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U.S. House of Representatives
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Latest update 112 days ago
What is said in the sittings, update by update, the latest first. Each update opens the video at the second it was said.
Final exchanges address Trump’s stance on the Ukraine war and UN votes, disputes over carbon taxes and sanctions policy including Cuba, and emerging governance contests over AI, Haiti security, Turkey, Latin America, and Venezuela, culminating in a defense of Trump-era UN policy as focused on core security outcomes and institutional “clean‑up.”
In this chapter
Discussion turns to using assessed dues as leverage, peacekeeping performance, structural UN bias against Israel, and broader Global South grievances, then to China’s role in peacekeeping, Security Council handling of Gaza, and allegations against UNRWA and UN officials as witnesses outline efforts to reshape UN engagement and dismantle UNRWA in Gaza.
In this chapter
Members scrutinize UN peacekeeper abuse, religious persecution, antisemitism, and China’s use of UN bodies, then return to the costs of confrontation with Iran, the value of US participation in the UN, and whether Trump-era budget pressure and voting behavior are undermining relations with traditional allies.
In this chapter
Opening statements define the Trump administration’s UN reform agenda, budget cuts, peacekeeping changes, and “America First” priorities, followed by early questions pressing Ambassadors on Iran, risks of war, nuclear claims, and the UN Security Council’s role in Gulf security and nuclear cooperation with Saudi Arabia.
In this chapter
Ending Supply Chain Dependency: Aligning Tools, Capital, and Partnerships
The Chair thanks witnesses, notes that additional written questions may be submitted, keeps the record open for five legislative days for supplemental materials, and formally adjourns the hearing.
Ending Supply Chain Dependency: Aligning Tools, Capital, and Partnerships
In the closing substantive rounds, members focus on competing with China through telecom ‘rip and replace’, LNG, SMRs, and subsea cables in the Indo-Pacific, scaling DFC and MCC work in the Western Hemisphere for semiconductor and nearshoring opportunities, and strengthening agricultural, fertilizer, and rural development supply chains in Africa and elsewhere as core elements of broader economic and food security strategies.
In this chapter
Ending Supply Chain Dependency: Aligning Tools, Capital, and Partnerships
Questions turn to MCC expansion in Armenia and the Pacific, DFC’s entry into tanker reinsurance without explicit authorization, and CRS-documented declines in transparency, with members pressing for fuller disclosure of development impact, investor identities, and ethics vetting, while also examining ideas like a dollar‑denominated critical minerals exchange and how investment processes, KYC, and public reporting should manage political and reputational risks, including those tied to Black’s past associations.
In this chapter
Ending Supply Chain Dependency: Aligning Tools, Capital, and Partnerships
Members invoke the Dominance Act and energy security pacts to probe how DFC, USTDA, MCC, EXIM, and Commerce coordinate on critical minerals and nearshoring, while sharply contesting whether DFC is drifting toward upper‑middle‑income, sovereign‑wealth‑style investing at the expense of its development mandate, and demanding stronger metrics, transparency, and adherence to statutory guardrails after USAID’s dismantling.
In this chapter
Ending Supply Chain Dependency: Aligning Tools, Capital, and Partnerships
Members question DFC’s ability to operate in fragile contexts like post-Assad Syria and raise corruption and ethics risks in Kazakhstan and DRC (including Gécamines), while MCC and USTDA detail how governance scorecards, legal reforms, and early-stage work on the Lobito Corridor intersect with conflict, corruption, and U.S. travel and visa policies that affect engagement with African counterparts.
In this chapter
Ending Supply Chain Dependency: Aligning Tools, Capital, and Partnerships
Ranking Member Meeks criticizes Trump-era aid cuts and warns against extraction-only strategies and conflicts of interest, while the Chair pushes DFC to abandon ‘wasteful’ past deals in favor of critical minerals, energy, and telecom; members then scrutinize a Kazakhstan tungsten LOI for Trump-linked conflicts and press for safeguards on DRC cobalt supply chains tainted by child and forced labor.
In this chapter
Ending Supply Chain Dependency: Aligning Tools, Capital, and Partnerships
The Chair frames the hearing around reducing U.S. dependence on China for critical minerals, energy, and technology, then DFC, USTDA, and MCC leadership lay out their reauthorized mandates, tools, and flagship projects like the Lobito and Nacala Corridors to combine infrastructure, policy reform, and project preparation in support of secure, diversified supply chains.
In this chapter
FY27 BIS Budget: the AI Arms Race and the ICTS Office
The hearing closes with debate over BIS’s emphasis on enforcement versus new AI controls, how to measure success under the FY27 build-up, the implications of the MATCH Act and Foreign Direct Product Rule for allied suppliers, using BIS to promote the US AI stack while tightening partner controls, and progress on enforcement staffing and Russia-focused capacity before late questions on circumvention and the Chair’s adjournment.
In this chapter
FY27 BIS Budget: the AI Arms Race and the ICTS Office
Members press Kessler on declining Russia-related entity listings and Syria export easing, scrutinize the bespoke Anthropic Fable/Mythos restriction letter and expectations for general AI rulemaking, promote whistleblower tools and seek clarity on Section 232 pharma tariffs and AI chip smuggling, and criticize BIS over reduced rulemaking and firearms export safeguards as Kessler defends his enforcement- and discretion-heavy approach.
In this chapter
FY27 BIS Budget: the AI Arms Race and the ICTS Office
Questioning shifts to bipartisan support for a larger BIS enforcement apparatus, bright-line controls for AI and synthetic biology, frontier model guardrails using the Anthropic case, China’s rapid chip-tool gains and licensing delays, easing AI chip controls for UAE entities and related conflict-of-interest worries, ICTS authorities including Blackwell guidance and CXMT backfilling, and the scarcity of export control officers to police diversion in China, Russia, and the Gulf.
In this chapter
FY27 BIS Budget: the AI Arms Race and the ICTS Office
Members begin questioning on closing loopholes in Trump’s AI Action Plan, designating Chinese military end users, H200 licenses and entity list gaps, Connected Vehicles Rule decisions on Polestar and Volvo, and opaque interagency deliberations on advanced AI chip exports to UAE firm G42, raising enforcement capacity, transparency, and national security concerns.
In this chapter
FY27 BIS Budget: the AI Arms Race and the ICTS Office
The Chair opens the hearing, frames BIS as central to Trump’s tech and AI strategy against China, and Under Secretary Kessler presents his prepared testimony on surging enforcement actions, expanded Section 232 tariffs, the ICTS Office’s Connected Vehicles Rule, and the request to more than double BIS’s enforcement budget and staffing for FY27.
In this chapter
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5 sittings on Polyfact since 25 March 2026
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