēdētāja kungs, dārgais komisāra kungs. Sabotāža, dronu uzlidojumi, dedzināšana kļūst par mūsu ikdienas realitāti. Un, ja daudzi Eiropā joprojām domā, ka Ukraina, tas ir kaut kur tur ļoti, ļoti tālu, tad Putina Krievija jau atklāti runā, ka tā ir karā ar kolektīvajiem Rietumiem, kā viņi tos sauc. Es domāju, ka tas ir jāuztver nopietni. Tikai vienoti mēs būsim stipri, un Eiropas sadrumstalotība ir ārkārtīgi, ārkārtīgi bīstama.
Es domāju, ka šajā perspektīvā Omnibus ir solis ļoti pareizā virzienā. Tagad, protams, uzdevums ir tikai ieviest tos dzīvē. Es atgādināšu, kāda ir situācija. 80% aizsardzības iepirkumu joprojām ir tīri nacionāli. Pie tam vienu un to pašu preci dažādas valstis pērk no dažādiem piegādātājiem, tādā veidā vienkārši neizmantojot kopējās iepirkšanās iespējas.
Valdības lolo savus nacionālos čempionus. Licencēšana ārkārtīgi smaga, ārkārtīgi birokrātiska, arī tehnoloģiju nodošana, kas Eiropas kopējās aizsardzības spējas, protams, ignorē.
Tagad mūsu uzdevums pēc šī Omnibus ir skatīties, lai to ieviestu dzīvē, un, otrkārt, iespējams, pats svarīgāk raudzīties, lai nākamajā daudzgadu budžetā ir pietiekoši daudz naudas kopīgiem iepirkumiem, kopīgai ražošanai, kopīgai inovācijai. Paldies.
Jussi Saramo
Honorable Chair, in a world where imperialist Russia launches military attacks or otherwise destabilizes all neighbors it considers weak, we must be able to defend ourselves. It is also important that we stand with Ukraine and help it defend its people. But in a world where the United States attacks us by all non-military means, where Israel carries out ethnic cleansing and genocide, we must break away from these countries' military systems. That is why I support many of the aims of defense readiness. However, I cannot accept that in the name of these objectives, the protection of the environment and people is being neglected.
Nor do I understand why Parliament sought to strip member states of their rights over the projects they fund, acting in the interests of the largest arms companies and against the common good. Thank you.
Thank you very much. Next speaker, Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez.
Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez
Presidente, comisario, cuando hablamos de preparar nuestra defensa europea, pensamos en baterías antimisiles, carros de combate y hasta en cazas de última generación. Pero a veces la realidad es mucho más sencilla. El pasado 30 de julio, 80.000 personas invadieron territorio europeo desde Marruecos porque la ciudad de Ceuta no estaba preparada para poder resistir el ataque. No había personal, no había equipos y no había medios para frenar un ataque sin precedente en nuestra historia reciente. Pero lo que faltó fundamentalmente fue la voluntad política, que es siempre el primer paso para una defensa que tiene que ser creíble, que tiene que ser contundente y disuasoria.
Señoría, Europa no puede seguir reaccionando tarde y confiando en que las amenazas vayan a desaparecer solas. Necesitamos capacidades, inversión y sobre todo voluntad política. Ha llegado el momento de elegir: o seguimos mirando hacia otro lado ante nuestras vulnerabilidades o construimos una Europa capaz de hacerse respetar y defenderse. Tiene todo nuestro apoyo, comisario.
Thank you.
Next speaker, Eero Heinäluoma for one minute, please.
Eero Heinäluoma
Tämän lakikokonaisuuden myötä Euroopan puolustuskyky vahvistuu, eurooppalaiset puolustusmarkkinat voivat kehittyä. Hyvä niin. Erityisen merkittävää on, että tässä annamme tilaa myös pk-yrityksille osallistua eurooppalaisen puolustusmarkkinan syntymiseen, myös pienten maiden toimijoille. Vahvuutemme on, että eurooppalainen osaaminen pääsee kukoistamaan tämänkin lakiuudistuksen myötä. Merkittävää on myös, että julkisin varoin rahoitetut projektit, niiden tiedot ovat avoimia rahoittajille ja että ne, jotka osallistuvat rahoitukseen, saavat nämä hankkeiden kehitystiedot käyttöönsä.
Lopuksi haluaisin antaa erityisen kiitoksen puolustuskomissaari Kubiliukselle. Teillä on ollut sinnikkyyttä ajaa näitäkin, joskus pieneltä tuntuvia, joskus enintään keskisuuria hankkeita eteenpäin ja samalla olette uskoneet eurooppalaisen puolustuksen kehittämisen tärkeyteen. Tässä meidän pitää katsoa kansallisten rajojen ylitse.
Thank you very much. Next speaker, Željana Zovko, please.
Thank you, President. Commissioner Kubilius, Europe's defense readiness is not only about spending more.
Željana Zovko
Money alone is not enough if we cannot turn investment into production capabilities quickly enough. Commissioner, you just rightly said that deterrence also depends on speed. This package is therefore an important step: faster permitting, simpler intra-EU transfers, easier procurement, and less administrative burden, especially for SMEs, will help our industry scale up faster. We also need a clear strategic direction. The forthcoming European security strategy must translate our assessment of threats into concrete priorities and capabilities while strengthening the European pillar of NATO.
At the same time, we must strengthen security of supply, innovation, and more integrated European defense market. Our goal is clear: less red tape, faster production, and stronger European defense. Thank you very much.
Thank you very much, colleague Zovko. Now catch-the-eye procedure. I have four names on my list. We will start with Cristian Terheș. Floor is yours.
Thank you. Domnule comisar, vă felicit pentru ceea ce încercați să faceți și să promovați la nivelul Uniunii Europene.
Cristian Terheş
Pentru cineva însă ca Putin, dacă stă și ascultă dezbaterile din acest Parlament cu ocazia diferitelor proiecte legislative, nu poate decât să râdă. Pentru că în cadrul acestei dezbateri vin o serie de europarlamentari și spun că trebuie să mutăm și să creștem producția pe apărare în Europa, dar pe de altă parte susțin o serie de măsuri economice care alungă industria și firmele din Europa, cum e CBAM-ul, cum e ETS2. Întrebarea mea pentru dumneavoastră este: totuși, în cadrul acelei Comisii Europene, discutați despre lucrurile acestea sau fiecare comisar vine aici și își prezintă câte o ideologie pe care o are, mai ales comisarii care reprezintă grupuri de stângă? Pentru că e halucinant ce auzim aici. Cu toții suntem de acord că avem nevoie de un sector de apărare mai puternic, care să producă în Europa, dar nu poți produce mai mult suprataxând, suprareglementând și alungând industria din Europa.
Mulțumesc.
Thank you, colleague. Next speaker, Jaume Asens Llodrà, please, floor is yours.
Imagínese a Trump. Tiene uno de sus arrebatos, uno de sus delirios, no es tan extraño, y decide cumplir sus amenazas: invadir Groenlandia. ¿Qué haríamos nosotros?
Jaume Asens Llodrà
¿Qué haría Dinamarca? Poca cosa. La mayoría de sus aviones están fabricados y controlados tecnológicamente por Estados Unidos. Y eso no es solo Dinamarca, el resto de países europeos. Grecia acaba de comprar a Israel un sistema de defensas antimisiles por 3.000 millones de dólares.
Y cuando le ha pedido a Israel acceso a su código fuente, ¿qué le ha dicho Israel? Que no. ¿Qué clase de soberanía defensiva es esa? Tener soberanía defensiva es producir y controlar el sistema de defensa nosotros. No es lo que ustedes están proponiendo: una rendición estratégica, seguir haciendo negocios con terceros países que nos amenazan y encima depender de ellos para defendernos.
Eso no es soberanía defensiva. Gracias.
Thank you. Next speaker, João Oliveira, sorry.
Senhor Comissário Kubilius, a proposta de Omnibus da Defesa que hoje discutimos significa uma via verde para a corrida aos armamentos. As propostas que são feitas de simplificação de procedimentos, desregulação e eliminação de requisitos ambientais e sociais significam uma via verde para o investimento na corrida aos armamentos, para a produção de armas.
João Oliveira
Significa também que saiu o Euromilhões ao negócio da guerra. Aqueles que fazem lucros com a produção de armas, que fazem lucros com a morte e com a destruição têm neste pacote legislativo da União Europeia o verdadeiro Euromilhões, com acesso simplificado a fundos europeus para a fabricação de armas, com mais financiamento dos Estados e menos controlo do uso dos dinheiros públicos que são desviados para o negócio da guerra. Significa também que aos povos saiu a fava do bolo-rei. Em Portugal, esse bolo de Natal tem um brinde e uma fava. Claro que toda a gente quer o brinde e não quer a fava.
Este Omnibus da Defesa significa que aos povos saiu a fava porque vão ser os povos que vão ser prejudicados com as opções que aqui estão feitas, inclusivamente o povo ucraniano que vê aqui assumido a Ucrânia como o terreno para os testes de novas armas financiadas pela União Europeia.
Da, mulțumesc. Într-adevăr trebuie să ne înarmăm. Ce să înarmăm în România? România care nu mai are armată. Am avut și noi un sistem Patriot și am fost obligați de Comisia Europeană să-l donăm Ucrainei.
Ucraina care astăzi a închis o clasă în limba română în Odesa, deși acolo e populație majoritară românească.
Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă
Mai mult decât atât, România de la 1 iulie este în incapacitate de plată. De trei-patru luni instituții din România nu primesc salariu. Din octombrie nu mai există niciun ban pentru pensii și salarii. În schimb înarmăm jandarmeria și poliția. Astăzi în Piața Victoriei din București, în fața Guvernului României, s-au adunat zeci de mii de oameni împreună cu ciobanii cărora le-ați omorât oile și le-ați interzis exportul, care nu mai au cum să trăiască.
Ce-au făcut jandarmii înarmați de Uniunea Europeană? Au bătut și gazat ciobanii și populația română care manifesta pașnic. Deputații SOS România, partidul pe care îl conduc în opoziție în Parlamentul României, au fost acolo, au fost bătuți și gazați de jandarmii înarmați de Uniunea Europeană.
Thank you very much. So, colleagues, we're closing Catch-the-eye procedure, but I would like to remind if you will speak very fast, it will be difficulties in interpretation. So now I would like to ask to take floor for the Commission, Commissioner Kubilius, floor is yours.
Andrius Kubilius
Well, thanks a lot really for very, very good debate. It went perhaps even broader than just quite technical issue related with Omnibus, but that's really clearly shows how important is defense and how important is for all of us to understand what is at stake. So thanks a lot to those who are who were working in in negotiations and who are were supporting now all the Omnibus. We shall continue in the same direction. We shall come very soon with with new proposals on development of defense single market, with procurement changes and things like that.
So that's that's what we shall do. We see our our very clear agenda. Now just few comments on some statements which are, you know, sound here quite strange, but I would like to stress very clearly. We race to peace, not to war. That's very simple.
Because let's remember old Roman saying: if you want peace, prepare for the war. If we shall not be prepared to defend ourselves, we shall have a war. So I don't agree with those who are arguing that we should not invest into our defense because our people will suffer. Our people will suffer if we shall not invest into defense because the war can come very easily.
Second, yeah, it was quite an interesting debate about member states, Commission, Parliament and so on. Well, definitely all institutions and Council have, you know, differences. But what we need to perhaps to see very clearly that as I said, we are going through quite a deep transformation and definitely after 80 years of, you know, such a collective defense system where member states were taking all the responsibilities, it's still, you know, continues to influence all our way of thinking. But I think that we shall find the best ways how to become much more effective in Europe. And here I would say again, you know, Mr. Terash, I would like you, you put very good, you know, strategic question: how we can do our defense if we are not taking care about competitiveness of our economy?
Well, I would say, you know, I would not agree with your major point that we are not taking care about our competitiveness. Because if you will look into international competitiveness index, which is published each year, you will see very clear an issue.
Europe is quite different. There are member states like, for example, Denmark, Sweden, Finland, which are at the top of that international index, which means that they are able to be very competitive even with all the, you know, what Brussels is doing, what we are putting, you know, new legislation on climate change and so on and so on. But there are countries, including, you know, how to say, even your country and even my country, which could be much better in that index. Which means that on a national level, we are not doing enough to be so competitive as we need to be.
Kaja Kallas
Honorable Commissioner, I would like to remind you we changed the rules, but please, I will do an exception.
I will, yes, I will answer very good question, you know. Let's do our job on a national level, here in European Parliament and in Commission.
Thank you very much. So, now I would like to give the floor to rapporteurs again back, so Lucia Jar would be the first step.
Thank you. Thank you everyone who has spoken in support of this package. I expect it will receive a broad cross-group support tomorrow, and it should, because on the question of security, this house has been much more united than the governments that we have negotiated with.
Lucia Yar
Where the omnibus package as a whole falls short is the lack of harmonized rule for intra-EU transfer licenses and procurement. We've heard this today and I will say it once again, the work is not finished. And I expect the Council to actually come back to the table. Europe needs to speed up. We've heard this also many times in security, in building industrial capacity, in competitiveness to keep up with the rest of the world.
These are important words and we need to live up to them. One more thing which I've noticed during this debate is that far right was not prepared, they were not present. They were not present during the negotiations, they were not present during this debate. And also to all of your voters of far right, this is exactly how they represent you here. They don't care about your jobs.
They don't care about the economy. They don't care about the industry or security. They are not even here. Colleagues, let's stop treating security as something that competes with everything else that we care about. There is no prosperity without security.
There is no social contract, my colleagues from left, without security. Security is the condition for all of it.
This package removes some of the barriers and it is long overdue. What it cannot do is to supply urgency that has to come from the 27 capitals. And so far, it has come very unevenly. So let's not pretend that we have time. The threat is here.
It is deliberate and it does not pause while we consult or bicker here. Every day we spend deciding is a day when Russia spends producing more drones and missiles. So tomorrow we can fix a part of that.
Thank you, colleague. Thank you. Next speaker, rapporteur Henrik Dahl, please.
Henrik Dahl
Tak for ordet. Jeg nåede at høre cirka en time af den forrige debat om Ruslands hybridkrig mod Europa, og derfor glæder det mig, at de to eller tre parallelle universer, som Europa-Parlamentet var splittet op i, nu i den her debat heldigvis har været samlet til en enkelt fælles virkelighed. Tusind tak for det.
Der er et sted i Bibelen, hvor Jesus siger til sine disciple: Ånden er rede, men kødet er skrøbeligt. Jeg vil ikke strække sammenligningen alt for langt, det skal vi ikke her, men EU befinder sig på mange måder det samme sted. Vi er klar i ånden, men kødet er skrøbeligt. Nu styrker vi den praktiske konkrete dimension. Det synes jeg er meget, meget positivt, og det vil jeg gerne sige tak til alle for at have været med til at bidrage til.
Tak for ordet.
Thank you. Thank you very much. Next speaker, Pekka Toveri.
Pekka Toveri
President, Commissioner, dear colleagues. Thank you for the good discussion and supportive words about this Omnibus. In this discussion, only the left and ultra-right told their normal excuses to leave Europe and Ukraine defenseless and to be attacked, raped and pillaged by Russia. Luckily, vast majority of this House supports development of Europe's defense. The problem is clearly not our Parliament, but Member States who don't see the big picture and stick to their narrow national interest.
Therefore, I hope that all our members not only support this Omnibus tomorrow in the voting, but also take this message to our national governments. Let's speak less, find less excuses and take action.
Our people and our security demand it. And as my dear colleague Ms. Yar well said, the work is not done yet. This is just the first step on our long road to the real European defense industrial capability to support our forces and secure Europe. Thank you.
Anna-Maja Henriksson
Thank you, speaker. Thank you, commissioner. Thank you, all colleagues. Russia will remain a long-term threat to Europe even after the war in Ukraine ends. And we must continue and increase our support to Ukraine while strengthening our own capacity to deter aggression and defend ourselves.
And we must all understand, also you at the right wing, that there will be no Europe as we know and love it unless we are prepared to defend it. So because we are not merely defending our borders, Ukraine is not merely defending theirs. We are defending our people, our safety and our democracy. And we are defending peace, prosperity and our European way of life. And Ukraine knows this.
My parents and their generation knew this also.
It was why they defended Finland's independence against the same aggressor in their time. And now it's our time to shoulder our responsibility for Europe's defense. So this defense omnibus is an important starting point. But it should not only be considered, it should only be considered just like that, a starting point. And thank you also to Commissioner Kubilius because you have been very clear.
It's the starting point. We have to do more and we have to do it together. For Renew Europe, it has been very important that this defense omnibus strengthens our EU defense readiness by cutting bureaucracy, speeding up defense procurement and simplifying intra-EU transfers of defense-related products. And listening now to all of you here, almost all of you, I think that we have a big majority for this tomorrow when we vote. So please also tell your member states that also our leaders in our capitals have to do more because it's now up to the member states if we will have success with this in the future or not.
And I thank you, Mr. Kubilius, for all your efforts and look forward to your next proposal.
Thank you. Next speaker, Sven Mikser, please.
Sven Mikser
Thank you, President, Commissioner, dear colleagues. Approving this omnibus legislation, which I'm sure will happen tomorrow, is an important step. Obviously, the negotiations were a mixed success. We were quite successful in some areas, perhaps fell a little bit short in others. But let me say that actually easing the regulatory burden is relatively straightforward and, I would say, easy part of a much bigger picture.
And in order to actually get to where we want to be with regard to European defense, we need to be able to create a genuine defense single market, which is somewhat more difficult. We need to be able to provide all the necessary financial resources, both on the European level as well as on the level of member states, which is quite a challenge. And obviously, we need to be able to keep all our people on board. And this, I think, is the biggest challenge, because as I said, our people understand the importance of defense. They are ready to pay more for defense, but they want to see that it's done in a socially fair and just way, so that nobody is left behind.
And that actually requires a truly holistic approach to defense, whole-society approach to defense. This having been said, I would like to thank all my co-rapporteurs and shadow rapporteurs and congratulate them and congratulate Commissioner Breton at arriving this very important intermediate station, because we do have a long way to go yet. Thank you.
Thank you. And now I will speak Aura Salla for as a rapporteur as well.
Aura Salla
Suomalaisena reservin ylikersanttina ymmärrän, että puolustusmenojen lisääminen on välttämätöntä. Mutta yhtä tärkeää on käyttää ne rahat järkevästi. Meidän on investoitava suorituskykyihin, joita tarvitsemme sekä nyt että tulevaisuudessa. EU vähentää nyt hallintoa, helpottaa investointeja ja parantaa yritysten mahdollisuuksia kasvattaa tuotantoaan. Seuraavaksi tämän pitäisi näkyä konkreettisesti yritysten arjessa.
Meidän on tuotettava nopeammin ammuksia, ohjuksia, drooneja ja ilmapuolustusjärjestelmiä. Tarvitsemme vahvempaa tiedustelua, valvontaa sekä avaruus-, kyber- ja elektronisen sodankäynnin kykyjä. Suomi ilmoitti liittyvänsä Ranskan vetämään eurooppalaiseen ydinpeloteyhteistyöhön.
Kannustan kaikkia jäsenmaita samaan. Meidän on rakennettava vahvempi NATOn eurooppalainen pilari ja otettava suurempi vastuu omasta puolustuksestamme. Sama koskee Euroopan kokonaisturvallisuutta laajemmin. Hybridiuhkien osalta kannattaa unohtaa armeijassa meihin iskostettu ohje: ei saa ennakoida. Meidän on opittava tunnistamaan vihollisen pienetkin signaalit, rakennettava vahva pelote, resilienssi ja selviytymiskyky sekä reagointi sen sijaan, että jokaista hybridihyökkäystä kohdeltaisiin puhtaasti sotilaallisena ongelmana.
Venäjän ei myöskään pidä antaa uskoa, että tavanomaisen sodankäynnin kynnyksen alapuolella toimimisesta ei koidu seurauksia. Kun Eurooppaan kohdistuu vihamielisiä toimia, niihin on vastattava uskottavasti ja koordinoidusti. Monet Euroopan maat ja ukrainalaiset yritykset tekevät jo tiivistä yhteistyötä droonien ja muiden miehittämättömien alusten kehittämisessä ja tuotannossa. Tätä yhteistyötä on tärkeää lisätä ja saada Ukraina EU:n sisämarkkinoiden piiriin. Vahvempi Eurooppa edellyttää vahvaa kokonaisturvallisuuden ajattelumallia, yhteisen tilannekuvan jatkuvaa päivittämistä sekä meiltä poliitikoilta uskallusta tehdä strategisesti rohkeita ja kauaskatseisia päätöksiä.
Euroopan on aika seisoa omilla jaloillaan nyt.
Thank you, thank you very much, colleagues, and thank you, Commissioner, for this.
We are closing this debate and I will remind what will take place tomorrow. Godātie kolēģi, nākamais darba kārtības punkts: Komisijas priekšsēdētājas vietnieces, Savienības augstās pārstāves ārlietās un drošības politikas jautājumos paziņojums: situācijas eskalācija Tuvajos Austrumos. And when you are ready, Vice-President, please take the floor.
Kaja Kallas
The President, honorable members. First, on the title of this debate: escalation in the Middle East. Yes, to some extent it describes recent trends. For example, Houthis with the support of Iran have now extended their grip along the critical coast of Yemen, potentially choking another crucial strait, Bab-el-Mandeb, with dire implications for the global economy. And this, at least in part, is why today's debate is necessary.
But the title of the debate is also misleading.
What we are now witnessing in Yemen and elsewhere, in Iran, but also in West Bank, for example, is also part of the same arc of instability that has plagued the region for far too long. The Houthi attacks in the Red Sea against Yemen and Saudi Arabia, as well as their threats against the freedom of navigation, while unlawful, are predictable development. That is why the European Union has maintained consistent messaging to the parties of the conflict, calling for de-escalation, restraint, the protection of civilians and civilian infrastructure, the cessation of Iran's indiscriminate attacks, full support to the countries of the region affected by those attacks, and respect to the international law, including freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz and Bab-el-Mandeb. The European Union is also working to mitigate the impact together with international partners. Our EU naval operation, Aspides, continues to escort vessels in the Red Sea, and we will reinforce our coordination with the multinational maritime coalition that Saudi Arabia has launched recently.
But we need to do more, in particular to support the Yemeni government and to fight smuggling. Honorable members, with regards to Iran, repression is widespread and the number of executions of young Iranians is now increasing at an alarming pace.
That is why we have imposed new sanctions and conveyed clear messages to the Iranian authorities that such behavior will have consequences. We will continue responding with all the tools we have available, including by increasing support for Iranian civil society. At the same time, the Iranian nuclear issue has remained a constant challenge and the European Union's position has not changed. Iran must never have a nuclear weapon and Iran must comply with its legally binding nuclear safeguard obligations under non-proliferation treaty. In the West Bank, settlement and outpost expansion is increasing, along with more forced displacements and record levels of settler violence.
On top of three packages of sanctions against extremist settlers, discussions are now ongoing in the Council on possible further designations. Accountability is a prerequisite for reigning in violent settlers. At the same time, it is important the European Union remains consistent and coherent in our position, collectively calling for respect of the international law.
This means repeating our calls along with our international partners, including UK, for the suspension of settler expansion, including the E1 project, which seriously threatens the viability of two-state solution. In Gaza, what is escalating is an already dire humanitarian situation. As winter approaches, overcrowded sites for displaced people are at risk of flooding and disease. And there is a ceasefire in name only. People are still being killed and wounded.
The conditions for the implementation of the Gaza peace plan are unchanged. For progress to be possible, the international community must continue to call for permanent disarmament of Hamas and all other non-state armed groups and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Gaza Strip. The EU continues to do its part of the implementation of the UN Security Council Resolution 2800. We are using all the instruments at our disposal: security through our CSDP missions, EUBAM Rafah and EUPOL COPPS, support to the Palestinian Authority and its governance and reforms, and assistance with early recovery and reconstruction.
The Palestinian Donor Group organized by Commission last July launched the Team Gaza initiative, which raised initially 900 million euro of funds for early recovery together with 15 international partners. The Israeli elections next month and the Palestinian legislative elections scheduled for November could be important turning points. We stand ready to assist in any way we can, notably when it comes to the Palestinian elections. Honorable members, in a region where war and conflict dominate every facet of life, be it in Yemen, Iran, or the West Bank, the only chance we have of breaking the cycle of violence is if we double down on our support for the rule of law and continue to pursue every diplomatic opening and champion democracy. Thank you very much.
Thank you very much, Honorable High Representative. Next speaker for EPP, Hildegard Bentele.
High Representative, colleagues, the Houthis are advancing again in Yemen. They have taken new territory near the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, one of the world's most important shipping routes. This is not just a local conflict. It is a movement with an anti-American, anti-Semitic agenda hitting strongly our economy and it is gaining ground. Washington is stepping back.
Hildegard Bentele
Saudi Arabia asked the United States for direct military help, the answer was no. We are witnessing rebels in sandals moving very strategically while also revealing that armies existed only on paper. For decades, America has shaped the security architecture in this region. Now it is motionless and that leaves a gap. Europe cannot ignore that gap.
Both straits are under pressure now and alternative routes are few. This week, Saudi Arabia's East-West pipeline was struck by drones from Iraq from a group not yet identified. And the human cost is high with more than 80,000 people displaced since the start of the month. Europe is already engaged. Our naval mission Aspides protects merchant shipping in the Red Sea.
We back Yemen's recognized government and an inclusive UN-led political process. As America pulls out, these efforts matter more and need to be strengthened. But colleagues, we also need to think much bigger. The sudden Houthi advancement did not happen by coincidence. It is part of the bigger agenda to destabilize the West.
The only answer can be to stay united and to stabilize the West again by all means. Thank you.
Thank you. For S&D group will speak Yannis Maniatis, please.
Yannis Maniatis
Κύριε Ύπατε Εκπρόσωπε, οι τελευταίες εξελίξεις στην Αραβική Χερσόνησο είναι ιδιαίτερα ανησυχητικές. Επίθεση drones στον αγωγό Ανατολής-Δύσης στη Σαουδική Αραβία. Οι Χούθι απειλούν την ελεύθερη ναυσιπλοΐα στην Ερυθρά Θάλασσα. Χαίρομαι πάντως για τη συμμετοχή του ελληνικού πολεμικού ναυτικού στην επιχείρηση Ασπίδες στην Ερυθρά Θάλασσα. Η συμφωνία της Μέκκας αποδεικνύεται περισσότερο δήλωση προθέσεων.
Η κατάσταση στη Γάζα παραμένει δραματική. Η Ευρώπη αδυνατεί να πάρει οποιοδήποτε μέτρο κατά των παράνομων εποικισμών και των παραβιάσεων του διεθνούς δικαίου από την κυβέρνηση Νετανιάχου. Υπάρχει ανάγκη μιας ολοκληρωμένης στρατηγικής για τη Μέση Ανατολή που θα επιτρέπει στην Ευρώπη ουσιαστικό ρόλο στη διαμόρφωση των εξελίξεων. Για να μπορούμε να υπερασπιστούμε τις αρχές, το διεθνές δίκαιο και τα συμφέροντά μας. Γιατί όποιος δεν είναι στο τραπέζι, είναι συνήθως στο μενού.
Δεν επιτρέπεται να αποφασίζουν άλλοι για εμάς και εμείς απλώς να πληρώνουμε το λογαριασμό. Ευχαριστώ.
Depuis des mois, l'escalade au Moyen-Orient démontre ce que produit l'absence de compromis. D'un côté, une stratégie américaine dont l'issue politique demeure incertaine.
Mathilde Androuët
De l'autre, un régime iranien qui poursuit l'affrontement et l'étend par l'action de ses alliés, notamment les Houthis. Cette guerre est une tragédie humaine. Mais ce qui se passe à Ormuz et en mer Rouge a aussi un prix pour les Européens. Un pétrole au-dessus de 100 dollars, des carburants plus chers et une nouvelle poussée inflationniste qui se profile. Au bout du compte, c'est la menace d'un prix à la pompe de 3 euros par litre et des agriculteurs étranglés par le prix des fertilisants.
Cette crise rappelle combien notre dépendance énergétique nous rend vulnérables à des conflits sur lesquels nous n'avons pratiquement aucune prise. Face à cela, l'Europe ne doit pas ajouter des discours sur une intervention militaire mais retrouver une voie diplomatique tout en ajoutant des mesures d'urgence sur les prix de l'énergie. Notre intérêt est clair : favoriser la désescalade, la liberté de navigation et le retour à la négociation. L'Europe ne doit être ni belligérante ni rester spectatrice des événements.
Yes, thank you very much. For ECR Group will speak Jacek Ozdoba.
Thank you very much, I speak in Polish.
Jacek Ozdoba
Szanowni państwo, mamy do czynienia z jednym z największych kryzysów geopolitycznych i problemów związanych z oddziaływaniem na rynki europejskie poprzez zablokowanie do Europy dostaw gazu i ropy. Arabia Saudyjska, Bahrajn, Kuwejt, Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie, dobrzy partnerzy. Nasi przyjaciele zostali zaatakowani i mamy do czynienia z czymś, co jest dzisiaj sytuacją bezprecedensową. Ataki na obiekty cywilne oraz infrastrukturę energetyczną dowodzą do tego, że reżim w Teheranie, ale i nie tylko, pozwala sobie na coraz więcej. Jest to również atak w nasze gospodarki.
Po tym, co się wydarzyło na Ukrainie i tak mamy problem z oddziaływaniem wojny. Teraz kolejne widmo wojny na Bliskim Wschodzie prowadzi do kryzysu energetycznego. Dlatego musimy być solidarnymi i EKR proponuje rezolucję, która da wyraźny sygnał, że Europa stoi razem z Arabią Saudyjską, Zjednoczonymi Emiratami Arabskimi, Bahrajnem oraz Katarem, ponieważ nie możemy tolerować przemocy i ataków na obiekty cywilne. Dziękuję.
Thank you. For Renew Europe group will speak Hilde Vautmans.
President, High Representative. Europe keeps saying that the two-state solution is the only path to peace. But while we repeat these words, the possibility of two states is disappearing before our eyes.
Hilde Vautmans
In the West Bank, settlements continue to expand, Palestinians are being driven from their land, and with the olive harvest approaching, families risk losing their livelihood. High Representative, you have said yourself that these settlements are illegal. So stop trade with illegal settlements, sanction those responsible for settler violence. And in Gaza, the humanitarian situation is dramatic, and we are failing the generation that could rebuild Palestine. Thirteen Palestinians have asked scholarships to Belgium universities.
Salwa should be studying at my alma mater, KU Leuven, and SM should be in Ghent, preparing to help rebuild Gaza's water system. Instead, they remain trapped. And even my own country, Belgium, cannot agree to bring them to safety. What message, colleagues, are we sending to them? Study, believe in your future, believe in peace, but don't expect Europe to help you to reach it.
Colleagues, let's be clear. Yes, the terrorist organization Hamas must lay down its arms. And yes, Israel has the right to live in security. So please, try to return to the two-state solution.
Thank you. The next speaker for Green Group, Mounir Satouri.
Mounir Satouri
Chers collègues, le Moyen-Orient est à feu et à sang. Le gouvernement de Netanyahou entretient cette fuite en avant. Colonisation, annexion des territoires palestiniens occupés, destruction de Gaza et déplacement de tout un peuple constituent sa feuille de route. Les États-Unis de Trump soutiennent et l'Europe regarde. À Gaza, les preuves de génocide s'accumulent.
En Cisjordanie, un régime d'apartheid se consolide. Au Liban, les crimes de guerre se multiplient. Pourtant, l'Union européenne persiste dans sa politique du deux poids deux mesures. Face aux crimes de Poutine en Ukraine, 21 paquets de sanctions. Face aux crimes de Netanyahou en Palestine, l'impunité.
Alors que valent nos principes si nous ne les défendons que lorsqu'ils nous arrangent ? Que vaut le droit international s'il ne s'applique pas à tous ? Madame la Haute Représentante, les Palestiniens n'ont plus besoin de promesses. Ils n'ont plus le temps. Si l'Europe veut encore pouvoir parler de paix, de justice, de droits humains, ses actes doivent enfin être cohérents avec ses propres valeurs.
Alors assez de silence, assez de contradictions, place aux actes.
Thank you. For the Left group will speak Lynn Boylan.
Lynn Boylan
A Uachtaráin, tá deireadh ag fáil bháis mar chara ón mbeartas na hEorpa. Tá forghabháil Iosrael ar an Liobáin ag dul i méid. Tá cinedhíothú in Gaza fós ar siúl. Tá an bruach thiar á ghabháil as cóir orsaíol. Tá rialtas Iosrael soiléir faoina cuspóirí.
Tá sé ag iarraidh Gaza agus an bruach thiar a ghlanadh ar bhonn eitneach. Tá sé ag iarraidh stát dá chuid féin a dhéanamh ar mhuintir na Palaistíne. Is mian leis forlámhas a ghlacadh ar an Liobáin. Tá sé á dhéanamh seo gan aon iarmhairtí. Member states continue to arm Israel.
We still give them privileged access to the EU market. We continue to trade with the illegal settlements. Europe's crime is not being too slow to respond. Europe's crime is complicity. Until words of condemnation are met with action, Europe will be an accomplice in Israel's crimes.
So no more double standards. Sanction Israel, ban settlement trade, and stop the weapons flowing from Europe to slaughter Palestinians.
For ESN Group will speak Stanislav Stoyanov.
Thank you.
Stanislav Stoyanov
Уважаеми господин председател, в продължение на години Европейският съюз реагира на кризите в Близкия изток със санкции, изолация и политически натиск. Днес петролът отново се търгува над 100 долара за барел и се очаква да расте, а ситуацията в Близкия изток остава непредсказуема и взривоопасна. Сега приоритетът е защитата на европейската икономика, която ще понася нови силни удари от нарушените вериги на доставки и галопиращите цени на енергийните ресурси. Тепърва ще плащаме данък логистика. Югоизточна Европа може да има ключова роля.
Инвестициите в пристанища, железопътни връзки и логистични центрове, развитието на коридор номер 8 и свързаността в Черно море могат да превърнат региона в стратегическа врата за европейската търговия. Нужни са диверсифицирани доставки и национални стратегически резерви от ключови ресурси. Това е прагматичната политика, от която Европа се нуждае. По-малко идеология и повече защита на собствените икономически интереси. Благодаря.
Thank you, colleagues. I am closing catch-the-eye requests because we have a long list of speakers.
Antonio López-Istúriz White
Thank you very much. Europe must decide: either we help shape the future of the Middle East with the right partners, or its instability will shape ours. The threat is Iran, the threat is its proxies. High Representative, I heard you talk about the settlers and sanctions. Okay, but about the Houthis?
The Council, you talked about it, fantastic, because we have to put them in the black terrorist list of the European Union, because they are a terrorist organization. It's something obvious that, you know, we are saying here, but I guess that you will put the pressure on the governments to reinforce this idea. Thank you very much, talking about the reinforcement of Operation Aspides, we need to do it, but also let me add also collaboration with our partners in the Gulf and other regions like Jordan, Egypt, whatever, and also through the Abraham Accords, I think that would be also very good. Let's for once, you know, do it in the appropriate way. Thank you very much, and consequences about the Houthis are there, many of the colleagues have spoken about it, this is a direct threat for all of us.
Next speaker, Hanna-Hajol Muro.
Thank you.
Hana Jalloul Muro
Hello. The Middle East is disintegrating while the EU's role is that of a bystander. Ceasefires are not working and there are new fronts and murders. Today the Houthis, and it has been said today, we are very happy to know that the Council is already speaking about that, so that's a good movement, you know, because they are advancing now and they are very close at the verge of controlling Bab-el-Mandeb. Situation is extremely serious, as you already know.
Bab-el-Mandeb is the only alternative route to the Strait of Hormuz and poses a threat to security, peace, our Aspides missions, and the global trade. I proposed a debate on escalation on the issue and also to add the Houthis to the EU's terrorist list, but it was not widely supported, so now I think that with the decision of the Council, maybe we can bring it to the next Strasbourg plenary. High Representative, you have been talking about the Middle East strategies for months. We're still waiting. If we want to have political leverage in the region, we need a strategy that is anticipatory rather than reactive.
For that, we need a stronger European External Action Service, and for that you have our full support. But we also need you to lead in defending international law, International Criminal Court, the fight against terrorism, and the two-state solution. We need security, peace, and dignity without occupation. Thank you.
Carlo Ciccioli
Next speaker, Carlo Ciccioli. Grazie, Presidente. Da generazioni, da quasi cento generazioni, questo conflitto non conosce soluzione di discontinuità. Da oltre duemila anni. Cambiano gli eserciti, cambiano i governi, cambiano le armi, ma il risultato è sempre lo stesso: morte, distruzione, odio.
E allora dobbiamo avere il coraggio di dirlo: se dopo così tante generazioni ebrei e arabi palestinesi non sono riusciti a costruire la pace da soli, non possiamo continuare ad aspettare che siano soltanto loro a farlo. La pace deve essere internazionalizzata. Questo è il vero caso dove è utile attuare un cordone sanitario. La comunità internazionale deve assumersi la responsabilità di costruire e garantire una soluzione. E l'Europa deve smettere di limitarsi a criticare le crisi, ma deve iniziare a costruire le condizioni di pace.
Non dobbiamo scegliere quale dei due popoli abbia più ragione, dobbiamo scegliere la pace e costruire le condizioni perché entrambi possano vivere in sicurezza. Continuare ad aspettare che questa guerra si esaurisca da sola significa soltanto consegnarla alla prossima generazione. Thank you.
Next speaker Bernard Guetta. Please.
Bernard Guetta
Oui, tout va mal, très mal au Proche-Orient, mais l'Iran ne peut pas tenir ainsi, les États-Unis non plus, et quand ils auront voté, Israéliens et Palestiniens devront chercher les moyens de sortir de cet épouvantable impasse. C'est donc le moment de nous faire entendre, nous les Européens, de proposer les voies d'un compromis dans le Golfe et de redire l'évidence, de marteler qu'il n'y a pas d'autre solution que la solution à deux États pour que coexistent deux peuples qui se disputent une même terre. Nous ne sommes ni pro-israéliens ni pro-palestiniens. Nous sommes pro-paix, mais alors disons-le. Disons-le en décernant, beaucoup le proposent, Renew le propose, notre prix Sakharov à ces justes, juifs et arabes, qui côte à côte, Standing Together, c'est le nom qu'ils se sont choisi, défendent l'utopie que nous avons fait triompher en Europe, celle de la paix et de la fraternité.
Thank you.
Hannah Neumann
Two years ago today, Jina Mahsa Amini was fighting for her life in a hospital bed. She lost that fight. Since then, tens of thousands of young Iranians have been killed, imprisoned, forced into exile. Two years of uprising, of courage met with bullets, of hope met with prison cells. And yet, this generation has changed Iran, even if it has not yet changed the regime.
Meanwhile, the world has moved on to other crises and geopolitics, and Iranians have every right to ask: what became of all your promises? Dear colleagues, we may not be able to bring freedom to Iran from the outside, but we have to stand with those fighting and risking everything to win it themselves. Investigate crimes against humanity, give refuge to those most at risk, expel regime agents, fight transnational repression on European soil, fully enforce sanctions, and never forget those behind bars and on death row. Freedom will come. Until it does, it is our job to stand with those fighting for it.
Thank you, thank you colleague. Next speaker, Giorgos Georgiou.
Giorgos Georgiou
Κυρία Κάλλας, από τη Γάζα και τη Δυτική Όχθη μέχρι τον Λίβανο, το Ιράν και τον Κόλπο, οι λαοί πληρώνουν για ακόμη μια φορά το τίμημα της στρατιωτικής κλιμάκωσης. Καλείται το Ιράν να σταματήσει τους βομβαρδισμούς, δεν μας λέτε όμως ποιος ξεκίνησε και συνεχίζει τον πόλεμο. Έχετε δώσει μέχρι στιγμής 300 δισεκατομμύρια στην Ουκρανία και επιβάλατε 20 πακέτα κυρώσεων σε βάρος της Ρωσίας και από την άλλη καλείτε με πάρα πολύ ευγενικό τρόπο το Ισραήλ να σταματήσει τους εποικισμούς. Δεν πρόκειται απλά για εποικισμούς. Πρόκειται για εγκληματική συμπεριφορά και για γενοκτονία.
Δεν τολμάτε να πείτε αυτήν τη λέξη. Από την άλλη ερωτώ τι δεν καταλαβαίνετε; Η Ευρώπη πρέπει να εγκαταλείψει τα δύο μέτρα και δύο σταθμά. Γιατί δεν διακόπτετε τη συμφωνία σύνδεσης με το Ισραήλ; Η ειρήνη δεν οικοδομείται με περισσότερους βομβαρδισμούς και υποκρισίες.
Οικοδομείται με δικαιοσύνη, διπλωματία και σεβασμό στο διεθνές δίκαιο για όλους, χωρίς εξαιρέσεις.
Tomasz Froelich
Thank you. Next speaker, Thomas Froelich, for one minute, please.
Herr Präsident, der Krieg gegen den Iran wird zum Desaster. Die Führung in Teheran sitzt fest im Sattel, zuvor stand sie innenpolitisch unter Druck. Der Iran ist neue Regionalmacht im Nahen Osten, zuvor war er international isoliert. Die Militärpräsenz der USA in den Golfstaaten ist geschwächt, zuvor galt Washington dort als Sicherheitsgarant. Die mit dem Iran verbündeten Huthi kontrollieren die Rotmeerküste, zuvor stagnierten sie im Jemen.
Die Straße von Hormus dicht, das Rote Meer dicht, vor dem Krieg beides offen. Der Ölpreis ist seither um 50 Prozent gestiegen, wir tanken bald für 3 Euro pro Liter, unzumutbar. Trotzdem kämpfen die USA und Israel weiter, einen Kampf, den sie nicht gewinnen können, einen Kampf, der im Fremden, nicht in unserem Interesse ist. Destabilisierung der Region, Flüchtlingswellen, Energiepreisschock, wirtschaftlicher Kollaps. Wir tragen die Kosten für die Kriege anderer und Sie, Frau Kallas, Sie tun nichts dagegen.
Sie sind nur Zuschauer, denn verhandeln tun andere, etwa Pakistan. Die Welt ändert sich, sie wird multipolar und leider verliert Europa den Anschluss.
Thank you. Next speaker, Kostas Papadakis, please.
Kostas Papadakis
Μέση Ανατολή, Ουκρανία, μέτωπα του ιμπεριαλιστικού πολέμου που κλιμακώνονται, τείνουν να συνενωθούν δημιουργώντας μια νέα εκρηκτική κατάσταση. Γκρεμίζω τα προσχήματά σας. Οι πόλεμοι διεξάγονται για τον έλεγχο κρίσιμων δρόμων, εδαφών και αγορών, έχοντας υπόβαθρο τη σύγκρουση ΗΠΑ-Κίνας για την πρωτοκαθεδρία στο καπιταλιστικό σύστημα. Διαψεύδονται τα περί έξυπνων και μικρής διάρκειας πολέμων από ανίκητους στρατούς. Δυσκολίες αντιμετωπίζουν οι Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες και οι σύμμαχοί τους, όπως και το κράτος δολοφόνος του Ισραήλ.
Μεγάλα θύματα οι λαοί, όπως ο παλαιστινιακός, αντιμέτωπος με τη συνεχιζόμενη γενοκτονία, αλλά και οι άλλοι λαοί της περιοχής. Εξαιτίας πολύμορφης εμπλοκής ελληνικής αστικής τάξης στους ανταγωνισμούς για τα συμφέροντά της, ο λαός γίνεται στόχος αντιποίνων, πληρώνει την πολεμική ακρίβεια. Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, ελληνική κυβέρνηση και όλα τα αστικά κόμματα πριμοδοτούν κέρδη ενεργειακών ομίλων και πανάκριβους εξοπλισμούς με ρήτρες διαφυγής, ενώ για τις λαϊκές ανάγκες διαρκώς νέοι κόφτες. Απαντάμε: καμία εμπλοκή, καμιά θυσία για τους πολέμους και τα κέρδη, με τους λαούς για την αυτοτελή πάλη για τα δικά τους.
Speaker 360
Thank you, colleague. Thank you, and the next speaker, Željana Zovko, please.
Thank you. As long as the Iranian regime continues to export violence, there will be no lasting peace in the Middle East.
Željana Zovko
Iran's latest missile attack on Jordanian territory is completely unacceptable. Jordan is a key partner of the European Union and a pillar of regional stability. Its sovereignty and security must be protected. For years, the mullahs have financed, armed, and directed its proxies, including Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Houthis in Yemen, spreading conflicts far beyond Iran's borders. The Houthis' attack on commercial vessels threatens freedom of navigation through the Red Sea.
Disrupting this vital maritime corridor means fewer goods reaching Europe, longer and more expensive shipping routes, and higher energy and consumer prices for our citizens. We must protect these strategic waterways and restore freedom of navigation. And one point must remain non-negotiable: Iran must never acquire nuclear weapons. Without a firm response to Tehran, there can be no regional security, stable energy supplies, or lasting peace. Thank you very much.
Thank you. Next speaker, Evin Incir.
Colleagues, the first time I visited Israel and Palestine was back in 2006, exactly 20 years ago. And do you know what has happened since then?
Evin Incir
Palestine has been carved into ever smaller pieces. The occupation and illegal settlements have expanded. Gaza has been carpet bombed. And what has the EU done? Words, words, and words.
Where are the sanctions? Where is the ban on settlement products? Where is the suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement? Where is the arms embargo? For now, nowhere, and I am ashamed.
I welcome the decision by the UK, France, and Canada to ban Israeli settlement products, following the lead of Spain and Ireland. But where are the other EU member states? How can products from something that is illegal be treated as legal? This embodies the words "silence is complicity".
Thank you, Mr. President, High Representative. Israel is making Palestinian life in the West Bank completely unviable. Cutting off water for businesses, ethnic cleansing in East Jerusalem, widespread settler violence, and the bulldozing of Palestinian villages. The list goes on. It is a suffocation of Palestinian life.
Barry Andrews
But what would it mean to put an end to Palestinians' right to self-determination? A one-state solution means either full Palestinian rights, which means no Jewish state, or no Palestinian rights, which means no democratic state. Any friend of Israel, anyone who aspires to the security of Palestinians and Israelis alike, must direct Israel to the correct path. Currently, the EU is divided and isolated. Our allies in the UK and Canada show us that a principled position is possible.
Banning trade with illegal settlements is the least we can do. Thank you.
Reinhold Lopatka
Dear colleagues, nearly every day shots are fired at ships and drone attacks are made on pipelines. The conflict in the Gulf region is escalating and European drivers are already feeling the threat of a blockade of two oil trade routes at the petrol station. Last week alone, Iran attacked at least ten merchant vessels near the Strait of Hormuz, and at the same time, the Houthis have now seized key ports and islands along the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.
And I think the European answer is the right one. We are strengthening our relationship with the Gulf countries. Negotiations on a free trade agreement with the UAE and the strategic partnership agreement with Qatar and Bahrain are ongoing, while the comparable framework has been proposed for Saudi Arabia. These efforts converge on 24th of October when EU and GCC leaders meet in Saudi Arabia for the second EU-GCC summit.
Thank you. Next speaker, Marta Temido.
Marta Temido
Senhor Presidente, Senhora Alta Representante, caros colegas, quando pensávamos que a realidade não podia piorar, nos últimos dias a guerra no Médio Oriente conheceu uma nova escalada com o impacto na vida dos europeus e em mais sofrimento na região. Os Houthis conquistaram o controlo da costa ocidental do Iémen e uma posição privilegiada no estreito de Bab-el-Mandeb. Depois de Ormuz, o domínio da ligação entre o Mar Vermelho e o Golfo de Áden ameaça agora mais 12% do trânsito comercial mundial. E ao mesmo tempo, o número de afetados cresce hora a hora: cerca de 100 mil pessoas deslocadas internamente no Iémen e 2 mil refugiados a entrarem no Djibuti.
Sabemos que muito do que se passa na região resulta de violações das regras do direito internacional a que a União Europeia é estranha. Mas por isso precisamos de mais presença diplomática nossa, europeia, para ajudar a interromper o ciclo de violência. Precisamos do reforço do apoio às nossas missões, Aspides e Atalanta. Mas acima de tudo, precisamos que a voz única, consistente, a única que tem peso político próprio de acordo com os tratados, a sua, senhora Alta Representante, assuma esta mensagem e tenha o apoio de todos nós. Muito obrigada.
Thank you. Next speaker, Seán Kelly. Floor is yours.
Seán Kelly
Míle buíochas, a Uachtaráin. Is ábhar fíorthábhachtach é an spórt sa tír seo. And the E1 settlement approved by Israel for construction will isolate Palestinian Jerusalem from the West Bank, killing any hope of a contiguous two-state solution. It is the democratic position of this Parliament and of international law that the two-state solution must be pursued. For years, unfortunately, we and others did nothing as Israeli settlers displaced Palestinians without justification.
We are now at a tipping point. If E1 is built, the two-state solution is dead. The EEAS condemned this only last month. But does Israel listen? No, it doesn't.
So we must be decisive. The EU must join UK, France, and Canada's ban on trade with illegal settlers and go further, suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement if E1 goes ahead. If we don't act now, it's too late for us, for Palestine, and for any hope of peace in the future. Is scéal tábhachtach é, bímid cróga ag iarraidh é a réiteach. Go raibh maith agat.
Thank you, colleague Kelly. Would you accept the blue card before you will shake hands with the High Representative? Thank you. López Aguilar, you have the floor. Juan, you have the floor.
You asked a blue card. Yeah, please, go ahead.
Speaker 368
Thank you so much for taking it, dear colleague Kelly. It's been years that I follow you with respect. But since you have the last word on behalf of your group, don't you find it weird that in your analysis there's one link missing, which is the United States Trump administration's such disruptive actor? He just visited Ireland, again disrupting. Don't you think that there's no way to shed light on the situation in the Middle East without uniting our voice when it comes to demanding from the United States behavior and responsibility?
Seán Kelly
For the question, I think we cannot control the United States, but we can control our own actions. And I have called on the EU to show strength and unity, particularly in standing up for the Palestinians in this situation and standing with other countries like Canada, United Kingdom in relation to the situation in the settlements and banning trade. And I think if there's enough willpower there, then that can bring pressure on Israel regardless of what the United States may decide or do. Go raibh maith agat.
Speaker 369
Also, thank you. So we're closing this round. You didn't ask floor for the another one. Now will speak Matjaž Nemec.
Matjaž Nemec
Dear colleagues, the Middle East continues to be engulfed in a spiral of chaos with terrible consequences for the entire region and the world. The senseless war in Iran must end, and only one person can do that. War does not create security, just causes more suffering and instability. At the same time, Israel's action in Lebanon, the violence and settlement expansion in the occupied Palestine territories go unpunished, including the genocide in Gaza.
All red lines have long been crossed, including the E1 area for most at last. It is shameful that Slovenia government under Janša blocked the common EU statement on the issue. While at the same time, 11 European countries and Canada announced a trade ban with the settlements in a historic move. Impose the ban, sanction companies involved and ensure that European money does not support occupation. Thank you so much.
Thank you, now I would like to ask to take floor for the High Representative Vice-President Kallas, floor is yours.
Kaja Kallas
Dear President, honorable members, thank you for for this debate. It is really critical and and this situation is escalating again. Our position is grounded in international law, human rights and the urgent need for peace. On first on what is happening in the Red Sea and Strait of Hormuz.
We have the operation Aspides, and my call is also for the member states to actually give more naval vessels, because now we see that Bab-el-Mandeb is closed. I mean, the operation Aspides, I was visiting it myself, is really escorting the ships out of this, but we need more vessels to be credible. And that is also what some said here, we are strengthening our ties to the Gulf countries. We have the Gulf Cooperation Council summit coming up, but there, if we want to be also credible security providers in the region, we really need to enforce our two operations that we have, operation Aspides and operation Atalanta, that is also fighting with the pirates there. On the Israel and Palestine, I mean, we are firmly committed to a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace based on two-state solution.
But I also agree with those who have said that considering what is going on on the West Bank and the settlements, then, you know, this two-state solution is becoming increasingly impossible to implement, because, you know, little pieces are taken off. And that's why we have been also discussing, you know, different options.
Unfortunately, we don't have all the member states on board to move so that we can send clear messages that we don't accept this. Thank you.
Thank you very much. Colleagues, now we have a catch-the-eye procedure where is pretty long list, as I told you. We'll start with Nikolaos Panteoris.
Nikolas Farantouris
In Greek, please. Στις αρχές Αυγούστου είχαμε μια σημαντική γεωπολιτική εξέλιξη στη Μέση Ανατολή από την τελευταία ολομέλεια που συζητήσαμε για αυτά τα θέματα. Τη συμφωνία της Μέκκα μεταξύ τριών περιφερειακών δυνάμεων, της Τουρκίας, της Σαουδικής Αραβίας και του Πακιστάν, μιας χώρας που κατέχει πυρηνικά όπλα. Παρότι το ακριβές περιεχόμενο της συμφωνίας δεν έχει δημοσιοποιηθεί, πληροφορίες και δημοσιεύματα φέρουν την Ευρωπαϊκή Επιτροπή να βλέπει θετικά την περιφερειακή αυτή συμφωνία. Αγαπητή ύπατη εκπρόσωπε, σας ερωτώ ευθέως: ποια είναι η θέση η δική σας σε σχέση με την περιφερειακή αυτή συμφωνία και πώς κλειδώνει, συνάδει με τη νέα αρχιτεκτονική ασφάλειας και άμυνας της Ένωσής μας;
Θα ζητήσουμε ως Ένωση συγκεκριμένες πληροφορίες για τις ρήτρες της;
Σας ευχαριστώ πολύ.
Cristian Terheş
Thank you. Madam Commissioner, I was expecting from you to come here today and present all of us a solution. Because there's a saying that you're either part of the solution or part of the problem. And you just presented here your opinions about certain things that are happening, but not solutions. The title of this debate is escalating the situation in the Middle East.
And out of the many problems in the Middle East, you choose to pick Israel. Many of other speakers after you, instead of focusing on the fact that the Hormuz Strait is closed, that the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait is closed, decided to pick on Israel. Is this the biggest problem that we have right now? How are you conducting the European diplomacy in the region if you're making hostile all the countries there that we could work with? One is Israel.
We had a resolution a few weeks ago about Sudan and the decision was to criticize UAE. What is your...
Thank you very much. Thank you, colleague. I have to be fair to everybody, so let's go further. So next speaker would be Lucia Yar.
Lucia Yar
Thank you, Chair. Dear High Representative, I have just returned from the West Bank and Israel, and let me tell you, the situation is much worse than what we have discussed today. We must clearly condemn the Hamas terrorist attacks, but we cannot turn the blind eye to the Israeli government's response. Former Israeli soldiers described to me clear orders to intimidate Palestinian civilians and protect illegal settlers. I witnessed Israeli settlers carrying automatic weapons and threatening Palestinian civilians.
I met families in East Jerusalem forced to demolish homes with their bare hands. The policy of the Israeli government and those who enable illegal settlements are not only immoral, not only against international law, but they also jeopardize Israel's international support and ultimately Israel's own security. A united European response must therefore be the minimum.
Targeted sanctions against illegal settlers and everybody who is supporting them must happen, and we do have the means. Qualified majority voting is possible there.
Thank you. Our next speaker, Jaume Asens Llodrà.
Jaume Asens Llodrà
Señora Kallas, usted ha hablado casi diez segundos sobre Oriente Medio, hacia Occidente para mí, y no ha dicho nada del infanticidio en Gaza. ¿Ha visto usted las imágenes de niños y niñas como los que iba a buscar agua asesinados, una casi al día? ¿Y el vídeo del ministro israelí animando a sus soldados a destrozar a los bebés contra las rocas? Usted que es madre, si los hubiera visto, seguro que sentiría escalofrío como lo siento yo. Y el informe de la ONU que habla de un patrón genocida contra la infancia palestina deliberado y que lo publicó cuando ustedes estaban en Tel Aviv estrechando la mano de sus responsables.
Dos supervivientes del Holocausto, los israelíes Boaz Evron y Yehuda Elkana, hicieron un pronóstico en los años sesenta: Israel acabará tratando a los palestinos como los nazis nos trataron a nosotros los judíos. ¿Sabe qué no pronosticaron? Que nosotros acabaríamos siendo aliados de esos nuevos nazis del siglo veintiuno.
Thank you. Next speaker, Marc Botenga.
Marc Botenga
Merci Monsieur le Président. Madame Kallas, aujourd'hui la politique étrangère pour les citoyens doit être au service des citoyens en Europe. J'ai abandonné tout espoir au niveau humanitaire parce que quand vous n'arrivez pas à condamner le massacre des enfants dans une école en Iran juste parce que c'est les États-Unis ou le bombardement d'un mariage, c'est extrêmement grave. Mais au moins au service des citoyens européens. Aujourd'hui à la pompe on va payer trois euros le litre, trois euros.
Le gaz, nos réserves n'arrivent pas à se remplir. On est dans une situation horrible. Et à la base de tout ça se trouve l'attaque illégale des États-Unis contre l'Iran qui ensuite a fait effet boule de neige, fermeture du détroit d'Ormuz, ensuite réaction des Houthis contre l'Arabie Saoudite avec une potentielle fermeture aussi du Bab-el-Mandeb. Et que fait l'Union européenne? Où est-elle?
Aucune initiative diplomatique. Essayez au moins d'être crédible. Condamnez les États-Unis. Dites que eux c'est le problème. Mais vous dans votre discours vous ne mentionnez même pas les États-Unis.
Comment est-ce possible ?
Thank you, colleague. Next speaker is Diana Iovanovici-Șoșoacă.
Diana Iovanovici Şoşoacă
Mulțumesc. Dumneavoastră aveți o problemă cu Orientul Mijlociu. Dar de ce nu aveți o problemă cu Israelul care comite crime împotriva umanității, genocid și holocaust în Gaza și în Cisiordania ? De ce tot timpul apărați Israelul care e condus de sioniști ? Israelul care condus de sioniști omoară și bat și îi distrug inclusiv pe evreii ultraortodocși.
Mamele palestiniene cu mamele israeliene au ieșit în stradă pentru a deplânge omorârea a sutelor de mii de copii. De ce nu opriți mizeria pe care o fac soldații israelieni care ucid, violează copii și apoi îi omoară și se joacă cu capetele lor tăiate ? Cum e posibil să tăceți și atacați Iranul ? Păi Iranul a fost atacat de Statele Unite ale Americii. Ce aveți ?
Că-i prieten cu China și cu Rusia ? De ce ? Foarte bine, sunt mai puternici de o mie de ori decât voi și au renunțat să mai plătească în euro sau în dolari până când Europa va cădea și se va alege praful. Chiar nu înțelegeți că greșiți în politica dumneavoastră ?
Thank you. Next speaker, Iadis Iadis.
I will speak in Greek.
Geadis Geadi
Η συνεχιζόμενη κλιμάκωση στη Μέση Ανατολή απειλεί ολόκληρη την περιοχή. Όσοι θεωρούν ότι η Ευρώπη βρίσκεται μακριά, σφάλλουν. Το ανατολικότερο άκρο της Ευρώπης, η Κύπρος, βρίσκεται μια ανάσα από το πεδίο των μαχών, στην πρώτη γραμμή μιας εξαιρετικά ασταθούς περιοχής. Αμερικανοί αξιωματούχοι ήδη προειδοποιούν για πραγματικό κίνδυνο περιφερειακής κλιμάκωσης. Η αντιπαράθεση έχει αποκτήσει στρατιωτική διάσταση μεταξύ Τουρκίας και Ισραήλ, σε ξηρά, θάλασσα και αέρα, καθώς και σε πολιτικό επίπεδο μέσω ανταλλαγής σκληρών δηλώσεων.
Το Ισραήλ έθεσε σαφή κόκκινη γραμμή την τουρκική παρουσία στη Συρία. Αν η Τουρκία επιλέξει την πάγια τακτική να κλιμακώσει τις εντάσεις μέσω των κατεχομένων της Κύπρου, η Ευρώπη πώς θα αντιδράσει; Ας το κατανοήσουν όλοι. Το πρόβλημα της Ευρώπης δεν είναι μόνο η Ρωσία. Η προστασία των κρατών της Ευρώπης ξεκινά και από την Κύπρο.
Η Ευρώπη οφείλει επιτέλους να αναλάβει τις ευθύνες της. Δεν μπορεί να υπάρξει ασφάλεια στην Ευρώπη όσο ευρωπαϊκό έδαφος παραμένει υπό κατοχή, όσο η Κύπρος δεν είναι ελεύθερη.
Thank you. Next speaker, João Oliveira.
Obrigado, Presidente. Senhora Kaja Kallas, a senhora confunde muitas palavras e eu queria propor-lhe algumas correções.
João Oliveira
Não há partes num conflito entre os Estados Unidos e o Irão. Há uma agressão dos Estados Unidos ao Irão. Não há um arco de instabilidade no Médio Oriente. Há uma desestabilização do Médio Oriente deliberadamente provocada pelos Estados Unidos e por Israel com o apoio cúmplice da União Europeia. Não há ataques indiscriminados do Irão aos seus vizinhos.
Há a retaliação iraniana aos ataques americanos numa escalada de guerra que foi imposta e é de responsabilidade de Trump e de Netanyahu em toda a região. Na Palestina, a ação dos colonos não é o único problema. Há também e sobretudo o problema da política do Estado de Israel, o apartheid imposto por Israel com a sua política racista, genocida, desumana, que de forma sistemática e metódica inviabiliza as condições de vida dos palestinianos na Cisjordânia e assassina os palestinianos na Faixa de Gaza, incluindo crianças que são sujeitas a todo o tipo de violência da mais brutal.
Sebastian Tynkkynen
47 years of conflict and terror in the Middle East planned by the Islamic Republic. From funding terrorism to slaughtering Iranians. But once the US and Israel started bombing this source of terror, the EU panicked. You immediately started talking about the urgent need for a way out of the conflict. Hasn't there been an urgent need for that for 47 years already?
The strikes against the Islamic regime have been the first credible way out of the decades-long bloodshed. We must understand that the longer this Islamic regime exists, the longer it will take for peace and stability to return to the region and the whole world. Instead of diplomacy, this regime deserves a cocktail of isolation, sanctions, and the sound of bombs dropping. Thank you.
Thank you, colleagues. We are closing the catch-the-eye procedure and also closing debate on this point. And thank you very much, High Representative, for being with us until the end of this debate. Kolēģi, nākamais darba kārtības punkts ir balsojumu skaidrojumi.
Un sākšu ar ziņojumu Mohammed Shahim, oglekļa ievadkorekcijas mehānisms, darbības jomas paplašināšana un to attiecinot arī uz lejupējām precēm un apiešanas novēršanas pasākumiem. And the first speaker would be on this topic, Cristian Terheș.
Cristian Terheş
Thank you. Not working. It's working now. Cool, thanks. Am votat categoric împotriva CBAM, mecanismul european de ajustare a carbonului la frontiere, deoarece este o suprataxă care va crește și mai mult costurile de producție în Europa, ceea ce va slăbi economia și competitivitatea europeană cu efect direct în sărăcirea populației.
Acest CBAM scumpește oțelul, cimentul, aluminiul și îngrășămintele. Costurile cad pe industrie, pe fermieri și la final pe fiecare consumator. Familiile vor plăti și mai mult pentru locuințe, alimente și bunuri de bază în timp ce inflația va crește. Nu poți să protejezi industria europeană făcând producția în Europa tot mai scumpă, iar produsele europene tot mai greu de vândut. Companiile europene rămân dezavantajate pe piețele externe unde concurenții nu plătesc astfel de taxe aberante.
Firmele vor trebui să documenteze emisiile de carbon din lanțurile de producție complexe din întreaga lume. IMM-urile vor fi copleșite de costuri administrative și raportări imposibile. În loc să se focalizeze pe producție, firmele din Europa vor trebui să cântărească aerul. Opriți această nebunie. Mulțumesc.
Această măsură nu reduce emisiile globale, ci crește prețurile și birocrația în Europa la niveluri nemaiîntâlnite.
Speaker 376
Thank you, colleague. Thank you, thank you. Next speaker, Lefteris Nikolaou-Alavanos.
Οι αναθεωρήσεις του CBAM, του ETS, το Ταμείο Απανθρακοποίησης επιβεβαιώνουν ότι επιδίωξη της πράσινης μετάβασης ήταν να ενισχύσει τα μονοπώλια με πακτωλούς χρημάτων στο σκληρό ανταγωνισμό με Κίνα και ΗΠΑ και ο λαός να πληρώνει το λογαριασμό με πανάκριβη ενέργεια και καύσιμα. Σήμερα, μπροστά στην κλιμάκωση των πολεμικών μετώπων στην Ουκρανία και Μέση Ανατολή, τη διαφαινόμενη καπιταλιστική κρίση, επιστρατεύεται το δωρεάν δικαίωμα ρύπανσης, εξαιρέσεις, ταμεία στήριξης για τους ομίλους.